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1 

2 

3 

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empreinte. 

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dernlAre  image  de  cheque  microf  Jche,  selon  le 
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et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  nAcessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mAthode. 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

mtt- 


HISTORY 


:i  'f 


or  ma 


SECOND  WAR 


BBTWEKM  THI 


UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA 


iJID 


GREAT    BRITAIN, 


DECLARED   BT 


ACT  OF  CONGRESS,  THE  18th  OP  JUNE,  1812, 


AND  CONCLUDED  BY  PEACE,  THE  15th  OP  FEBRUARY,  1815. 


BT 

CHARLES  J.  INGERSOLL. 


:t; 


;   't 


SECOND  SERIES.— VOL.  L 


EMBRACIXa  THE  EVENTS  OF  18U  AND  1815. 


o^^u^ 


(col  \<<-/ 
PHILADELPHIA:  V    i5<*^; 

LIPPINCOTT,   GRAMBO  &C0. 

1852. 


Entered,  accorJiiig  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1852,  by 

LIPPIXCOTT,  ORAMBO  &  CO., 

ill  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States,  in  and 
fur  the  Eostcrn  District  of  I'ennsylviuiia. 


friT.EOTVl'EB   U1  J.  FAOAN. 


T.  K.  AND  P.  0.  COIUNS,  PIUSIEllS. 


i> 


•5 


s-A 


'""  ipiwywiiw'. '  ■ ' 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 


i2,  by 
[ites,  in  and 

PIUMEIIS. 


HATAL  aOSTILITIEl  —  PBITATIBRS  —  DAHTMOOB  PBISON. 

Sloops  of  war  Waip,  Frolic,  Peaoock-.  Frigate  Esmi  — Her  Cmiae  and  Cap- 
ture—  Decatur  taken  in  the  Frigate  President — Last  Action  of  the  Frigate 
Constitution — Capture  of  the  Penguin — Chase  of  the  Hornet — Privateers, 

their  Numbers  and  Cruises  —  Prize  Law  established  by  Judge  Story 

American  Privateers  and  British  Navy  compared — Privateers  Prince  of 
Neufohatel,  Captain  Ordronneanx  — The  Chasseur,  Captain  Boyle  — His 
Blockade  Proclamation  —  Privateer  Discipline  —  British  Complaints Pri- 
vateer construction — Baltimore  Clippers — Privateer  Qeneral  Armstrong 

British  Brig  of  war  St.  Lawrence  captured  by  the  Privateer  Chasseur 

Letters  taken  on  board — American  Naval  Force  at  Sea  when  Peace  was 
declared  —  American  and  British  Captures  during  the  War  —  Dartmoor 
Massacre , pgga  9 


CHAPTER  n. 


BISIOBT  or  WAK  LAW. 


War  Law — Common  Law — No  Jury  in  Admiralty — International  Law— The 
Exchange  — Prite  Law— Seizure  by  mere  War— Freedom  of  the  Seas— 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  — The  Judges  — Attorney-General 
Pinkney— Admiralty  Droits— European  Publicists- Sir  William  Scott— 
British  Prise  Law  adopted  — Chief  Justice  Marshall  dissenting  — Case  of 
the  Nerdd  — Armed  Neutrality  of  1780  and  1800— Free  Ships  make  free 
Goods — Judicial  Proceedings  in  Prize  Cases  — Enemy's  Licenses— Alioi 
Enemies  — Militia— War  Law,  as  administered  in  War  with  Mexico- 
Blockade- Contraband— Search— Free  Ships,  flree  Goods  —  Respect  of 

Property  and  Rell^on— Martial  Law  as  administered 71 

(») 


i 


CONTENTS. 


i' 


!| 


CHAPTER  III. 

FREMCII  CONSDLAa  BEPUBLIC. 

1799-1804. 

Tendency  of  the  French  Revolution  to  RepresentatlTe  OoTernment  —  French 
in  America — Reciprocal  Influences  of  American  and  French  Revolutions  — 
Bonaparte's  Arrival  from  Egypt  and  irregular  Election  as  Chief  Magis- 
trate— Consulate  —  His  Personal  Habits,  Temper,  Appcaronce,  Manners  — 
Temperance  —  Economy  —  Religion  —  Tolitics  —  Family  —  Lntitia  Ramo- 
llno.  Mother  of  the  Bonupartea  —  Arrighl  —  Cardinal  Fesch  —  Elisa  Bac- 
ohioohi  — Her  Daughter  Comarata  — Pauline  — Caroline  — Achilles  and 
Lucien  Murat  —  Joseph's  Wife  and  Family  —  Bonaparte's  first  Marriage  — 
Josephine  —  Hortensia  and  Eugene  Beauharnois — Lucien  Bonaparte — His 
Family  — Louis  — Jerome  — Joseph  — Treaty  with  the  United  States- 
Treaty  of  Amiens  —  Comwallis  —  Consular  Government— War  by  Eng- 
land —  Boyolist  Plots  —  Count  d'Artois  —  Pichegreu  —  Moreau  —  George 
Cadoudal  — Duke  of  Enghein — His  Execution  —  End  of  the  Republic  and 
beginning  of  the  Empire 127 


CHAPTER  IV. 

VBISOH  BBPUBUOAN  BUPIBB. 

1804—1815  —  1844. 

The  Consul  Bonaparte  elected  Emperor  Napoleon — Reformed  Royalty  of  the 
Empire — Universal  Suffrage — Banishment  and  Death  of  Moreau — Empire 
distinguished,  by  Joseph,  from  Kingdom  —  Republican  France  —  Battle  of 
Austerliti  and  Peace  of  Presburg  —  Marriages  and  Coronations  of  the  Bo- 
napartes  —  Thrones  refUsed  by  Lncien,  Louis,  Eugene,  and  Charlotte  — 
Accepted  by  Joseph  and  Jerome — Detriment  of  Bonaparte  Family  to  Na- 
poleon Dynasty — Unprivileged  Aristocracy — Treaty  of  Presburg — Divorce 
of  Josephine — Espousal  of  Maria  Louisa — Seizure  of  Spain— Inducements 
—  Bourbons  —  Spanish  War — Its  Atrocities  and  Results — Emancipation 
of  all  Spanish  America— Invasion  of  Russia — Kapoleon's  Reverses — Fatal 
Tyranny- Deserted  by  his  Creatures,  and  afhud  of  the  People  — Maria 
Louisa  and  her  Child's  flight  from  Paris  —  Captured  at  Blois — Napoleon's 
Abdication — Death  of  Josephine — Sebastian! — Poho  di  Borgo — Napoleon's 
Return  flrom  Elba — Public  Sentiment — His  dread  of  the  People  — Their 
love  of  Him  —  Second  Abdication  —  Banishment  —  Surrender — Transpor- 
tation—Confinement  ^Death— Sovereigns'  Letters — Joseph  in  America — 
La  Fayette  —  Duke  of  Reichstadt  —  Joseph  in  England  —  His  Death  in 
Italy  —  Representative  Government 281 


!lli'#t!;aA,.,! 


iSSSStiSr 


nent  —  French 
Revolutions  — 
Chief  Magia- 
ce,  Manners  — 
[iODtitia  Ramo- 
li  — Elisa  Bao- 
-  Achilles  and 
'8t  Marriage  — 
inaparte — His 
lited  States  — 
War  by  Eng- 
reau  —  George 
B  Republic  and 
127 


Royalty  of  the 
ireau — Empire 
ce  —  Battle  of 
ons  of  the  Bo- 
d  Charlotte  — 
Family  to  Na- 
)urg — Diroroe 
— Inducement! 
-Emancipation 
iverses — Fatal 
eople  —  Maria 
I — Napoleon's 
;o — Napoleon's 
People  ^  Their 
ir — Transpor- 
[  in  America — 
His  Death  in 
281 


HISTORICAL    SKETCH, 


ETC. 


CHAPTER  I. 

NAVAL   U08TILITIE8  —  PRIVATEERS  —  DARTMOOR   PRISON. 

Sloops  of  war  Wasp,  Frolic,  Peacock  —  Frigate  Essex  — Her  Cruise  and 
Capture  —  Decatur  taken  in  the  Frigate  President  —  Last  Action  of  the 
Frigate  Constitution  —  Copluro  of  tlio  Penguin  —  Cliase  of  the  Hornet 
— Privateers,  their  numbers  and  Cruises— Prize  Low  establisiied  by  Judge 
Story  —  Americon  Privateers  and  British  Navy  compared  —  Privateers 
Prince  of  Neiifchatel,  Captain  Ordronneaux  —  The  Chasseur,  Captain 
Boyle — His  Blockade  Proclamation — Privateer  Discipline — Britisii  com- 
plaints— Privateer  construction — Baltimore  Clippers— Privateer  General 
Armstrong— British  Brig  of  war  St.  Lawrence  captured  by  the  Privateer 
Chasseur — Letters  taken  on  board — American  Naval  force  at  Sea  when 
Peace  was  declared — American  and  British  Captures  during  the  War- 
Dartmoor  Massacre. 

Of  the  seven  naval  engagements  in  1814,  the  Americans 
gained  four  by  confession  of  the  English,  and  in  two  of  the 
other  three,  when  overpowered  by  irresistibly  superior  force, 
improved  their  nat\,ial  character  by  unexampled  fortitude: 
for  the  captures  ot  vkc  frigates  Essex  and  President  enhanced 
the  personal  character  of  the  vanquished,  and  improved  the 
national  character  of  their  country.  These  disasters  super- 
added unquestionable  evidence  of  pre-eminent  fortitude  under 
discouraging  circumstances  to  abundant  preceding  proofs  that 
Americans  brave  dangers  with  alacrity.  Some  people  excel  in 
power  of  endurance,  such  as  the  English  evinced  at  the  battle 
of  Waterloo.    Others  excel  in  fierceness  of  assault,  such  as  the 

(9) 


igiWWf  r^riv^^vtr'v'vn-' 


10 


NAVAL   HOSTILITIES. 


P'rcneh  illnplnyotl  there.  Rut  there  is  no  record  of  a  British 
voHsel  enduring  the  terrible  blows  inflicted  on  the  Eshox  imd 
the  President  before  yielding,  as  I  have  been  told  by  un  Anio- 
riciui  navul  ofllcer  not  given  to  vaunting.  Men  of  all  nation-t 
fight  gallantly,  bravely,  even  desperately,  as  long  as  there  is 
any  chance  or  hope  of  success ;  but  few  will  persevere  in  braving 
death,  when  defeat  is  unavoidable.  The  misfortunes  of  the 
Essex  and  the  President  had  that  great  alleviation.  They  es- 
tablif^hed  the  title  of  the  American  mariners  to  passive  as  well 
as  active  courage  in  their  highest  attributes. 

Sloops  of  war  named  the  Wasp,  and  the  Frolic,  and  the 
Peacock,  (after  two  of  our  English  prizes,  the  Frolic  and  the 
Peacock,  and  the  Wasp,  which  was  taken  from  us,)  the  new 
vessels,  each  of  about  500  tons,  which  is  much  smaller  than 
American  sloops  of  war  now,  put  to  sea  in  1814.  The  Frolic, 
Captain  Joseph  Bainbridge,  soon  after  she  got  to  sea,  was  cap- 
tured on  the  20th  of  April,  1814,  by  the  frigate  Orpheus,  Cap- 
tain Pigot,  without  any  contest  except  endeavoring  to  escape, 
when  the  sloop  threw  most  of  her  guns  overboard.  The  Pea- 
cock sailed  from  New  York  in  March,  1814,  under  Captain 
Louis  Warrington,  a  gentleman  understood  to  be  the  natural 
son  of  Count  Rochambeau,  who  commanded  the  French  army 
which,  united  with  Washington's,  forced  Cornwallis  to  sur- 
render at  Yorktown,  and  put  an  end  to  the  war  of  the  Revo- 
lution. It  was  said  too,  that  when  Captain  Warrington  made 
his  way  to  promotion  and  distinction,  Count  Rochambeau  sent 
and  offered  to  own  him  as  his  son; — to  which  he  made  answer, 
that  having  dishonored  his  mother,  and  deserted  him  when  he 
needed  protection,  Captain  Warrington  had  neither  occasion 
nor  desire  for  Count  Rochambeau's  paternity.  Besides  four- 
teen merchant  vessels,  taken  dnrmg  his  cruising,  Warring- 
ton captured,  on  the  29th  of  April,  1814,  the  brig  of  war 
Epervier,  Captain  Wales,  nearly,  or  quite  equal  in  force  to  the 
Peacock,  but  obliged  to  strike  after  an  action  in  which  the  su- 
periority of  the  American  was  made  every  way  obvious.  The 
Epervier  was  sent  into  Savannah.  The  Peacock  continued 
the  cruise  till  October,  when  she  returned  to  New  York. 
The  Wasp,    Captain    Johnson    Blakely,    put    to    sea    from 


.».^:,.,— A^Uigi'i  ..w.*:.iJiiuiuu'«' 


)f  a  llritUh 

0  EsHL'x  ami 
by  un  Amc- 

all  natioiH 
n9  there  is 
:o  in  braving 
;une8  of  the 
I.  They  cri- 
Bsive  as  well 

ilic,  and  the 
olic  and  the 
118,)  the  new 
iiniallcr  than 
The  Frolic, 
sea,  was  cap< 
tpheus,  Cap- 
ig  to  escape, 
I.  The  Pea- 
ider  Captain 

1  the  natural 
French  army 
fallis  to  Bur- 
jf  the  Revo- 
ington  made 
ambcau  sent 
nade  answer, 

lim  when  he 
ther  occasion 
Jesides  four- 
ig,  Warring- 
brig  of  Avar 
1  force  to  the 
which  the  su- 
bvious.  The 
ck  continued 
New  York. 
0    sea    from 


NAVAL  HOSTIMTIEfl. 


II 


Portsmouth,  New  Hampshire,  about  the  first  of  May,  1S14. 
On  the  25th  of  June,  1814,  after  a  very  short,  but  on  both 
sides  gallant  conflict,  the  Wasp  took  the  brig  of  war  Rein- 
deer, Captain  Manners,  who  was  killed,  with  many  of  his 
people,  and  his  vessel  burned  to  prevent  re-copture.  On 
the  Ist  of  September,  1814,  the  Wasp  compelled  the  British 
brig  of  war  Avon,  (of  almost  the  same  force),  Captain  Ar- 
buthnot,  to  strike ;  but  after  she  surrendered,  and  before  Cap- 
tain Blakely  oould  take  possession  of  his  prize,  two  other  British 
vessels  of  war  approached,  and  the  Wasp  was  constrained  to 
stand  on  the  defensive,  so  that  the  Avon  escapo<l.  The  21  st 
of  September,  1814,  when  the  Wasp  captured  a  merchant  brig 
called  Atalanta,  and  put  Midshipman,  now  Captain  Qeisinger 
on  board  as  prizemaster,  who  arrived  with  his  prize  at  Savannah, 
the  4th  of  November,  is  the  last  that  was  ever  heard  of  the 
Wasp,  whose  loss,  by  whatever  moans,  after  her  gallant  exploits, 
was  a  subject  of  universal  national  sorrow  and  anxious  conjec- 
ture. American  naval  victories,  with  anything  like  equal  force, 
had  by  that  time  become  so  common,  that  they  were  invariable. 
Dutch,  at  one  period,  asserted  equality  with  English  mariners, 
and  subsequently  English  undeniable  superiority  to  French, 
were  neither  of  them  ever  so  palpable  as  American  superiority 
to  English.  Every  battle  was  an  American  victory,  in  which 
ascendant  the  American  privateers  participated.  In  one  of  those 
free  conversations  which  O'Meara  relates  of  the  loquacious 
Napoleon,  too  late  convinced  of  American  naval  prowess,  which 
as  Emperor  he  unwisely  disregarded,  he  remarked  — 

" '  The  sea  is  yours  —  your  seamen  are  as  much  superior  to  ours  as  the 
Dutch  were  once  to  yours.  I  think,  however,  that  the  Americans  are  better 
seamen  than  yours,  because  they  are  less  nuitoeroos.'  I  observed  that  the 
Americans  had  a  coosidenble  number  ci  English  ssameo  in  their  service 
who  passed  for  Americans,  which  was  remarkable,  as,  independent  of  other 
circumstances,  the  American  discipline  on  board  of  men-of-war  was  much 
more  severe  than  ours ;  and,  that  if  the  Americans  had  a  large  navy,  they 
would  find  it  impossible  to  have  so  many  abte  seamen  in  each  ship  as  they 
had  at  present  When  I  observed  that  the  American  discipline  was  mor^ 
severe  than  ours,  he  smiled  and  said,  'that  is  hard  to  believe.' " 

The  profane  remark  of  another  great  warrior,  Frederick,  that 
Providence  always  sides  with  the  strongest  forces,  was  coifl- 


18 


KAVAL   nOSTILITIM. 


ii. 


plotoljr  and  wonderfully  duiprovoil  by  the  American  vcisoli,  not 
muro  than  oiiu  to  a  hundrud,  dofuiitiiig  the  BritiHh. 

After  Cuptuin  I'ortor'H  tirat  cruiHo  in  the  frigate  Ehhox,  ho 
brought  hor  into  the  Delaware,  where  tihe  lay  in  the  Htreuin  off 
Chester,  at  which  village  his  wife'H  father,  William  AiulurHon, 
kept  a  tavern.     lie  was  one  of  the  members  who  represented 
Pennsylvania  in  the  House  of  Ilepresontativcs  of  the  Uidtcd 
States.    Soon  after  my  election  with  him  to  Congress,  in  October, 
1812,  some  of  our  party  entertained  Captain  Porter  at  a  dinner, 
at  his  father-in-law's  tavern  in  Chester,  a  few  days  before  the 
Essex  sailed,  the  27th  or  28th  of  October,  1812,  on  her  last 
and  memorable  cruise,  one  of  the  most  remarkable  that  naval 
history  registers.     Porter  was  a  small,  slight,  and  rather  ill- 
favored  New  England  man,  of  genius,  nerve,  and  capacity  for 
licroio  achievement.     He  avowedly  hated  the  English  marine 
as  heartily  as  it  was  possible  for  Admiral  Lord  Culliugwood, 
with  racy  but  neither  useless  or  perhaps  censurable  British  pa- 
triotism to  hate  the  French ;  which  detestation  that  mild  and 
excellent  officer  said  he  deemed  his  duty  to  his  country.     For 
Porter,  when  a  poor  cabin-boy,  had  been  seized  by  a  British 
press-gang,  and  resisted  it  unto  death ;  made  his  escape,  fugi- 
tive and  liable  to  be  treated  as  a  deserter ;  worked  his  passage 
home  as  a  common  sailor ;  and,  like  hundreds  more  of  American 
sea  Ilannibals,  had  sworn  vengeance  upon  the  altar  of  freedom 
against  the  hateful  lords  of  the  ocean,  with  whom,  as  other 
American  naval  officers,  he  longed  for  opportunity  to  prove 
that  thoy  were  able  to  cope.    "Free  trade  and  sailors'  rights," 
the  motto  which  ho  flung  out  from  the  mast-head  of  his  little 
frigate,  was  in  his  heart's  core,  and  he  was  desperately  resolved 
to  brand  it  on  British  shoulders.     American  seafaring  hatred 
of  the  English  was  then  a  pervading  sentiment,  when  general 
repugnance  of  Americans  to  English  was  neither  unnatural 
nor  barbarous.    After  years  of  outrageous  hostilities,  civil  wars, 
kindred  conflicts,  impressment  by  sea,  conflagration  and  havoo 
ashore,  bloody  indignities  every  where,  contumelious  English 
\iabits  and  arrogant  overbearing,  Porter,  Decatur,  and  other 
naval  officers,  and  Jackson  and  Brown  in  the  army,  were  fired 
with  national  animosity  which  helped  exploit.    Nor  did  the  in- 


Hi 


n. 


NAVAL    llOHTILlTIKf. 


II 


I  vosHoln,  not 

^to  Ehmcx,  he 
lie  Btri'uin  off 
in  AiiilurHon, 
I  rcprcHcntcd 
r  the  United 
iH,  ill  Oetobcr, 
)!■  ul  a  dinner, 
jB  before  the 
2,  on  her  last 
do  that  naval 
nd  rather  ill- 
l  capacity  for 
ngWAi  marine 
CoUingwood, 
)lo  BritiHh  pa- 
ihat  mild  and 
jountry.     For 
I  by  a  British 
I  escape,  fugi- 
od  his  passage 
0  of  American 
tar  of  freedom 
lom,  as  other 
nity  to  prove 
lilors'  rights," 
of  his  little 
rately  resolved 
ifaring  hatred 
when  general 
her  unnatural 
ties,  civil  wars, 
;ion  and  bavoo 
elious  English 
;ur,  and  other 
ny,  were  fired 
^or  did  the  in- 


tenne  nvpfHion  of  brave,  liigb-tciiipcriHl  combntnntH  prevent,  but 
on  the  cniiti'iiry  Hiiporinduci'd  graceful  and  tordiiil  amity  with 
fornxT  foei*,  an  noon  as  the  content  was  endi'd  und  r»'sp«>f!t  was 
rocipronited.  If  there  is  much  to  admire  in  the  rcrinomuntH  of 
antagonists  in  war,  who  adorn  battle  and  carnagu  with  chival- 
rous oltrtorvances  of  good-breeding,  tlio  savage  fury  with  which 
warriors  uru  sometimes  inflamed,  sharpens  vigilance,  itirr^nNes 
energy,  and  doubles  force.  Americans  and  English  tpiurrcl 
like  brothers  or  lovers,  with  extreme  bitternoHs  ;  but  their  re- 
conciliations, individual  and  national,  are  therefore  the  more 
cordial,  and,  it  should  be  hoped,  lasting. 

When  ho  found  the  Atlantic  coast  of  South  America  unfruit- 
ftil  of  prizes  and  adventures,  Porter  resolved  to  seek  them  be- 
yond Capo  Horn  in  the  Pacific,  and  in  spite  of  storms,  dangers, 
and  privations  of  all  sorts,  hoist  his  flag  among  the  whalers.  It 
was  an  adventure  full  of  peril,  which  none  but  a  fearless  seaman 
could  andertako  with  any  chance  of  success.  All  the  South 
American  states  were  in  the  interest  of  Britain.  There  was 
not  a  port  where  ho  could  be  safe  from  the  mighty  foe  he  braved. 
Yet  ho  broke  up  the  British  whalu  trade  entirely,  so  that  whaling 
has  been  gradually  becoming  ever  since  almost  an  exclusive 
American  pursuit,  until  lately  the  conquest  of  California,  with 
its  marvellous  inducements,  ensures  the  whole  Pacific  sea,  and 
eventually  all  its  Asiatic  borders,  China,  India,  and  Japan,  to 
American  commercial  enterprise.  For  near  twelve  months 
after  Porter  sailed  on  that  expedition,  he  was  hardly  heard  of 
at  home,  and  then  it  was  only  through  Jamaica,  England,  or 
some  other  English  place,  that  his  countrymen  learned  the  enor- 
mous havoc  he  was  making  on  the  enemy's  Pacific  trade.  Ue 
constituted  a  fleet  of  nine  vessels  out  of  the  British  whalers 
he  captured ;  manned,  victualled,  armed,  refitted,  and  in  every 
way  equipped  his  frigate  and  her  consorts ;  paid  for  all  he  had 
to  buy  out  of  more  than  half  a  hundred  thousand  dollars  in  coin 
which  he  took  in  one  of  hia  prizes,  and  was  for  many  months 
the  terror  of  our  enemies,  and  protector  of  American  interests 
in  those  seas.  Numerous  ships  of  war  wore  despatched  from 
many  quarters,  to  arrest  and  subdue  him ;  which  would  pro- 
bably never  have  happened,  had  he  not,  sated  with  merely 


•1: 


h    '  -Xi' 


14 


NAVAL  HOSTILITIES. 


Hi 


^ 


unrcaisting  prizes,  after  sweeping  the  Pacific  of  mercliant-meu, 
gone  in  quest  of  a  frigate  of  superior  force,  for  the  glory  of 
fighting  her ;  nor  when  they  at  last  met,  would  he  have  been 
vanquished  but  for  Spanish  complicity  with  British,  shrinking 
from  that  gallant  and  lofty  defiance  of  all  foes,  theretofore  not 
only  the  boast  and  glory  but  the  strength  of  the  English  navy. 
If  either  a  neutral  harbor  had  shielded  him,  or  his  conquerors 
had  fought  him  manfully,  his  marvellous  cruise  would  have 
closed,  in  all  probability,  by  a  brilliant  victory. 

Shortly  before  war  was  declared.  President  Madison  sent 
Joel  R.  Poinsett  on  a  confidential  mission  through  South  Ame- 
rica, to  ascertain  and  report  the  state  of  things,  and  of  public 
sentiment,  in  those  Spanish  colonial  countries.  Mr.  Poinsett, 
afterwards  American  Minister  in  Mexico,  Secretary  of  War 
during  Mr.  Van  Buren's  presidency,  and  for  some  time  member 
of  Congress,  was  a  South  Carolinian,  educated  in  England, 
enlightened  by  extensive  travel,  well-informed,  well-bred,  and 
warmly  devoted  to  the  republican  development  of  the  United 
States.  Notwithstanding  many  attachments  formed  in  Eng- 
land, like  other  Americans  he  was  accused  of  enmity  to  Eng- 
land, because  in  the  protracted  controvei'sies  provoking  war 
between  that  country  and  this,  he  espoused  the  cause  of  his 
He  wrote  from  South  America,  advising  government 


own. 


that  a  frigate  should  be  sent  round  Cape  Horn,  to  show  our 
flag  in  those  seas,  where  it  was  the  general  impression,  as  it  was 
also  common  elsewhere,  that  by  the  treaty  acknowledging  in- 
dependence, the  United  States  were  not  allowed  to  employ 
large  vessels  of  war.  There  were,  moreover,  Spanish  privateers 
annoying  our  commerce.  For  these  reasons  Mr.  Poinsett  ad- 
vised the  employment  of  a  frigate  on  the  South  American  coast. 
But  it  waa  not  by  that  advice  that  Captain  Porter  sailed  round 
Cape  Horn  and  into  the  Pacific.  His  cruise  was  his  oinfn  pro- 
ject. From  Mr.  Poinsett,  who  was  with  him  at  Valparaiso,  I 
am  enabled  to  add  some  particulars  to  the  memorable  catastrophe 
of  Porter's  capture,  correctly  described  by  Fenimore  Cooper  in 
his  Naval  History,  and  by  others,  but  with  one  mistake,  as  Mr. 
Poinsett  understood  from  Captam  Hillyer.  With  whatever  cold- 
blooded tenacity  he  clung  to  disproportionate  force  to  over- 


nerchant-moii, 
•  the  glory  of 

he  have  been 
tish,  shrinking 
;heretofore  not 

English  navy, 
his  conquerors 
se  would  have 

Madison  sent 
jh  South  Ame- 
I,  and  of  public 
Mr.  Poinsett, 
retary  of  War 
e  time  member 
d  in  England, 
well-bred,  and 
of  the  United 
armed  in  Eng- 
snmity  to  Eng- 
provoking  war 
iie  cause  of  his 
ig  government 
,  to  show  our 
ission,  as  it  was 
nowledging  in- 
wed  to  employ 
mish  privateers 
Ir.  Poinsett  ad- 
Imerican  coast, 
er  sailed  round 
IS  his  0^  pro- 
tt  Valparaiso,  I 
ible  catastrophe 
more  Cooper  in 
mistake,  as  Mr. 
1  whatever  cold- 
force  to  over- 


NAVAL   HOSTILITIES. 


m 


whelm  his  antagonist,  whom  it  would  have  been  more  politic  as 
well  as  honorable  to  fight  on  equal  terms,  yet  Captain  Hillyer  dis- 
claimed superior  orders  to  cruise  in  company  with  the  Cherub, 
or  to  rely  on  any  reinforcement.  The  Phoebe  sailed  and  cruised 
alone ;  her  consorting  with  the  Cherub  was  accidental.  Cap- 
tain Ilillyer  deemed  it,  he  said,  his  duty  to  subdue  a  dangerous 
enemy  by  irresistible  force,  rather  than  risk  the  result  on 
doubtful  terms.  Reinforcement  he,  claimed  as  his  duty ;  and 
with  eighty-one  guns  in  a  neutral  harbor,  out  of  range  of  all  but 
his  enemy's  six  guns,  to  slaughter  them  till  they  surrendered. 

Sloops  of  war  were  combined  in  that  enterprise.  The  frigate 
Phoebe  cruised  alone,  and  her  junction  afterwards  with  the 
Cherub  was  accidental,  not  from  any  superior  orders  or  design 
to  cruise  in  couples  for  the  American  frigate.  The  Spanish 
harbors  and  authorities  were  friendly  to  the  British,  and  hostile 
to  the  Americans.  A  Spanish  port  was  scarcely  neutral,  owing 
to  British  and  Spanish  alliance,  and  the  commanding  British 
navy,  little  scrupulous  of  neutral  rights.  When  the  Phoebe, 
having  discovered  the  Essex  at  Valparaiso,  after  six  weeks  block- 
ade boldly  steered  at  last  into  that  harbor,  her  resolution  to  at- 
tack there  was  so  ostensible,  that  Porter  might  have  justifiably 
anticipated  what  the  British  frigate  gave  every  reason  to  appre-  ■ 
hend.  Porter  did  not  believe  that  Hillyer  would  respect  the 
neutrality  of  the  port.  All  cleared  and  prepared  for  action, 
her  men  at  quarters,  the  Phoebe  steered  right  for  the  Essex,  if 
not  to  attackj  at  least  to  defy,  to  reconnoitre  close  aboard,  scan 
the  American  and  display  the  British  force ;  and  currents  set 
the  Phoebe  probably  still  nearer  the  Essex  than  was  intended. 
Their  yards  nearly  touched.  Collision  seemed  inevitable. 
Porter's  men  were  at  quarters  eager  for  conflict,  nor  did  he  allow 
a  spar  or  a  rope  to  be  altered  or  touched.  If  the  Phoebe's  yards 
had  not  been  trimmed,  she  would  have  been  afoul  of  the  Essex, 
and  then  Porter  would  have  instantly  boarded.  In  a  clear, 
calm  voice  he  called  to  his  adversary,  "  Captam  Hillyer !  if 
you  touch  my  ship  I  shall  board  you,"  at  the  same  tune  ordering 
all  hands  to  the  starboard  quarter,  boarders  to  repel  boarders. 
Captain  Hillyer,  elderly  and  grey-headed,  with  probably  no 
rash  design,  pale  and  evidently  perturbed,  protested  again  and 


^f 


i^'^ 


16 


NAVAL  HOSTILITIES. 


again  that  his  ship's  position  was  accidental,  that  theve  ^  no 
design  of  aggression.  The  American  boarders,  armed  to  the 
teeth,  were  at  their  posts ;  blows  and  bloodshed  were  at  hand. 
Mr.  Toinsett,  who  was  in  the  Essex,  with  military  tastes  and 
self-possession,  says  it  was  a  moment  of  intense  excitement,— 
when  the  Phoebe  fell  oflF  a  little  without  touching  the  Essex,— 
Captain  Hillyer's  disquiet  sufficiently  demonstrating  that  he 
did  not  intend  to  attack.  Just  as  the  Phoebe  cleared  the 
Essex,  the  British  first  lieutenant,  Graham,  called  out,  "Don't 
be  alarmed  — we  shall  not  touch  you."  "We  are  not  at  all 
alarmed,  but  wish  you  would  touch  us,"  was  the  prompt  retort 
of  a,  young  American  officer,  Decatur  McKnight,  from- the  fore 
chains. 

If  the  Essex  had  put  to  sea  immediately,  it  would  have  been 
a  breach  of  neutrality  for  the  Phoebe  and  Cherub  to  pursue 
her  directly  from  the  harbor  of  Valparaiso ;  and  probably  the 
British  vessels  needed  provisions,  having  been  five  months  at 
sea  in  quest  of  the  Essex,  and  six  weeks  blockading  her  at 
Valparaiso.     But  when  Captain  Porter  was  told  by  Mr.  Poin- 
sett of  these  advantages  for  going  to  sea,  he  at  once  rejected 
them  in  the  hope  of  an  engagement  with  the  Phoebe,  for  which 
he  was  anxious.     Captain  Hillyer,  losing  no  time  in  supplying 
his  two  ships,  resumed  his  station  off  the  port.      Continual 
manoeuvres  ensued.  Porter  frequently  sailing  out  of  the  harbor, 
in  order  to  bring  the  Phoebe  to  action,  and  likewise  to-try  the 
speed  of  the  Essex,  which  he  found  to  be  greater  than  that  of 
the  Phoebe.     But  Hillyer  never  suffered  the  Cherub  to  leave 
the  Phoebe,  nor  would  the  Phoebe  engage  the  Essex  alone.    On 
one  occasion,  when  the  Cherub  happened  to  be  far  to  leeward, 
the  Phoebe  made  her  appearance  off  the  harbor,  hoisted  her 
flag,  and  fired  a  gun  to  windward.     That,  in  naval  etiquette, 
being  considered  a  challenge.  Porter  immediately  accepted  it, 
weighed  anchor,  and  stood  out  to  meet  his  antagonist.     But  as 
the  Essex  approached  the  Phoebe,  the  latter  squared  away  and 
ran  down  towards  the  Cherub.     Captain  Hillyer  afterwards 
assured  Captain  Porter  that  he  did  not  jjioan  to  challenge  the 
Essex,  but  that  the  gun  fired  to  windward  \nis  e  signal  to  the 
Cherub,  to  bear  up  and  join  the  Phoebe.    Porter  failing  to 


kt 


NAVAL   HOSTILITIES. 


IT 


il,  that  there  >v  no 
irdcrs,  armed  to  the 
dshed  were  at  hand. 

military  tastes  and 
tense  excitement, — 
uching  the  Essex, — 
aonstrating  that  he 

Phoebe  cleared  the 
I,  called  out,  "Don't 
'We  are  not  at  all 
8  the  prompt  retort 
night,  from' the  fore 

it  would  have  been 
I  Cherub  to  pursue 
;  and  probably  the 
een  five  months  at 
1  blockading  her  at 
i  told  by  Mr.  Poin- 
he  at  once  rejected 
le  Phoebe,  for  which 

0  time  in  supplying 
)  port.  Continual 
5  out  of  the  harbor, 

likewise  to-try  the 
reater  than  that  of 
he  Cherub  to  leave 
e  Essex  alone.    On 

1  be  far  to  leeward, 
larbor,  hoisted  her 
in  naval  etiquette, 
iiately  accepted  it, 
.nta^onist.  But  as 
'  squared  away  and 
Hillyer  afterwards 
xn  to  challenge  the 
^as  a  signal  to  the 

Porter  failing  to 


bring  Hillyer  to  single  combat,  attempted  a  plan  for  depriving 
him  of  the  Cherub.  Observing  that  she  occupied  the  same 
place  several  nights.  Porter  manned  boats  for  an  expedition  to 
surprise,  board,  and  capture  the  Cherub  in  the  dark.  All  his 
measures  were  taken  with  great  circumspection.  Reconnoiter- 
ing  in  person,  and  confident  of  success,  he  took  command 
of  the  boats,  and  in  profound  silence  and  darkness  made  for 
the  British  corvette.  But  she  had  changed  her  position,  the 
approach  of  the  boats  was  by  some  tneans  known  on  board  the 
Cherub;  the  sea  around  her  was  illuminated  by  blue  lights, 
and  the  boats  were  obliged  to  return  to  Valparaiso.  When 
that  attempt  was  made,  Mr.  Poinsett  was  absent.  Hearing  of 
it  on  his  return,  he  warned  Captain  Porter  that  it  was  a  breach 
of  neutrality  to  fit  out  an  armed  expedition  from  a  neutral 
port.  It  was  that  circumstance  which  prevented  our  govern- 
ment from  demanding  satisfaction  of  the  Chilian  for  the 
much  grosser  violation  of  neutrality,  committed  by  the  British 
in  the  capture  of  the  Essex  within  Chilian  jurisdiction ;  for 
which,  but  for  Porter's  boat  expedition,  Mr.  Poinsett  would 
have  filed  a  protest,  on  which  our  government  would  have  de- 
manded indemnity  for  the  loss  of  the  Essex :  for  though  per- 
haps the  Chilian  government  were  not  aware,  yet  the  British 
were,  of  the  armaiaent  of  the  boat  expedition  at  Valparaiso, 
and  its  sailing  from  the  neutral  port. 

After  many  ineffectual  efforts  to  bring  the  Phoebe  to  single 
combat.  Porter  at  last  determined  to  go  to  sea, — ^believing  that 
the  Essex  could  out-sail  both  the  British  ships.  The  cabin  bul- 
warks were  taken  down,  and  the  long  twelve-pound  guns  were 
run  out  to  serve  as  stern  chasers.  Mr.  Poinsett,  who  slept  on 
board  the  Essex  the  night  before  her  departure,  took  leave  of 
Captain  Porter,  when  his  vessel  ihade  sail  from  the  harbor  of 
•Valparaiso,  on  the  28th  of  March,  1814,  in  one  of  those  fierce 
gales  common  there.  The  two  British  ships,  always  pru- 
dently managed,  were  under  light  canvass,  on  the  look-out. 
As  the  Essex  rounded  the  point,  discovering  that  he  could  pass 
to  windward  between  them  and  the  land.  Captain  Porter  ven- 
tured to  haul  up  without  taking  in  topsails,  and  in  doubling  the 
headland  carried  away  his  maintopsail,  precipitating  several 

VoL.in.— ? 


I 


18 


VA.VAL  HOSTILITIES. 


I 


of  his  crew  into  the  Bea,  some  of  whom  it  was  impossible  to 
save  in  that  first  and  ominous  disastev  of  a  fatal  day.  That  ii)iB« 
fortune  left  Porter  no  alternative  but  to  return  to  Valparaiso, 
where,  if  he  could  have  regained  his  former  berth,  it  might 
have  been  possible  to  defend  his  ship;  but,  crippled  as  she 
was,  he  was°  obliged  to  run  her  to  the  head  of  the  bay,  and 
there  cast  anchor.  The  Cherub,  shaking  out  her  reefs,  quickly 
followed.  But  though  bravely  brought  into  action  by  her  cap- 
tain. Tucker,  he  was  soon  wounded,  and  his  vessel  so  battered 
by  the  Essex,  that  the  Cherub  hauled  off  to  repair  damages 
before  the  Phoebe  opened  her  fire.  Following  in  his  consort's 
wake,  Captain  Hillyer  took  the  Cherub's  place,  but  soon  found 
the  fire  of  the  Essex  intolerable.  His  first  lieutenant,  Ingram, 
and  some  of  his  men,  were  killed ;  the  Phoebe  was  repeatedly 
hulled,  and  the  action  began  so  favorably  to  the  Essex  that  the 
Phoebe,  like  the  Cherub,  drew  off,  and  retired  beyond  the  range 
of  the  American  cannonade.  As  Captain  Hillyer  was  going 
into  action,  his  first  lieutenant,  Ingram,  warmly  urged  his  com- 
mander to  fight  the  Americans  fairly,  and  without  any  undue 
advantage.  *'  Let  us,"  said  he,  a  few  minutes  before  that  brave 
seaman  was  shot  dead,  *'  let  us  have  no  Cherub  to  help  us,  but 
with  th*-  Phoebe  alone,  lay  the  Essex  aboard,  yard-arm  to  yard- 
arm,  ati'l  fight  like  Britons."  Captain  Hillyer  told  Mr.  Poin- 
sett, who  walked  with  him  at  Ingram's  funeral,  that  he  was  an 
excellent  officer,  who,  in  their  long  sea-service  together,  Hillyer 
had  nevef  known  to  be  insubordinate  but  on  that  occasion, 
when  he  was  much  excited,  ''and  I  was  obliged,"  said  the  Cap- 
tain, "to  overrule  his  request.  It  was  our  duty,  I  told  him,  to 
use  whatever  means  were  placed  at  our  disposal,  to  capture  an 
enemy  who  had  done  so  much  damage  to  Britbh  commerce,  and 
whose  escape  would  be  attended  with  such  serious  results."  In 
Captain  Hillyer's  official  despatch,  there  are  odors,  not  only. 
of  duty  but  of  sanctity  and  sentimentalism,  of  which  American 
history  has  no  right  to  deprive  him.  The  thanks  of  the  mer- 
chants, whose  commerce  he  rescued  from  a  dangerous  assailant, 
and  the  favor  of  his  superiors,  he  probably  earned.  But  the 
heroism  of  British  naval  exploit  was  buried  with  his  lieutenant. 
And  if  that  heroism  was  warmed  by  the  blood  of  Byng,  shed 


wamwiwwyijiw  'I  £  'jiquUB 


tisstim 


,r^ih^ 


impossible  to 
J.  That  mis- 
to  Valparaiso, 
erth,  it  might 
ippled  as  sho 

the  bay,  and 

reefs,  quickly 
m  by  her  cap- 
dI  bo  battered 
»pair  damages 

his  consort's 
>at  soon  found 
nant,  Ingram, 
ras  repeatedly 
Essex  that  the 
'ond  the  range 
yer  was  going 
urged  his  com- 
mt  any  undue 
'ore  that  brave 
help  us,  but 
{•arm  to  yard- 
told  Mr.  Foin- 
;hat  he  was  an 
gether,  Hillyer 
that  occasion, 
'  said  the  Cap- 

I  told  him,  to 
,  to  capture  an 
commerce,  and 
I  results."  In 
klors  not  only 
hich  American 
ut  of  the  mer- 
irous  assailant, 
■ned.  But  the 
his  lieutenant, 
of  Byng,  shed 


NAVAL  H0STJLITIB8. 


19 


for  alleged  cowardice,  it  may  be  questioned  whether  Captain 
Hilly^  ?'8  cold-blooded  calculations  were  more  profitable  to  the 
policy  than  to  the  true  glory  of  lords  of  the  ocean.  To  mas- 
sacre the  brave  people  of  the  Essex  with  eighty-one  cannon, 
when  out  of  reach  of  their  six,  was  more  benumbing  to  British 
enterprise  than  the  admiralty  order  to  avoid  large  American 
frigates,  which  Admiral  Napier  coarsely  characterised  in  Par- 
liament as  only  fit  to  be  thrown  into  the  quarter-gallery. 

Mr.  Poinsett,  who  had  gone  ashore  from  the  Essex  in  the 
boat  of  the  Essex  Junior,  one  of  Porter's  priases  fitted  out  and 
manned  from  his  ship,  and  put  under  command  of  his  first 
Lieutenant  Downes,  mounting  his  horse  gallopped  to  the  head 
of  the  bay,  earnestly  surveying  the  various  eventful  occurrences 
between  the  British  and  American  vessels.  At  the  beginning 
of  the  battle  he  saw  that  the  Essex  fired  with  fatal  effect,  and 
so  repelled  her  first  assailant ;  that  the  Phcebe's  firing  was  wild 
and  pointless,  while  she  suffered  from  the  deadly  shots  of  the 
Essex.  But  when  the  I^ioebe  likewise  retired,  and  the  Britidi 
ships,  both  out  of  range  of  the  guns  of  the  Essex,  from  their 
long  eighteen-pound  cannon  swept  her  decks,  with  no  danger 
to  the  British,  it  was,  like  target-firing,  with  cruel  certainty. 
Mr.  Poinsetl;  could  distinctly  see  the  shots  from  the  Essex 
plunge  into  the  water  without  reaching  the  Phoebe,  white  her 
shot,  when  theV  missed  the  Essex,  struck  the  shore  not  far 
from  where  Mr.  Poinsett  was.  During  that  massacre,  the 
Americans,  oflBcers  and  men,  all  emulating  their  noble  captaiiky 
gloriously  immolated  themselveij  to  the  honor  of  their  un- 
tarnished flag,  and  the  glory  of  their  distant  couiitry.  The 
Essex  was  rqwatedly  on  tire.  More  than  half  of  her  crew 
were  either  killed,  wounded,  drowned,  or  eseaped  aebol-e. 
Valpwraiso,  built  at  the  foot,  or  on  the  acclivity  of  lof^ 
hills,  furnished  thousands  of  eye-witnesses  upon  them,  of 
the  sanguinary  sacrifice,  continued  for  nearly  two  hours,  by 
the  cannon  of  two  vessels  firing  upon  one,  disabled  and  nearly 
unarmed,  the  two  executioners  keeping  but  of  gunrshot,  where 
it  was  impossible  for  their  victim  to  hurt  them.  Captaim 
Hfllyer's  official  despatch  stated  th^t  in  the  outset  of  the 
enga^ment  "appearances  were  a  little  inaosj^oious;"  1104 


trj^stnasKfiisvJaict-j 


5lr  ZJ^X^  i^iEKWC, ' 


20 


NAVAL  HOSTILITIES. 


in 


that  "  the  colors  of  the  Essex  were  not  struck  until  the  loss, 
in  killed  and  wounded,  was  so  awfuHy  great,  her  shattered 
condition  so  seriously  bad,  as  to  render  further  resistance  un- 
availing." 

That  engagement  was  the  most  desperate  by  sea  throughout 
the  war.  The  commanders  of  the  antagonist  ships  had  worked 
their  respective  crews  to  intense,  if  not  to  delirious  hostility. 
They  fought  under  numerous  flags  and  ensigns,  defying  each 
other:  the  American  motto  "free  trade  and  sailor's  rights" 
defensive ;  the  British  motto  "  God,  our  country  and  liberty, 
traitors  offend  both,"  insulting.  During  the  six  weeks  while 
the  British  lay  off  Valparaiso  watching  the  Essex,  the  crews 
exchanged  challenges  by  letters  and  rhymes,  several  of  which 
were  afterwards  published  in  the  Analectic  Magazine  by  Mr. 
Paulding,  who  was  Secretary  of  the  Navy  when  Mr.  Poinsett 
was  Secretary  of  War.  National  antipathy  had  been  so  excited, 
that  many  of  Porter's  crew,  rather  than  be  captured  swam 
ashore,  whilst  others  were  drowned  in  the  effort.  They  re- 
paired to  Mr.  Poinsett's  residence  in  a  state  of  extreme  indig- 
nation: and  Captain  Porter's  official  letters  state  that  Mr. 
Poinsett  called  on  the  Governor  to  vindicate  the  violated  neu- 
trality of  the  port.  Only  one  hundred  and  sixty  of  the  Amer- 
icans fell  into  captivity,  which  Captain  Hillyer  mitigated  as 
much  as  he  could  by  generous  treatment.  In  that,  respect  full 
homage  was  rendered  to  him  by  his  prisoners,  as  he  did  equal 
justice  to  their  heroic  fortitude.  But  Captain  Hillyer  refused 
Mr.  Poinsett  permission  to  go  home  in  the  Essex  Junior  when 
that  vessel  was  fitted  as  a  cartel  to  carry  home  Captain  Porter 
and  his  men.  Arrived  off  Long  Island,  New  York,  July  5, 
1814,  the  Essex  Junior  was  overhauled  by  the  British  raizee-ship 
Saturn,  Captain  Nash,  who,  receiving  Captain  Porter  kindly, 
permitted  the  Essex  Juaior  to  proceed  homewards;  but  soon 
countermanded  that  permission  on  the  assumption  that  Captain 
Hillyer  was  not  authorised  to  mqke  the  arrangements  he  4id 
for  Porter's  liberation.  Incensed  at  this  disappointment,  which 
might  lead  to  his  being  sent  to  Halifax  as  a  prisoner,  he  indig- 
nantly gave  Captain  Nash  notice  that  he  (Porter)  was  no  longer 
OD  parole,  and  that  night  leaving  with  Lieiitenant  Downes  a 


T^ 


antil  tlie  loss, 
her  shattered 
resistance  un- 

ua  throughout 
38  had  worked 
ious  hostility, 
defying  each 
jlor's  rights" 
r  and  liberty, 
ic  weeks  while 
sex,  the  crews 
ireral  of  which 
gazine  by  Mr. 
.  Mr.  Poinsett 
een  so  excited, 
iptured  swam 
rt.    They  re- 
ixtreme  indig- 
tate  that  Mr. 
i  violated  neu- 
r  of  the  Amer- 
■  mitigated  as 
at,  respect  full 
he  did  equal 
Cllyer  refused 
X  Junior  when 
!!aptain  Porter 
fork,  July  5, 
tish  razee-ship 
?orter  kindly, 
rds;  but  soon 
n  that  Captain 
;ements  he  4id 
intment,  which 
)ner,  he  indig- 
was  no  longer 
Guat  Downes  a 


NAVAL  HOSTILITIES. 


21 


rcpronchful  messnge  for  Nash,  Porter  pushed  off  in  the  ship's 
boat  fifty  miles  from  land,  and  effected  his  escape  ashore  at 
New  York,  where  he  was  welcomed  with  great  enthusiasm,  the 
horses  taken  from  his  carriage,  which  was  drawn  by  the  popu- 
lace to  his  lodgings,  with  every  demonstration  of  general 
delight.  Captain  Nash  finally  allowed  Lieutenant  Downes 
to  proceed  with  the  Essex  Junior ;  but  not  till  his  high-mottled 
commander,  chafed  by  ungenerous  discomfiture  and  dreading 
more  disappointment,  abruptly  broke  from  honourable  confine- 
ment, with  imprecations  on  captors  who  unjustly  impressed 
and  unmanfuUy  overpowered  him. 

His  victimation  was  hailed  by  his  country  as  one  of  its 
greatest  naval  achievements.  The  proud,  brave,  and  free 
nation  of  mighty  islanders,  by  whom  an  admiral  was  executed, 
and  all  naval  officers  disgraced  for  failing  to  encounter  equal 
force,  magnanimously  deplored,  admired,  and  extolled  their  off- 
spring's hecatomb,  a  hundred  noble  seamen  killed,  mutilated, 
or  drowned,  sacrificing  life  to  honor  in  defence  of  the  invinci- 
ble flag  proclaiming  free  trade  and  sailor's  rights ;  glorious  ex- 
ample to  the  American,  formidable  warning  to  the  British 
navies.  Public  opinion  was  unanimous  throughout  the  United 
States  that  such  victims  as  Decatur  and  Porter  were  martyrs 
of  infinite  promise.  British  naval  history  affords  no  instance 
of  greater  excellence  in  this  great  British  similitude  of  the 
greatest  Roman  virtue.  Porter's  capture  was  one  of  the  few 
subjects  on  which  the  American  preiss  was  of  one  mind.  The 
Boston  Gazette,  one  of  the  papers  most  opposed  to  the  war, 
and  the  United  States  Gazette,  scarcely  less  so,  concurred  with 
the  advocates  of  the  war  in  condemnation  of  Captain  HiUyer.- 
It  was  commonly  said  that  he  had  orders  from  his  superiors  to 
disregard  neutral  ports  and  places  in  pursuit  and  capture  of  the 
American  frigate,  which  had  done  so  much  injury  to  British 
commmerce  in  the  Pacific.  Unlawfully  violating  neutral  harbors, 
in  order  to  subdue  an  enemy  whom  he  eluded  in  fair  combat,  and 
overpowered  by  sanguinary  contrivance,  was  universally  con- 
demned by  all  admirers  of  naval  chivalry  and  advocates  of  inter- 
national law.  Exchanged  soon  after  their  arrival.  Porter  and 
his  men  were  engaged  on  the  Potomac  against  the  Seahorse 


s,P;iS*;.*!'''!'#:;;#^i; 


22 


KAVAL  HOSTILITIES. 


and  Enryalus,  British  frigates,  Captains  Gorrlon  and  Napior, 
who  sacked  Alexandria,  and  aided  oiuob  in  their  expulsion,  but 
laden  with  booty,  from  Virginia. 

On  the  tcmpeatuoua  night  of  January  14,  1815,  in  a  snow- 
Btorm,  Decatur  escaped  to  sea  from  New  York  in  the  frigate 
President,  but,  without  a  pilot,  in  the  darkness  and  tempest, 
the  ship  ran  aground,  ii^uring  her  sailing  qualities ;  and  when, 
as  was  alleged  by  many,  treacherous  lights  from  shore  apprised 
the  enemy  of  her  emergency.  Next  day  four  ships  of  war, 
the  raz6e  Majestic,  Commodore  Hayes,  the  frigates  Endymion, 
Pomona  and  Tenedos,  wore  all  under  press  of  sail  in  pursuit. 
The  Endymion,  which  outsailed  the  other  British  vessels,  and 
could  have  engaged  the  Prevdent  alone  if  so  inclined,  at  indeed 
close  encounter,  woa  considerably  worsted  in  the  chase.  At  mid- 
night the  three  other  vessels  overtook  the  President,  mobbed  her, 
as  our  consolatory  phrase  was  at  the  time,  and  Decatur  proudly 
surrendered  his  sword,  not  to  any  single  conqueror,  but  to  the 
commander  of  the  squadron :  after  attesting  like  Porter  a  noble 
spirit  of  resistance,  which  would  not  yield  till  more  would  have 
been  much  worse  than  useless.  The  destruction  endured  in 
the  Essex  and  the  President  exceeded  that  on  board  any 
English  vessel  of  war  before  she  struck  her  flag. 

On  the  20th  of  February  1815,  the  frigate  Constitution,  Cap- 
tain Stewart,  brought  to  action  and  captured  the  Cyane  and  the 
Levant,  British  vessels  of  war,  after  a  triangular  moonlight 
engagement,  and  took  his  two  prizes  into  Porto  Praya ;  off  which 
place,  on  the  11th  of  March,  the  Leander,  the  Newcastle,  and 
the  Acasta,  three  heavy  British  men-of-war,  appeared.  Cap- 
tain Stewart  immediately  cut  his  cables  and  put  to  sea  with  the 
Cyane  and  the  Levant.  The  Cyahe  escaped.  The  Levant  re- 
treated into  Porto  Praya,  and  was  there  retaken  by  the  British. 
The  thre^  British  ships,  each  one  equal  to  the  Constitution, 
pursued  her,  and  it  was  much  said  at  the  time  that  one 
of  them  might  have  overtaken  h^r,  if  the  commanding  officer. 
Sir  George  Collier,  had  not  kept  thdm  all  three  together ;  who 
committed  suicide  sometime  after,  unable  to  bear  the  sting  of 
aspersions  cast  upon  his  courage.  Captain  Stewart's  uncom- 
mon self-posssession,  decision,  and  judgment,  were  universally 


riBimrii '"""  ""■""■I"™ 


■T^-jr^rsry* 


and  Napier, 
expulsion,  but 

15,  in  a  snow- 
in  the  frigate 
and  tompcHt, 
38;  and  when, 
ihore  apprised 
ships  of  war, 
;oH  Endymion, 
lil  in  pursuit. 
\i  vessels,  and 
ined,  at  indeed 
lase.  At  mid- 
it,  mobbed  her, 
eatur  proudly 
or,  but  to  the 
Porter  a  noble 
ire  would  have 
>n  endured  in 
tn  board  any 

istitution,  Cap- 
Cyane  and  the 
liar  moonlight 
aya;  off  which 
!fQWcastle,  and 
peared.  Cap- 
to  sea  with  the 
Che  Levant  re- 
by  the  British. 
>  Constitution, 
;ime  that  one 
anding  officer, 
together;  who 
ir  the  sting  of 
jwart's  uncom- 
»re  universally 


NAVAL   HOSTILITIES.  |8 

acknowledged,  not  only  in  his  action  but  his  escape  with  one 
of  hiH  prizes  from  a  force  so  superior. 

The  last  naval  engagement  occurred  on  the  28d  of  Febru- 
ary 1815,  between  the  aloop-of-war  Hornet,  Captain  Biddle,  and 
the  British  brig-of-war  Penguin.  The  Penguin  wos  sent  to  sea 
by  the  Admiral,  manned  and  prepared  to  take  the  Yonng  Wasp, 
an  American  privateer.  The  Hornet  and  Penguin  were  as  well- 
matched  as  could  be  in  class,  size,  and  metal.  The  British 
vessel's  captain  and  many  of  her  crew  were  killed,  while  the 
comparative  injury  done  the  combatants  proved,  beyond  a 
doubt,  that  the  British  were  no  match  for  the  Americans. 
An  English  vessel  of  war  was  more  certainly  then  triumphantly 
captured  by  an  American,  than  theretofore  a  French  by  a 
British  vessel  of  war.  So  settled  had  that  result  become  in 
British  apprehensions,  that  official  reports  of  their  naval  en- 
gagements ceased  to  be  published,  probably  in  order  to  conceal 
the  comparison  of  loss,  and  British  vessels  by  standing  order 
from  the  Admiralty  were  directed  not  to  fight  with  Americans 
of  oqnal  force. 

The  war  of  1812  ended  as  it  began,  by  a  remarkable  display 
of  American  seamanship  and  resolution,  without  bloodshed. 
Soon  after  the  Wasp  took  the  Frolic  in  October  1812,  they  were 
both  captured  by  the  Poictiers,  British  ship-of-the-line.  Bid- 
die  was  a  lieutenant  on  board  the  Wasp.  Not  long  after,  when 
commander  of  the  Hornet  he  took  the  Penguin,  he  was  again 
in  jeopardy  of  captivity  from  another  British  ship-of-the-line, 
the  Cornwallis  74.  His  escape  from  that  vessel  was  an  exploit 
like  that  of  the  Constitution  from  the  squadron  of  frigates  that 
chased  her  in  July  1812.  During  several  days  and  nights  the 
Cornwallis  pursued  the  Hornet,  several  times  getting  so  near 
as  to  throw  shot  over  and  into  her.  But  Biddle  had  once  un- 
dergone the  mortification  of  t^^'ch  a  reverse,  and  was  resolved 
not  to  submit  to  it  again.  He  lightened  the  vessel  by  throw- 
ing overboard  every  thing  that  might  impede  her  sailing,  and 
finally  escaped  with  but  one  gun,  no  anchor,  cable,  boat  or  any 
part  of  bis  ship's  burden  that  could  be  cast  into  the  sea. 
Thirty-five  years  afterwards  Congress  passed  an  act  to  allow 
Mr.  Zantzinger,  the  purser  of  the  Hornet,  payment  for  what  he 


l^ittrriiiimiii 


24 


PRIVATBER8. 


ill 


1!'     I 


had  been  obliged  to  sacriiico  in  that  mcroorublo  chase,  whuii  it 
appeared  that  the  knives  and  furks  with  whiuh  the  ofTicerH  and 
crew  ato  thoir  inculs,  wore  among  tho  imniulations  uiado  by  a 
spirit  of  induniitublo  rcuolution,  which,  an  in  that  inatuncc,  »el« 
doin  fuilit  whenever  heroically  exercised.  Tho  superior  seamait- 
ship  and  superior  self-possession  by  which  tho  war  on  tho  ocean 
begun  when  Captuin  Hull  escaped  from  a  squadron,  and  by 
which  it  ended  when  Captain  Biddle  in  a  sloop  baffled  a  sliip-of- 
the-lino,  contributed  as  much  to  our  reputation  for  marine  su- 
periority, as  tho  bloodiest  battle.  Hull  did  not  fight  tho 
Gucrriere,  nor  Biddle  tho  Penguin,  with  raoro  judicious  spirit 
than  they  both  displayed  in  surmounting  joopfrdy  to  wliich 
many  bravo  seamen  would  have  succumbed ;  proving  that  calm 
considerate  courage  often  triumphs  over  the  most  desperate 
circumstances. 

The  war  of  1812  closed  on  tho  ocean  some  months  posterior 
to  the  treaty  of  peaco,  after  a  contest  inappreciably  important 
—  not  only  to  the  United  States,  but  for  all  maritime  nations. 
Mankind  were  emancipated  by  it  from  British  u^val  dominion, 
as  galling  as  that  great  continental  despotism  against  which  all 
Europe  took  up  arms ;  from  botb  of  which  the  world  was  re- 
lieved together,  and  probably  for  ever. 

The  navy,  however,  has  abundant  ohronides,  historical  re- 
cords, biographical  eulogiums,  and  other  means  of  applausive 
recollection.  But  there  is  an  arm,  wonderfully  used  in  that 
war,  of  which  it  has  always  been  my  intention  to  register  some 
of  the  achievements.  No  historian  has  characterised  the  Ame- 
rican privateers ;  whoso  deeds,  (not  always  printed  at  all,  and 
when  published,  only  scattered  through  newspapers,  their 
value  underrated,  their  characters  disparaged),  demand  not 
only  the  patriot's  but  the  statesman's  ponsideration.  Militia 
of  the  seas,  like  the  militia  ashore,  in  the  war  of  1812  rivalled 
the  navy  and  the  army,  in  exploits,  in  humanity,  in  all  that 
war  can  do  to  make  peace. 

The  United  States  had  ancommon  inducements  to  assault 
British  commerce  by  means  of  private  armed  vessels :  almost 
without  a  navy  to  contend,  and  altogether  too  small  to  cope 
with  the  greatest  n%yal  power  in  the  world.    Nearly  a  thousand 


w 


11 


littL. 


•i|iw   ininaMMan 


MMMi 


PKIVATEKHfl. 


hasc,  when  it 
10  ofliccrM  and 
118  uado  by  a 
inatunce,  sui- 
ter ior  Houman- 
'  on  tho  occun 
Jron,  ami  by 
filed  a  Bliip-of- 
for  marine  8U- 
not  fight  the 
idiciuuH  spirit 
rdy  to  which 
ing  that  calm 
out  doHpcrate 

iths  posterior 
bly  important 
itimo  nations. 
,val  dominion, 
tinst  which  all 
world  was  re- 
historical  re- 
of  applausive 
used  in  that 
register  some 
tsed  the  Amo- 
ed  at  all,  and 


papers, 


their 


demand  not 
tion.  Militia 
1812  rivalled 
;y,  in  all  that 

its  to  assault 
issels:  almost 
small  to  cope 
ly  a  thousand 


American  merchant  vomcIs  had  been,  ofl  wo  nverrctl,  illognlly 
taken  and  condemned  by  tho  Britiah  ;  whoHO  cumniurco  it  was 
befitting  retribution  to  harans  by  armed  private  cruiMors.  Of 
one  hundred  thousand  and  more  American  soanuni,  registered 
at  tho  custom-houses  in  1H12,  a  largo  portion  wero  thrown  out 
of  employment  by  war,  to  remain  idle,  destitute,  discontented 
and  mischievous,  unless  employed  in  privateers.  Tho  national 
vessels  could  not  employ  one  tenth  of  them.  Through  their 
instrumentality,  the  national  force  might  be  most  ofToetually 
brought  to  bear  on  the  maritime  enemy ;  and  private  contri- 
bution economically  thus  reinforce  public  action.  This  has 
always  been,  and  will  bo,  not  only  a  maritime  but  a  privateer- 
ing people.  Their  freedom,  and  their  cnterpriHe,  which  is  the 
ofispring  of  their  freedom,  and  their  habit  of  doing  many  things 
individually,  which  in  other  countries  are  exclusively  done  by 
government,  must  always  render  sea-volunteers  a  numerous 
and  powerful  American  force.  Nearly  one  hundred  years  ago, 
when  the  port  of  New  York  was  insignificant  compared  with  its 
present  capacity,  no  less  than  48  privateers,  manned  by  6660 
men,  armed  with  695  cannon,  in  the  year  1758,  sailed  from 
that  single  port  to  cruise  against  the  commerce  of  France, 
then  not  a  fifth  of  what  British  commerce  was  in  1812. 

As  it  was  quite  uncertain,  till  the  act  passed  Congress,  whe- 
ther war  woiUd  be  declared,  owners  and  sailors  could  not  make 
their  arrangements  till  some  weeks  after  the  declaration.  Yet 
within  three  months  219  British  vessels  were  captured,  armed 
with  574  cannons  and  manned  by  8108  men,  of  which  hostile 
annoyance  to  the  enemy,  individual  American  gain,  and  gain  to 
the  national  treasury,  privateers  accomplished  the  greater  part. 
During  two  years  and  ten  months  of  the  war's  continuance, 
more  than  2400  vessels,  public  and  private,  armed  and  unarmed, 
were  taken  by  American  cruisers  from  the  British.  Allowing 
750  of  those  to  have  been  re-ct^tured,  about  1650  prises  re- 
mained, either  brought  into  American  ports,  or  destroyed 
at  sea,  and  so  totally  lost  to  the  enemy.  Of  these  prizes, 
privateers  took  about  1200;  which,  at  an  average  of  80 
men  to  each  prize,  gave  86,000  prisoners,  and  at  an  average 
of  80,000  dollars,  as  the  value  of  each  vessel  and  cargo, 


a;. 

if.. 


f^'H'  -I . 


Ir'i' 


m  PRIVATKKR8. 

de«poil«Ml  flrent  Rritniri  of  at{,000,000  dollars,  tluToby  in- 
orriiNin^  Hoa  riKkfi,  iiiHurnncr,  convoyii,  nnil  losneH  boyontl  nil 
proeodcnt.  Every  sen-port  from  Enntport  to  Suvnnnuli  ojncu- 
lati'fl  privateorw,  ntAnnod  hy  experienced  officers  iind  tlioroiigh- 
bred  Heiitnen,  finniliiir  with  the  neiiH  and  all  thoir  perils  ;  fond 
of  adventure*,  greedy  of  gain,  hating,  without  fearing,  the  do- 
mineering «elf-Htylod  lord)*  of  the  ocean,  who  so  long  itnpressod 
and  impriHonecl  their  pernonB,  neixed,  Hpoliatcd,  ravaged  their 
property,  and  immltcd  their  country.  From  those  very  parts 
of  the  United  States  where  aversion  to  the  war  raged,  (and 
often  o<iuipped  by  tradern  delirious  with  disaffection,  from 
ports  of  New  England,)  within  the  first  month  after  war  was 
declared,  more  than  a  hundred  privateers  rushed  to  the  ocean 
for  prey.  Thirty-seven  prizes  were  sent  into  Salem,  one  of  the 
head-<iuarter8  of  what  was  callo<l  the  peace  party,  by  priva- 
teers, one  of  them  named  the  Timothy  Pickering,  captured  by 
those  from  the  three  ports  of  Salem,  Qlouccstcr,  and  Marblehead, 
within  the  first  six  weeks  of  hostilities.  A  privateer,  pierced 
for  fourteen  guns,  was  launched  at  Providence,  R.  I.,  in  seven- 
teen days  after  her  building  began.  In  vain  did  the  opposition 
«ndeavor  to  prove  that  privateering  was  unprofitable ;  that  our 
■privateers,  as  well  as  unarmed  vessels,  were  taken  by  the  enemy 
to  a  greater  amount  than  our  people  took  from  them.  The  ac- 
count made  up  at  Salem  in  November,  1818,  reckoned  675,000 
dollars,  and  upwards,  ascertained  proceeds  of  sales  there  alone, 
of  prize-property,  against  a  debit  of  164,000  dollars,  all  the 
losses  that  could  be  counted.  Some  of  tho  prizes  were  worth 
one,  two,  three,  four,  five  hundred  thousand  dollars,  and  even 
more.  The  Di^omo,  a  Boston  shallop  of  twenty-seven  tons  and 
one  gun,  captured  the  Guano,  a  British  ship  of  three  hundred 
tons,  with  a  valuable  cargo,  sent  into  Salem.  The  Mary  Ann, 
of  one  gun,  captured  and  sent  into  Charleston,  S.  C,  two  brigs 
and  two  schooners,  well  loaded,  armed  and  manned,  with  valu- 
able cargoes.  British  Transport,  No.  50,  loaded  with  cannon, 
musketry,  and  other  warlike  utensils,  soldiers'  clothing,  camp 
equipage,  wine,  and  much  valuable  cargo,  but  navigated  by 
twelve  men  who  refused  to  fight,  on  her  way  from  Halifax  to 
St.  Johns  was  taken  and  sent  into  Gloucester,  by  the  privateer 


••■■ 


r»,  thort'hy  in- 
sHert  boyonil  nil 
kvnniiuh  t-jncu- 
s  uikI  tliorrxi^^h- 
oir  perilM ;  fond 
fearing,  the  do- 
long  itnprossoil 
I,  raviigcd  thoir 
ho80  very  purtB 
nrur  raged,  (and 
saflbction,  from 
1  after  wor  was 
sd  to  the  ocean 
ulem,  one  of  the 
party,  by  priva- 
ng,  captured  by 
ind  Marblebcad, 
'ivatoor,  pierced 
R.  I.,  in  BOven- 
i  the  opposition 
itable ;  tbat  our 
m  by  the  enemy 
them.  The  ac- 
ckoned  676,000 
lies  there  alone, 
dollars,  all  the 
izcB  were  worth 
ollars,  and  even 
seven  tons  and 
f  three  hundred 
Ihe  Mary  Ann, 
S.  C,  two  brigs 
(ined,  with  valu- 
ed with  oannoD, 
'  clothing,  camp 
it  navigated  by 
from  Halifax  to 
by  the  privateer 


PRtVATEKRfl.  If 

MiidiHon,  of  one  gun,  in  tight  and  despite  of  a  nritixh  HJoop  of 
war  of  twenty-two  guns,  whose  launch,  armud  with  forty  men, 
tixo  piivatoor's  men  beat  off  with  groat  execution,  and  encapod 
from  the  wloop  of  war  by  superior  sailing. 

]t  was  calculated  that  the  decisions  of  the  Bupromo  Court 
of  the  Lfiiited  States,  condemning  American  vessels  sailing 
under  British  l\celi8Ps,  made  gitod  to  the  owners  of  private 
arinod  vessels  from  Salem  and  Marblehead  alone,  two  of  the 
most  tlisaffocted  towns  of  MasHachusetts,  more  tluin  Gr>0,000 
dollars.  More  than  4,000,000  was  the  estimated  value  of 
licensed  vessels  captured  and  condemned:  all  in  addition  to 
the  American  gains  and  British  looses,  by  British  vessels  cap- 
tured and  secured.  Twenty-six  privateers,  mostly  well-armed 
and  equipped,  sailed  from  New  York  soon  after  war  was  de- 
clared, mounting  212  cannons  and  with  2880  seamen.  More 
than  200  valuable  American  vessolp  and  cargoes  got  safe 
into  New  York,  during  June,  July,  and  August,  181 2,  uft»r 
war  began,  before  the  enemy  had  beleaguered  the  American 
coasts,  and  when  American  naval  expeditions,  both  by  priva- 
teers and  public  vessels,  were  oontinu»l. 

In  spite  of  political  opposition,  lucrative  enterprise  armed 
the  ports  of  Massachusetts  for  aggressive  and  effective  war ; 
and  while  th|B  state  would  not  even  defend  its  soil,  many  of  its 
excellent  mariners,  and  some  disaffected  merchants,  sought 
gain  by  captures,  when  it  was  no  longer  attainable  by  com- 
merce. There  was,  indeed,  some  revival  of  the  maritime  spirit 
of  the  revolution  there.  The  hidk  of  an  old  privateer  of  that 
period,  called  the  Fame,  of  Boston,  was  refitted,  and  went  to  sea 
under  a  Captain  Green.  Baltimore  sent  forth  many  and  superior 
privateers;  one  of  them,  oalied  the  Rossie,  under  that  gay  and 
gallant  veteran,  Joshua  Barney,  who  commanded  the  Hyder 
Ali  privateer  in  the  war  of  the  revolution,  when,  after  a  severe 
confiiot,  he  took  the  General  Monk,  a  vessel  of  the  royal 
British  navj.  On  his  first  cruise  in  1812,  he  captured  more 
than  8600  tons  of  British  shipping,  valued  at  a  million  and 
a  half  of  dollars,  with  217  prisoners,  108  of  whom  he  aent,  in 
one  of  his  prises,  on  parole,  with  A  receipt  of  exchanje,  into 
Halifax,  with  his  eompliments  to  Admiral  Sawyer,  commanding 


iBB 


n   r. 


'  f 


28 


PRIVATEERS. 


^; 


there  An  American  whale-boat  arrived  at  Portland  on  the 
deck  ot  her  prize,  upon  which  the  captors  hoisted  their  tinj 
vessel  of  war.         " 

The  American  sea-ports  abounded  with  seamen  eager  for 
service,  and  merchants  to  fit  out  privateers.  Excepting  the 
British,  the  American  seamen  outnumbered  those  of  all 
Europe ;  to  whom  sea-roving  was  habitual,  for  whom  storms 
and  rocks  had  few  terrors,  and  who,  one  and  all,  considered 
themselves,  as  they  were,  at  least  as  good,  if  not  better 
sailors  than  the  famous  British  tars.  The  Dutch,  the  Danish, 
the  Spanish,  Italian,  and  French  sea-faring  population  had 
been  so  thoroughly  vanquished  by  the  English,  that  they 
were  afraid  of  their  victors.  The  Americans  had  no  such 
feeling.  On  the  contrary,  the  British  were  become  afraid  of 
them.  And  though  there  were  gallant  exceptions,  yet  impressed 
men,  long  pent  up  in  wooden  walls,  could  not  fail  to  perceive 
that  their  officers  were  shy  of  equal  combat  with  the  once  im- 
pressed and  despised  Yankees.  French  ships  well  armed,  and 
manned  with  French,  Dutch,  Spanish,  and  Italian  sailors,  sub- 
mitted to  be  blockaded  by  English  ships  of  only  equal,  if  not 
inferior,  force.  But  British  seamen  found  that  Nelson's 
favorite  captain.  Hardy,  did  not  venture  to  blockade  Decatur 
at  New  London,  without  much  superior  force;  that  Yeo  always 
evaded  Ghauncey,  on  Lake  Ontario,  unless  greatly  superior ; 
and  that  not  only  frigates,  but  American  privateers,  with  im- 
punity shot  to  sea  through  the  strictest  British  blockades,  and 
often  back  again  to  port,  with  valuable  prizes.  American  pri- 
vateers, too,  generally  outsailed  British  cruisers :  whether  be- 
cause better  built,  better  manned,  or  more  boldly  manoeuvred. 
They  sometimes  audaciously  exchanged  shots  with  frigates  and 
ships-of-the-line,  proudly  styled  and  commanded  as  parts  of  his 
Britannic  Majesty's  royal  navy.  On  more  than  one  occasion 
American  privateers  captured  vessels  of  the  British  navy  by 
boarding.  They  ridiculed  paper  blockades,  landed  on  British 
shores,  frequented  British  seas,  by  dashing  audacity  defied,  per- 
plexed, and  damaged  British  maritime  authority,  property,  and 
pride.  By  that  striking  retribution,  so  often  marking  the 
course  of  human  events,  the  ocean  was  alive  with  despised 


f'f 


•  ••><W?<B!BGSr''aHlb'arasw««ir- 


rtland  on  the 
ed  their  tinj 

aen  eager  for 
Excepting  the 
those    of   all 
whom  storms 
ill,  considered 
if  not  better 
h,  the  Danish, 
lopulation  had 
sh,   that  they 
had  no  such 
!ome  afraid  of 
,  yet  impressed 
Fail  to  perceive 
h  the  once  im- 
ell  armed,  and 
an  sailors,  sub- 
ly  equal,  if  not 
that  Nelson's 
pckade  Decatur 
lat  Yeo  always 
eatly  superior; 
iteers,  with  im- 
blockades,  and 
American  pri- 
s :  whether  be- 
ly  manoeuvred, 
th  frigates  and 
as  parts  of  his 
kn  one  occasion 
Wtish  navy  by 
ded  on  British 
city  defied,  per- 
,  property,  and 
[1  marking  the 
with  despised 


PRIVATEERS. 


2d 


enemies,  long  provoked,  never  feared,  amazing  all  the  world 
as  alone  able  to  break  the  British  trident. 

There  was  retribution  also  ashore,  as  well  as  at  sea.    British 
injustice,  powerfully  repelled  by  privateer  force,  was  severely 
retaliated  by  prize  law,  breaking  forth  in  that  New  England, 
where  state  authorities,  the  bench,  the  pulpit  and  the  tribune 
were  loudest  in  denunciations  of  hostilities.     A  young  Salem 
lawyer,  just  promoted  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States,  and  riding  the  most  maritime  circuit  of  the  Union, 
abounding  with  sea-ports  crowded  with  seamen  thrown  out  of, 
and  thirsting  for  employment ;  inhabited  by  enterprising  mer- 
chants in  the  fervor  of  judicial  apprenticeship,  selected  from  the 
war  party  for  his  place,  signalised  it  by  impregnating  virgin 
American  admiralty  law  with  the  lustful  rapacities  of  the  Eng- 
lish code.    Adopting  Sir  William  Scott's  elegant  and  capti- 
vating  enforcements    of  -  an  extremely  un-English    system, 
descended  from  the  Star  Chamber  and   Spanish  inquisition, 
Judge  Story  fleshed  his  maiden  decrees  with  prize  law  that 
rendered  privateering  the  most  profitable  pursuit  of  New  Eng- 
land against  Old  England.    Scarcely  a  dogma  of  British  prize- 
law  but  found  in  him  an  expounder,  adroit,  indefatigable,  and 
independent.     He  struck  at  traitors,  smugglers,  licensers,  and 
prisoners,  with  equal  and  unsparing  fdrce.     Condemnations  in 
his  courts  followed  captures  with  rapid  execution  and  learned 
illustration.    All  the  harsh,  ex  parte  rules  of  foreign  codes^ 
engrafted  oh  an  English  stock  totally  unlike  them,  suspicious, 
selfish,  and  grai^ping,  were  inflicted — admiralty  droits  and  all — 
on  English  commerce,  for  the  benefit  of  American  privateersmen 
in  that  part  of  this  country  where  all  hostility  against  England 
was  almost  universally  denounced  as  unnatural.   The  sea-roving 
and  lucrific  propensities  of  the  most  enterprismg  of  people, 
then  condemned  to  inaction,  were  stimulated  and  vouchsafed  by 
pursuits  as  seductive  as  the  later  discoveries  of  gold  in  Cali- 
fornia.   As  Chatham  taught  England  bow  profitable  it  was  to 
wage  war  with  the  right  arm,  at  the  same  time  that  trade  was 
carried  on  with  the  left,  so  p^vateering  was  believed  to  furnish 
a  gainful  substitute  for  foreign  commerce.     Great  Britain, 


;  'ii!Ss(i%S!:£ 


fiif^^j:-^ 


90  PRIVATEERS. 

with  immense  commerce  afloat,  had  no  privateers.  The  United 
States,  without  public  vessel  to  make  head  against  the  Eng- 
lish, had  a  hundred  thousand  sailors  to  cruise  in  privateers. 

It  was  mooted  in  Congress,  and  considered  throughout  the 
country,  whether  private  armed  vessels,  which  cost  government 
no  expense,  were  not  the  cheapest  and  most  effective  relianoe 
for  the  war.     The  navy  had  nobly  done  all  it  could.     Was  it 
not  wiser  to  lay  it  up,  reposing  on  laurels,  rather  than  expose 
it,  and  the  laurels  too,  to  extreme  danger  ?    A  hundred  priva- 
teers, averaging  only  ten  guns  and  sixty  men  each,  would  never 
fail  to  be  at  sea,  intolerably  harassing  the  enemy  and  teaching 
him  the  worth  of  peace  by  interrupting  or  destroying  his  com- 
merce.   The  modern  tendency  of  freedom  is  to  govern  less  and 
leave  more  to  individual  action.    Volunteer  systems,  cheaper 
and  safer  than  armies  or  navies,  are  apt  to  be  preferred  to  the 
separate  profession  of  arms.     At  all  events,  it  was  said,  let  a 
sea-militia,  like  that  on  land,  constitute  part  of  the  belligerent 
forces.    Although  British  influence  and  pride  decry  privateers 
as  piratical  and  odious,  yet  is  not  the  principle  of  depredation 
the  same,  and  the  practice,  too,  between  the  private  and  the 
public  vessel  of  war  ?     War  is  a  trial  which  of  two  combatants 
can  do  the  other  mo3t  harm ;  uid  why  should  those  who  depre- 
cate its  brutalities  dignify  or  endeavor  to  recommend  them? 
Why  favor  or  respect  more  the  ship-of-the-line,  armed  with  a 
hundred  guns,  and  manned  with  a  thousand  men,  than  the 
sloop  whose  sole  armament  is  a  single  gun,  and  whoiM  crew  is 
but  five-and-twenty  men  ?    Depredation  is  the  aim  of  both  alike. 
According  to  a  w^-settled  principle  of  war-law,  every  indivi- 
dual of  each  belligerent  nation  is  at  war  with  every  individual 
of  the  other,  and  bound  to  do  him  all  possible  harm  in  person 
and  property. 

Still  there  is  a  gen«nil  averaioa  to  {MrivateerB,  as  more  like 
pirates  than  public  vessela  of  wur ;  aversion  natond  to  a  great 
nation  like  the  British,  with  immense  commerce,  obnoxious  to 
private  armed  cruisers,  and  an  immense  navy  to  protect  it; 
whether  it  is  so  just  an  American  antipathy  might  be  ques- 
tioned.   Yet  m  some  parts  it  broke  otii,  in  extreme  prejudice. 


•mmm 


..iS^aaiw^ftMi^i*®?- 


PRIVATBBRS. 


81 


9.  The  United 
gainst  the  Eng- 
n  privateers. 
throughout  the 
lost  government 
ffeotive  relianoe 

could.  Was  it 
ler  than  expose 

hundred  priva- 
ich,  would  never 
ly  and  teaching 
troyiog  his  corn- 
govern  less  and 
lystems,  cheaper 
preferred  to  the 
t  was  said,  let  a 
P  the  belligerent 
decry  privateerg 
e  of  depredation 
private  and  the 

two  pombatants 
;hose  who  depire- 
sommend  them? 
le,  armed  with  a 
,  men,  than  the 
\A  whoiM  crew  is 
tim  of  both  alike. 
»w,  every  indivi- 
every  individual 
i  harm  in  person 

nra,  as  more  like 
atond  to  a  great 
oe,  obnoxious  to 
y  to  protect  it; 
'  might  be  ques- 
reme  prejudice. 


The  New  Bedford  Mercury,  published  in  1814,  contamed 
the  following:  — 

*<  Mr.  Lindsay  is  requested,  by  one  of  his  subscribers,  to  insert  in  his  paper 
that  the  doctor  of  the  privateer  Saratoga,  now  fitting  for  a  cruise  at  Fair- 
haven,  applied,  some  days  since,  to  several  apothecaries  of  this  place  for  a 
medicine  chest,  all  of  whom  peremptorily  refused  supplying  him  with  that 
article,  or  with  any  drugs  or  medicines  for  the  use  of  the  privateer." 

The  writer,  who  signs  himself  "A  Ship-owner,"  adds  — 

"  We  think  the  gentlemen  did  themsolves  much  credit,  and  we  hope  their 
example  will  be  followed  by  the  citizens  of  this  place  generally.  Let  it  he 
distinctly  understood  that  privatnera  cannot  obtain  supplies  of  any  kmd  at 
this  place,  and  we  shall  no  longer  be  infested  with  those  nuisances.  Let 
them  ik  and  refit  firom  that  sink  of  corruption,  the  Sodom  of  our  country, 
called  Baltimore ;  and  not,  by  seeking  refuge  here,  put  in  jeopardy  our  ship> 
ping  and  our  towur  and  necessitate  our  yeomanry,  at  this  busy  season,  to 
leave  their  fiirms  uncultivated  to  defend  our  harbor,  which,  were  it  not  a 
place  of  refuge  for  what  has  been  emphatically  denominated  liQtiued  piratei, 
would  not  need  a  soldier  to  ensure  ita  safety." 

Surgeons  being  deemed  non-combatants,  and  therefore  not 
delivered  as  prisoners  of  war,  medical  and  clerical  comforts 
being.allowed  tc  felons,  this  New  Bedford  ebullition  was  less 
logical  than  disaffeoted. 

At  ftll  events,  the  British  press,  both  colonial  and  metropo- 
litan, throughoi(t  that  war,  bore  constant  testimony  to  the 
humanity,  generosity,  courtesy  and  charity  of  American  priva- 
teersmen ;  from  whom  the  lords  of  the  ocean  received  lessons 
in  kindness  to  prisoners,  as  well  as  in  courage  tow«rd  foes. 
In  numerous  instances  the  thanks  of  vuiquished  Britons  were 
published,  acknowledgmg  the  kindness  of  their  privateer  vic- 
tors. In  no  instance,  that  I  am  aware  of,  was  their  cruelty  or 
severity  complained  of,  or  censured  by  a  press  certainly  not 
abiitemious  from  American  condemnation.  In  fact,  the  sea- 
roters  of  that  war  were  licentious  British  commanders  of  ships 
of  the  line  and  frigates,  while  American  privateers  were 
mostly  modeb  of  legalized  hostilities.  Written  confessions 
will  appear,  in  this  chapter,  of  systematised  plunder,  pillage 
and  depredation  by  <^cers,  some  of  them,  then  or  since,  Britah 
noblemen  and  admirals,,  to  which  American  privateersmen  never 


t^: 


IS 


PRIVATEERS. 


degraded  themselves.  Unlawful  British  depredations  on  Ame* 
rican  raorchantmen  provoked  the  war  which  armed  the  priva- 
teers. The  British  rcyal  navy  preyed  on  unarmed  vessels, 
tinjustly  condemned  in  British  courts,  till  resistance  was  at  last 
roused ;  and  before  peace  was  restored,  by  memorable,  and  ns 
it  were  providential  detection,  a  bundle  of  letters,  found  in  the 
cabin  of  a  vessel  of  the  British  royal  navy,  gallantly  boarded 
and  captured,  just  as  the  war  ended,  by  an  American  privateer, 
betrayed  undeniable  proofs  of  scandalous  British  depravity. 

A  few  select  instances  of  privateer  hostilities  will  be  all  I 
shall  incorporate  with  this  narrative.  They  will  characterise 
the  whole,  which  it  would  require  a  volume  to  recite.  Ame- 
rican and  British  newspapers  abounded  with  their  details. 
Every  theatre  of  marine  enterprise  was  occupied  by  them. 
From  the  blockaded  and  beleaguered  coasts  of  the  United 
States,  in  the  Atlantic,  the  Pacific,  the  West  Indies  and  the 
East,  on  the  cdasts  6f  the  whole  globe,  in  every  latitude  and 
longitude,  British  vessels  were  surprised  and  subdued  by  Ame- 
rican privateers ;  great  numbers  sent  safely  into  port,  some 
ransomed,  others  burned.  Although  combat  was  not  the  priva- 
teer's vocation,  yet  they  seldom  declined  it  when  any  thing 
like  equal  terms  occurred ;  and  it  was  remarkably  indicative 
of  the  conQdenoe  of  the  American  seaman  in  his  superiority, 
that  he  often  fought  when  it  was  not  indispensable,  —  fought 
for  victory  and  glory  as  well  as  prize-money. 

The  privateers  rivalled  the  American,  an<?  jurpassed  the 
British  navy  in  adventure.  Cries  of  British  commerce  for  pro- 
tection from  American  privateers  Were  as  loud  and  piercing  as 
groans  for  naval  defeats.  The  Jamaica  press,  in  January, 
1814,  announced  that,  thereafter,  the  British  mails  for  the 
West  Indies  would  be  forwarded  by  men-of-war,  in  consequence 
of  the  frequent  captures  of  royal  mail  pftckets  with  mails. 
There  were,  altogether,  fourteen  mail  vessels  captured,  three 
by  frigates,  eleven  by  privateers.  The  packets  were  all  armed, 
and  tolerably  well  manned,  fought  their  captors,  and  sometimes 
obstinately,  particularly  the  royal  packet  Princess  Amelia, 
which  did  not  strike  her  flag  till  after  stout  resistance  to  the 
privateer  Rossie,  commanded  by  Barney.    The  packet  Princess 


^;sa$m-,fsm^sm^^mt^msr.')mMmmmMsm^.,: 


^:^^ 


ations  on  Ame- 
med  the  priva- 
narmod  vessels, 
incc  was  at  last 
naorable,  and  ns 
rs,  found  in  the 
bllantly  boarded 
irican  privateer, 
ih  depravity, 
es  will  be  all  I 
ill  characterise 

recite.  Ame- 
I  their  details, 
ipied  by  them. 

of  the  United 
Indies  and  the 
ry  latitude  and 
bdued  by  Ame- 
into  port,  some 
a  not  the  priva- 
rhen  any  thing 
cably  indicative 
his  superiority, 
sable,  —  fought 

jurpassed  the 
amerce  for  pro- 
and  piercing  as 
js,  in  January, 
I  mails  for  the 
in  consequence 
ets  with  mails, 
captured,  three 
were  all  armed, 
,  and  sometimes 
incess  Amelia, 
sistance  to  the 
packet  Princess 


VRIVATEEBS.  ^8 

Elizabeth,  after  a  sharp  contest,  taken  by  the  Harpy  privateer, 
of  Baltimore,  and  ransomed,  had  on  board  a  Turkish  ambas- 
sador, and  some  British  navy  oflScers.  The  packet  Landraile 
was  taken  in  the  British  Channel  by  the  Syren,  privateer  of 
Baltimore.  The  transport  brig  Doris,  No.  650,  from  Senegal, 
with  soldiers,  fine  horses,  a  hyaena,  jackal,  and  other  wild 
beasts,  presents  for  the  Prince  Regent,  were  captured  by  the 
Grampus  privateer,  of  Baltimore. 

When  a  rendezvous  was  opened  at  Portsmouth,  New  Hamp- 
shire, for  the  privateer  America,  300  men  presented  themselves 
in  the  first  hour  to  enlist  for  her ;  the  successful  cruises  of 
many  privateers  having  excited  a  thirst  for  enterprise,  distinc- 
tion and  gain  irrepressible.  Nearly  800  British  prisoners 
were  taken  into  Boston,  by  privateers,  within  a  few  weeks ; 
and  double  that  number,  in  the  same  time,  were  paroled  at  sea. 

On  the  30th  of  September,  1814,  it  was  posted  at  Lloyd's 
Cofiee-house,  from  a  Paris  newspaper  of  the  25th  of  that  month, 
that  "the  True-blooded  Yankee,  American  privateer,  com- 
pletely refitted  for  sea,  and  manned  with  a  crew  of  200  men, 
sailed  from  Brest  on  the  21st,  to  cruise  in  the  British  channel, 
with  orders  to  sink,  burn  and  destroy,  but  not  to  capture  in 
order  to  carry  to  port." 

"  Liverpool,  October  30th,  1814.  A  government  vessel,  laden 
with  gunpowder,  was  chased  into  Wexford,  a  few  days  since, 
by  an  American  privateer,  which  has  prevented  several  vessels 
from  sailing  for  that  port."  The  privatteer  Comet,  of  Baltimore, 
cut  several  prizes  out  of  the  port  of  Tortola.  The  privatefer 
True-blooded  Yankee  took  possession  of  an  island  on  the  coast 
of  Ireland,  which  she  held  for  several  days,  burnt  seven  ves- 
sels in  the  harbor  of  a  town  in  Scotland,  and  landed  in  France 
a  large  quantity  of  the  richest  booty,  in  various  kinds  of  the 
finest  merchandise.  The  privateer  Tuckahoe,  of  Baltimore, 
was  chased,  within  a  short  period,  by  no  less  than  eight  dif- 
ferent British  frigates,  each  of  which  she  outsailed,  or  out- 
manoeuvred. The  West  Indies  swarmed  with  American  pri- 
vateers, and  nuinbera  from  French  harbors  cruised  m  the  Bay 
of  Biscay  and  the  British  Channel.  Among  the  goods  of  the 
valuaMe  prize  brig  Falcon,  sent  into  Bath'  by  the  privateer 

Vol.  m.— 8 


84 


PRIVATEERS. 


m 


America,  of  Salem,  were  900  Bibles  and  300  New  Testaments, 
in  English  and  Dutch,  forwarded  by  the  British  and  Foreign 
Bible  Society  for  distribution  at  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  which 
the  owners  of  the  privateer,  the  Messrs.  Crowninshield,  sold 
at  very  low  prices  to  the  Bible  Society  of  Massachusetts.     The 
Sconrgo  privateer.  Captain  Perry,  of  New  York,  cruising  in 
the  North  Sea,  captured,  sent  in,  ransomed  or  burned  so  many 
prizes,  that  her  prisoners  amounted  to  420  men.     In  company 
with  the  privateer  Rattlesnake,  Captain  Moffat,  of  Philadelphia, 
the  tonnage  these  two  vessels  took  in  the  North  Sea,  exceeded 
4500  tons.     Ob  the  2lBt  of  July,  1814,  the  privateer  Saucy 
Jack  opened  a  rendezvous  at  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  at 
eleven  o'clock,  for  the  enlistment  of  a  crew ;  and  before  five 
o'clock  that  afternoon,  one  hundred  and  twenty  able-bodied 
full  seamen  were  enlisted.    The  Midas  privateer  sailed  from 
Savannah  in  search  of  the  British  privateer  Dash,  reported 
off  that  coast,  having  taken  three  coasters  loaded  with  cotton, 
all  four  of  which  vessels,  including  the  Dash  and  another  vessel, 
the  Astrea,  captured  by  the  Dash,  which  the  Midas  recaptured, 
she  took  into  Savannah.     The  Countess  of  Harcourt,  a  large, 
richly  laden,  well  manned  and  armed  British  East  Indiaman, 
was  taken  by  the  Sabine  privateer  in  the  British  Channel,  and 
sent  safe  into  port.    Fourteen  vessels  were  taken  and  burned 
in  the  British  Channel  by  the  privateer  Governor  Tompkins, 
of  New  York,  after  divesting  the  prizes  of  their  valuable  arti- 
cles.   That  method  of  preventing  recapture  was  becoming 
common  by  both  private  and  public  cruisers,  and  proved  a 
most  effectual  annoyance  to  the  enemy.    The  privateer  Kemp, 
of  Baltimore,  released  one  of  her  prizes,  the  brig  New  Fre- 
derick, bound  from  Smyrna  to  Hull,  at  the  entreaty  of  an 
Italian  lady,  a  passenger.    The  entry  in  the  log  of  another 
privateer,  after  mentioning  the  particulars  of  an  engagement 
and  victory,  was  —  "treated  the  prisoners  like  ourselves."    A 
London  paper  of  the  5th  of  August,  1814,  reported,  as  ac- 
counts received  at  Lloyd's,  for  their  lists  of  recent  casualties, 
7  vessels  captured  by  the  United  States'  sloop-of-war  Wasp ; 
2  by  the  United  States'  sloop-of-war  Syren,  and  99  by  dif- 
ferent American  privateers,  whose  reception  and  refitting  in 


iv  Testaments, 
1  and  Foreign 
d  Hope,  which 
ninshiold,  sold 
ihusotts.     The 
k,  cruising  in 
irned  80  many 
In  company 
f  Philadelphia, 
Sea,  exceeded 
rivateer  Saucy 
h  Carolina,  at 
nd  before  five 
ty  able-bodied 
er  sailed  from 
Dash,  reported 
ed  yrith  cotton, 
another  vessel, 
las  recaptured, 
rcourt,  a  large, 
Sast  Indiaman, 
k  Channel,  and 
en  and  burned 
nor  Tompkins, 
r  valuable  arti- 
was  becoming 
and  proved  a 
rivateer  Kemp, 
brig  New  Fre- 
sntreaty  of  an 
log  of  another 
IB  engagement 
ourselves."    A 
eported,  as  ac- 
cent casualties, 
)-of-war  Wasp ; 
md  99  by  dif- 
bud  refitting  in 


PRIVATEERS, 

Freii.'li  ports  was  loudly  complained  of,  after  war  had  ceased 
between  England  and  France.  The  British  coasts  were  said  to 
be  much  vexed  by  privateers,  one  of  which  burned,  in  Dublin 
Bay,  a  largo  ship  from  Bordeaux,  laden  with  brandy. 

"London,  September  3.  — A  liat  was,  on  Wednesday  laiit,  posted  up  at 
Lloyd's,  containing  a  melancholy  catalogue  of  no  fewer  than  825  ships 
which  had  been  taken  by  the  Americans  since  the  commencement  of  the 
war.  British  vessels  did  not  crass  the  Irish  Channel  without  convoy.  In* 
surance  from  London  to  Halifax  was  30  guineas  for  100." 

The  Prince  of  Neufchatel,  Captain  Ordronneaux,  of  Now  York, 
with  33  men,  including  oflBcers,  at  quarters,  and  37  prisoners 
on  board,  was  attacked  near  Nantuoket  by  5  boats  of  the  En- 
dymion  frigate,  manned  by  111  men  and  officers,  heavily 
armed,  38  of  whom  were  killed,  87  wounded,  and  all  the  rest 
mptured ;  though  several  of  them,  boarding,  gained  the  deck 
of  the  privateer,  but  were  beat  back.  The  Neufchatel  arrived 
safe  in  Boston,  laden  with  rich  spoils  from  several  vessels  she 
took,  most  of  them  in  the  British  and  Irish  channels.  The  pri- 
vateer Portsmouth,  of  Portsmouth,  captured  and  sent  in,  after 
a  cruise  of  33  days,  the  ship  James,  of  London,  for  Quebec, 
with  dry-goods  invoiced  at  £100,000  sterling,  and  other  prizes, 
the  whole  sales  of  which,  for  the  little  more  than  one  month's 
cruise,  yielded  upwards  of  $550,000.  The  privateer  Chasseur, 
of  Baltimore,  Captain  Boyle,  in  a  cruise  of  three  months,  took 
eighteen  vessels,  many  of  them  large  ships  and  brigs,  with 
valuable  cargoes,  paroled  150  prisoners,  carrying  43  into  port 
with  him ;  and,  while  off  the  English  coast,  after  many  hair- 
breadth escapes,  was  once  so  near  a  frigate  as  to  exchange 
broadsides  with  her.  At  another  time  she  was  nearly  sur- 
rounded by  two  frigates  and  two  man-of-war  brigs  —  often 
chased,  but  easily  out-manoeuvred  them  all ;  though,  by  a  baU 
from  a  frigate,  she  had  three  men  wounded.  Captain  Boyle 
issued  the  following  burlesque  parody  of  Admiral  Coohrane's 
proclamation,  and  by  a  cartel  sent  it  to  London,  with  orders  to 
have  it  stuck  up  at  Lloyd's  Coffee-house. 

"  By  TAmmu  Boyle,  E$q.,  eamnumder  ^  the  private  mrmed  brig  Chat- 

teur,  4'C'. 
"  Proclamation  ;  ^Whereas  it  has  become  customary  with  the  admirals 
of  Great  Britain,  commanding  small  forces  on  the  coast  of  the  United  States, 


;;l; 


W  PRIVATEERS. 

particularly  with  Sir  John  Dorlaio  Warren  and  Sir  Alexander  Cochrane, 
to  declare  all  the  coast  of  the  taid  United  Statca  in  a  slate  of  strict  and 
rigorous  blockade,  without  possessing  the  power  to  justify  such  a  declaration, 
or  stationing  an  adequate  force  to  maintain  such  blockade. 

"  I  do,  therefore,  by  virtue  of  the  power  and  authority  in  me  vested  (pos- 
■essing  sufficient  force),  declare  all  the  ports,  harbors,  bays,  creeks,  rivers, 
inlets,  outlets,  islands  and  seacoast  of  the  United  Kingdom  of  Great  Britain 
and  Ireland  in  a  state  of  rigorous  blockade.  And  I  do  further  declaro  that 
I  consider  the  force  under  my  command  adequate  to  maintain  strictly, 
rigorously  and  effectually,  the  said  blockade.  And  I  do  hereby  require  the 
respective  officers,  whether  captains,  commanders,  or  commanding  officers, 
under  my  command,  employed  or  to  be  employed  on  the  coast  of  England, 
Ireland  and  Scotland,  to  pay  strict  attention  to  the  execution  of  this  my 
proclamation.  And  I  do  hereby  caution  and  forbid  the  ships  and  vessels  of 
all  and  every  nation,  in  amity  and  peace  with  the  United  Stotos,  from 
entering,  or  attempting  to  enter,  or  from  coming,  or  attempting  tu  come  out 
of  any  of  the  said  ports,  harbors,  bays,  creeks,  rivers,  inlets,  outlets,  islands, 
or  seacoast,  under  any  pretence  whatsoever.  And  that  no  person  may  plead 
ignorance  of  this  my  proclamation,  I  have  ordered  the  same  to  be  made 
public  in  England. 

"  Given  under  my  hand,  on  board  the  Chasseur,  day  and  date  as  above. 

"  THOMAS  BOYLE. 
"  By  command  of  the  commanding  officer. 

J.  J.  STRAUSBURG,  Sec'y. 

The  Chasseur  was  one  of  the  best-huilt  vessels  afloat ;  ex- 
cellent in  her  construction,  equipment,  armament,  officers,  and 
crew.  Captain  Boyle  was  one  of  those  sagacious,  intrepid,  sober, 
cool  and  hardy  sea-dogs  of  New  England,  who  well  deserve  the 
eulogium  of  Btirke,  as  the  best  seamen  in  the  world.  His 
blockade  of  Great  Britain  was  no  more  unfounded  than  Coch- 
rane's  proclaimed  blockade  of  the  United  States;  nor  could 
the  maritime  community  have  more  practical  and  effective  ex- 
posure of  the  monstrous  assumption  of  England  to  exterminate 
commerce  by  fictitious  prevention,  than  the  actual  ravages  of 
that  single  privateer  at  the  very  ports  of  that  country ;  the  losses 
and  terrors  of  its  merchants ;  and  the  contemptuous  ridicule  by 
which  an  American  privateersman  tested  the  truth  of  British 
official  assumption. 

Not  only  the  best  construction,  seamanship,  gunnery,  and 
other  naval  requirements,  were  maintained  on  board  privateers, 
but  discipline,  without  which  all  martial  effort  is  precarious, 


UMi 


PRIVATEERS. 


37 


lexander  Cochrane, 
.  state  of  strict  and 
r  such  a  declaration, 
le. 

'  in  me  vested  (pos* 
bays,  creeks,  rivers, 
nn  of  Great  Britain 
further  declare  that 

>  maintain  strictly, 
hereby  require  the 
tmmanding  officers, 

>  coast  of  England, 
ecution  of  this  my 
ihipt  and  vessels  of 
Jnited  Statos,  from 
mpling  to  come  out 
ets,  outlets  islands, 
10  person  may  plead 
J  same  to  be  made 

nd  date  as  above. 
OMAS  BOYLE. 

USBURG,  Sec'y. 

ssels  afloat;  ex- 
ent,  officers,  and 
I,  intrepid,  sober, 
well  deserve  the 
;lie  world.  His 
aded  than  Coch- 
ates;  nor  could 
and  effective  ex- 
1  to  exterminate 
ttual  ravages  of 
mtrj;  the  losses 
taons  ridicule  by 
truth  of  British 

[),  gunnery,  and 
)oard  privateers, 
rt  is  precarious, 


was  well  preserved,  an  '   may  not  bo  amiss  to  show,  by  the  se- 
vere puniHhments  adjiui^  .u  in  one  instance,  which  will  servo  for 
all.     The  discipline',  order,  and  morality  of  privateers  were  su- 
perintended, and  rigidly  maintained,  according  to  the  rules  and 
regulations  for  the  government  of  the  navy,  and  enforced  by 
its  officers.     The  privateer  Scourge  was  a  public  favorite  from 
her  enterprising  performances.     Cruising  in  the  North  Ciipe, 
she  overhauled  every  vessel  for  Archangel,  sending  her  prizes 
behind  a  chain  of  islands ;  at  the  entrance  of  one  of  which  the 
Captain  of  the  Scourge  repaired  and  supplied  an  old  battery, 
strong  enough  to  keep  off  cruisers.     Danes  took  possession  of, 
and  conducted  the  prizes  to  Drontheim,  so  as  not  to  reduce  the 
crew  of  the  Scourge,  and  Danes  were  hired  to  man  the  for- 
tress.    Just  before  the  war  ended,  a  court-martial  of  naval 
officers,  presided  by  Captain  Charles  Morris,  at  the  navy-yard 
in  Charlestown,  Massachusetts,  the  10th  of  February,  181/), 
adjudged  Jeremy  S.  Dickenson,  first  lieutenant  of  that  pri- 
vateer, to  imprisonment,  incapacity  of  ever  holding  a  commis- 
sion in   tho  public  or  private' urmed  vessels  of  the   Uniteil 
States ;  and  tho  forfeiture  of  his  shares  in  the  captures  made 
by  the  Scourge,  for  negligence  of  duty,  quarrelling,  and  pro- 
voking and  reproachful  menaces,  mutinous  and  seditious  con- 
duct.    At  the  same  time,  the  same  court  sentenced  the  boat- 
swain and  three  seamen  of  the  Scourge  to  be  flogged,  and  to 
forfeit  their  share  of  captures,  for  pillaging  a  neutral  vessel, 
stopped  by  the   Scourge   for  examination,  and  maltreating 
persons  on  board  that  vessel.     The  government  of  the  United 
States  exacted  from  privateers  conduct  in  strong  contrast  with 
that  of  British  naval  officers.    From  the  first  of  their  predatory 
81/stem  ashore  and  at  sea,  begun  by  Admiral  Cockburn  at 
Havre  de  Grace  and  Frenchtown  in  1813,  continued  through- 
out the  coasts  of  this  whole  cotmtry,  and  completed  by  the 
kidnapping  of  slaves  in  Carolina  and  Georgia,  no  such  repri- 
mand from  the  British  government  was  ever  heard  of  us  that 
inflicted  as  abovementioned. 

Complaints  from  Liverpool,  London,  Glasgow,  Lisbon,  tho 
West  India  Islands  broke  forth  in  loud  censure  of  the  govern- 
ment,  for  its  inefficient  protection  of  British  commerce  from 


i' 


88 


PRIVATEERS. 


American  privateers ;   of  wliicli  some  are  hero  inserted,  as 
indicative  of  tlioir  great  iinpresMion. 

"  London,  Auguit  22. 
"Amrrioak  Privatgerh.  —  Tho  Directors  of  the  Royal  Exclmni^c  and 
London  Aasiironcc  (JorporntionB,  Btronf^ly  imprcued  with  tho  ncceiwity  for 
frroator  protection  boing  afforded  to  the  trade  in  conaeqiienco  of  tho  nume- 
rous captures,  that  have  recently  been  made  by  American  cruisers,  repre- 
sented tho  Lords  Comniisaionera  of  the  Admiralty  on  Wednesday  last,  and 
on  Saturday  rccoivod  answer,  of  which  the  following  is  s  copy : 

*• '  Admiralty  Office,  August  10. 
'• '  Sir, — Having  laid  beforo  my  Lords  Commiisioncrs  of  tho  Admiralty, 
the  letter  of  the  12th  instant,  signed  by  you  and  the  Secretary  of  thn  Lmdon 
Asaurance  Corporations,  on  the  subject  of  depredations  committed  by  the 
American  privateers  therein  mentioned,  I  am  commanded  by  their  I^onltihips 
to  acquaint  you  that  there  was  a  force,  adequate  to  the  purpose  of  protecting 
the  trade,  both  in  St.  George's  Channel  and  the  Northern  Sea,  at  the  time 
referred  to.  I  am,  &c., 

«'J.  W.  CROKER.'" 

After  giving  the  names  of  some  vessels  captured,  the  saiqe 
paper  adds  — 

"  Should  the  depredations  on  our  commerce  continue,  the  merchants  and 
trs.der8  will  not  be  able  to  get  any  insurance  effected,  except  at  enonnous 
premiums,  on  vessels  trading  between  Ireland  and  England,  either  by  the 
chartered  companies,  or  individual  underwriters ;  and  as  a  proof  of  this  as- 
t  >rtion,  for  the  risks  that  are  usually  written  lit,,  9  p«r  cent,  tho  sum  of  5 
guiners  is  now  demanded."  '  "■ 

"  London,  September  1.  —  It  is  the  intention  of  the  admiralty,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  numerous  captures  made  by  the  Americans,  to  be  extremely 
strict  with  the  captains  who  quit  their  convoy  at  sea,  or  who,  contrary  to 
orders,  sail  without  convoy.  Prosecutions  of  masters  of  ships,  fbr  neglect 
of  this  description,  havo  already  commenced,  as  will  be  seen  by  the  subjoined 
extraiit  of  a  letter : 

••  •  Lloyd's,  August  31, 1814. — ^The  Loids  Commissioners  of  the  Admiralty 
have  been  pleased  to  inform  the  committee,  that  they  have  given  directions 
to  their  solicitor  to  prosecute  the  masters  of  the  /pUpwing  vessels,  viz :' " 
[naming^  them.]  .       " 

AMERICAN  PRIVATEERS. 

"The  depredations  of  the  American  privateers  on  the  coast  of  Ireland  and 
elsewhere,  have  produced  so  strong  a  sensation  at  Lloyd's,  that  it  is  difficult 
to  get  policies  underwritten  at  any  rate  of  premium. 


81 


cro  inaertod,  as 

Aujfuit  22. 
ioytkl  KxcUtngc  oimI 
th  tlio  ncccwiity  lor 
tienco  of  tho  niimc- 
icnn  cruiser)),  rrpre- 
VcilncNday  U«t,  and 

copy : 

August  19. 

of  tho  Admiralty, 
rotary  of  thn  I<i)iidon 

committed  by  the 
kI  by  their  I^iordxhips 
>urpaM)ofprotucting 
rn  Soa,  at  the  time 

.  CROKER.'" 
)tured,  the  suine 


,  the  merchant!  and 
except  at  enonnout 
Inland,  eitiier  by  the 
8  a  proof  of  thia  as* 
'  cent,  tho  sum  of  5 

admiralty,  in  conse* 
ina,  to  be  extremely 
or  who,  contrary  to 
of  ships,  for  neglect 
3en  by  the  subjoined 

ers  of  the  Admiralty 
ive  given  directions 
wing  vessels,  viz:"*  . 


coast  of  Ireland  and 
's,  that  it  is  difficult 


"  Thirteen  guineas  for  one  hundred  pound*  lmi<  I  ^mul  to  tw  vessels 
acruHN  the  Irivli  Clunnol)  such  a  thing  novor  hnpi"      '■  w«  bf>liev>     tdjn, 

"  London,  Soptcnibcr  9.  —  At  a  meeting  of  iii<  ini>-<        m,  &c., 

at  l.ivoriMiul,  to  consider  of  a  representation  to  govurauicui  nn  ,,  Mibjoct 
of  the  numerous  cspluren  made  by  American  cruisers,  Mr.  GUdatono  pro- 
poned an  address  to  tho  Ix>rds  of  the  Admiralty ;  but  slier  many  severe 
olworvalions  tliat  representations  had  been  made  to  tiiat  deportmonl  without 
redress,  Mr.  Clear  proposed  an  address  to  tlio  prince  regent,  which,  alter 
warm  opposition  on  tho  part  of  Mr.  Gladstone,  was  carried.  Tho  address 
conveys  a  censure  upon  the  admiralty.  Hubseiiuently  a  counter  address  to 
the  admiralty  was  voted  tt  another  meeting,  to  which  Mr.  Croker  replied 
on  tho  3d  inst.,  that  an  ample  force  had  been  under  the  command  of  the 
admirals  commanding  the  western  stations ;  and  tliat  during  the  time  when 
the  enemy's  depredations  are  stated  to  have  taken  place,  not  fower  than 
tlirco  frigates  and  iburteen  sloops  wore  actually  at  sea,  for  the  immediate 
protection  of  St  George's  Channel,  and  tho  western  and  nortiiern  parts  cf 
the  United  Kingdom. 

"In  the  memorial  of  the  merchants,  &c.,  of  Liverpool,  to  the  admiralty, 
complaining  of  want  of  sufficient  naval  protection  against  American  captures, 
tiiey  speak  of  privateera  destroying  vessels  as  a  novel  and  extraordinary 
practice,  which,  tlicy  say  they  are  informed,  is  promoted  by  pecuniary  re- 
wards from  the  American  government ;  and  they  wish  measures  adopted  to 
prevent,  as  much  as  possible,  the  ruinous  effects  of  this  new  system  of  war- 
fare. 

"  At  a  very  numerous  meeting  of  the  merchants,  manufkcturers,  ship- 
owners, and  underwriters,  of  the  city  of  Glasgow,  called  by  a  public  adver- 
tisement, and  held  by  special  requisition  to  the  lord  provost,  on  Wednesday, 
the  7th  of  September,  1814,  the  lord  provost  in  the  chair,  it  was 

" Unanimouilif  Removed,  That  the  number  of  American  privateers  with 
which  our  channels  have  been  infteted,  the  audacity  with  which  ihey  have 
approached  otu  coasts,  and  the  success  with  which  tlieir  enterpri^o  has  been 
attended,  have  proved  injurious  to  our  commerce,  humbling  to  our  pride,  and 
discreditable  to  the  directors  of  the  nival  power  of  the  British  nation,  whose 
flag,  till  of  late,  waved  over  every  sea,  and  triumphed  over  every  rival. 

"  That  there  is  reason  to  believe,  io  the  short  space  of  leu  than  twenty- 
four  months,  above  eight  hundred  vessels  have  been  captured  by  the  power 
whose  maritime  strength  we  have  hitherto  impoliticolly  held  in  contempt. 

**That,  at  a  time  when  we  are  at  peace  with  all  the  rest  of  the  world, 
when  the  maintenance  of  our  marine  costs  so  large  a  sum  to  the  country, 
when  the  mercantile  and  shipping  rnterests  pay  a  tax  for  protection  under 
the  form  of  convoy  duty,  and  when,  in  the  plenitude  of  our  power,  we  have 
declared  the  whole  American  coast  under  blockade,  it  is  equally  distrbwng 
and  mortifying,  that  our  ships  cannot  with  safety  traverse  our  own  channels; 
that  insurance  cannot  be  effected  but  at  an  excessive  premium ;  and  that  a 
horde  of  American  cruisen  should  be  allowed  unheeded,  unresisted,  unmo- 


40 


I'UlVATKIcnS. 


teitcd,  to  Inkc,  burn,  nr  link  our  own  voucIk,  in  our  own  inlotB,  and  filinnit 
in  sij^lit  of  our  own  linrbori. 

"That  tlio  |virt»  of  tho  Clyilo  liavn  iuolainuil  nevcro  Iom  (Vom  the  depre- 
(latiorii  nlrnndy  committed,  and  that  there  in  rrainn  to  apprehend  mill  mora 
■erious  minuruiif,  nut  only  Irom  tho  extent  of  the  coaating  tradi',  nwd  tho 
iinmberii  yet  to  arrive  fVom  iibroad,  but  oa  the  titno  it  fait  approai  liin;r  wlicn 
tho  outward-bound  nhipa  muni  proceed  to  Cork  ibr  convuyM,  and  wbii'  during 
tho  winter  aemaon,  tho  opportunitioa  of  tlio  enemy  will  be  incrotuoJ,  b<itli  to 
capture  with  oaio  and  cocnpo  with  impunity. 

"That  the  ayiiteni  of  burning  and  dculroying  every  article  which  there  la 
fear  of  loaing,  a  lyitcm  puraued  by  all  tho  cruiaen,  and  encouraged  by  their 
own  govnrnmoiit,  duuiniithei  the  chancoa  of  recapture,  and  render*  tiiu  no- 
ccwity  (|f  prevention  more  urgent. 

"That  from  tho  coldneaa  and  regret  with  which  previoua  rcmonatrancea 
fVom  other  quartora  hnvo  been  rnccived  hy  tho  admirolty,  thia  mtotint  re- 
luctantly feel  it  an  Jm|)erioiis  duty  at  onco  to  addrcaa  the  throne,  and  there- 
fore, that  a  petition  be  forwarded  to  hia  Royal  Ilighneaa,  the  prince  rejfi'nt, 
acting  in  the  name  and  on  behalf  of  hia  roajeaty,  reprsienting  the  above 
griovanccfi,  and  humbly  praying  that  hia  Royal  Ilighneaa  will  be  graciuunly 
pleased  to  ilirnct  audi  mcaRurea  to  bo  n<loptcd  aa  ahall  promptly  and  cffoctu- 
aily  protect  tho  trade  on  tho  coaata  of  thia  kingdom  IVum  tho  numerous  in- 
aulting  and  destructive  depredations  of  the  enemy ;  and  that  the  lord  provost 
be  reiiueated  to  transmit  tlie  aaid  petition  accordingly." 

The  merchanta  of  St.  Vincents  sent  a  memorial  to  Admiral 
Durham,  stating  that  the  privateer  Chasseur  hail  blockaded 
them  for  five  days,  doing  them  much  damage,  and  roque.stiiig 
that  ho  would  send  them  at  least  a  heavy  sloop  of  war  ^  where- 
upon ho  sent  them  tho  Barrosa  frigate,  in  effecting  his  OHcapo 
from  which  frigate.  Captain  Boyle  waa  obliged  to  throw  souio 
of  his  guns  overboard. 

A  London  newspaper,  published  the  16th  of  January,  1815, 
the  following: 

"Tho  American  privateers,  which  have  caused  our  commerce  to  suffer  so 
much,  have  had,  for  a  long  time,  secret  intelligence  with  two  of  the  ports  on 
the  Irish  coast.  The  number  of  their  prizes  proves  the  use  they  have  made 
of  their  information,  and  accounts  fbr  the  inefficiency  of  the  measures  taken 
by  the  admiralty." 

Another  London  publication;  of  the  20th  of  January,  1815, 
stated  that  "letters  from  Lisbon,  of  the  80th  of  December, 
announce  that  tho  American  privateers  commit  great  depreda- 
tions on  the  coast  of  that  kingdom.    They  were  uneasy  about 


!|l 


PRIVATKERfl. 


41 


I  inlelii,  and  n\m)»t 

fVom  the  ilo[)ro« 

|)|)ri'h»nil  Mill  inorv 

ting  tradi',  mi  J  the 

npiironi  liiri"  when 

H,  mill  Willi    .luring 

0  incrcujeti,  txitli  to 

tide  which  there  is 
incouraged  by  thoir 
ml  rvndcro  tliu  n^ 

iouH  rcmon«trancei 
ly,  thia  miotlni;  re* 
J  throne,  and  thrre> 
tlio  princo  reifint, 
'eaenting  the  utnive 

1  will  bu  irracioiiKJy 
oinptly  and  cfToctti- 
n  thfl  nutnoniiis  in- 
liat  the  lurd  pruvoat 

)rial  to  Admiral 

had  blockaded 

and  roquoHting 

of  war;  whore- 

oting  Lis  oucapo 

1  to  throw  Bomo 

January,  1815, 


nmeree  to  aufier  ao 
two  of  the  porta  on 
lae  they  have  made 
Jie  ineaaurea  taken 


Jonuary,  1815, 

I  of  December, 

great  depreda- 

e  uneasy  about 


the  fnto  of  one  of  our  Hloopn-of-wur  near  Capo  St.  VincontH,  in 
a  linrd  battle  with  one  of  the  American  privuteors." 

Beaidi'S  HcamanHliip,  ontorpriHo  and  gallantry,  privateers  — 
some  of  them  even  more  than  the  public  vessels  of  war  —  dove- 
loped  another  superiority  in  that  content.     They  -vere  mostly 
better  built  than  the  British  vessels.     Whon  Nelson,  in  1801, 
Burvoycd  the  build,  the  rig,  the  trim,  ond  the  mancvuvres, 
oltogether,  of  the  first  American  B(iuadron  that  entered  tho 
Mediterranean,  his  prediction  uf  transatlantic  naval  prowess 
was  a  fact,  as  I  have  been  assured  by  respectable  authority. 
[Vol.  I.  p.  862].     Tho  American  ships  were  well  handled,  ho 
said.     From  the  heights  of  Gibraltar,  tho  great  portal  of  en- 
trance between  tho  old  world  and  the  now,  marine  experts  <  ' 
all  nations  perceived  that  American  republican  ships  wet  .•  ^i     » 
gracefully  shaped,  more  agile,  and  swifter  of  ni'    v  i'      ,     h 
they  competed  with  tho  English,  French,  Dutc) ,  I'nl'  i'.  ti' 
other  vessels,  in  vain  strivinj;  to  surpass  them.    Tl      \;     i '      i 
vessel  was  as  easily  recogaised  by  her  canvass,  b      ^  ■' 
masts,  and  her  march  r.pon  tho  waves,  as  by  h(     t!    -  s>i  .  .g 
nuls.     Tho  nationality  was  obvious.    From  the  i    lo  when  Co- 
lumbus and  AmericuB,  in  clumsy  shollops,  passed  those  stroits, 
till  one  of  the  largest  steam-frigates  of  the  world,  the  MiHsouri, 
was  burned  and  buried  there,  the  model,  size,  force,  motive- 
power  and  armament  of  ships,  both  mercantile  and  naval,  have 
been  constantly  progressive,  and  those  of  this  country  emulous 
to  be  behind  no  others.    Navigated  by  freemen,  much  more 
Bubordinate  and  better  disciplined  than  Turkish  slaves,  Ameri- 
can vessels  have  always  compared  favorably  with  others ;  while 
British  and  American  emulatiop  has,  without  hostilities,  stimu- 
lated both  of  these  free  nations  to  incessant  endeavoun?  for  su- 
perior excellence.     In  the  war  of  1812,  appeared  those  low 
black  schooners,  with  tall  raking  masts,  and  wonderful  facility 
of  evolution^  called  Baltimore  clippers,  Boma  of  whose  cruises 
and  performances  are  mentioned  in  this  chapter.     Minding  the 
helm  as  if  understanding  its  orders,  sailing  close-hauled  upon  a 
wind,  those  sea-racers,  or  skimmers  of  the  sea,  distanced  oppo- 
nents, played  round  enemies  with  audacious  ease,  broke  block- 
ades, out  and  in  again,  cut  prizes  out  of  fleets  and  fortified 


■'  I 


>i' 


•Iv 


'1' 


w 


}l^- 


42 


PRIVATEERS. 


ports,  pcrforraod  rapid  anil  distant  voyages,  blockaded,  captured, 
burned  and  destroyed,  or  ransomed — executed  admirably  every 
act  of  naval  <belligeroncy.  Since  their  day,  the  American 
pilot-boat,  and  finally  tho  ocean-steamer,  have  maintained  the 
progressive  advancement,  of  which  the  Baltimore  clipper  was 
an  early  and  remarkable  edition.  For  it  is  one  of  those  in- 
explicable circumstances,  of  which  human  events  are  contin- 
ually furnishing  new  proofs,  that  the  British  navy  succeeded 
in  driving  all  others  from  the  sea  without  excelling  in  ship- 
building. The  wooden  walls  of  England  were  not  more  im- 
pregnable than  those  of  Holland,  France  or  Denmark.  British 
crews  had  the  talisman  of  British  superiority.  French  ships 
are  said  to  be  better  constructed  than  English.  French  arma- 
ment is  at  least  equal.  It  enhances  the  naval  merit  of  the 
British  tar,  that  he  vanquished  the  Dutch  and  the  French  at 
sea,  without  being  on  board  a  finer  vessel,  or  with  superior 
armament.  The  Baltunoro  clipper,  the  American  pilot-boat, 
the  sea-steamer,  and  the  pleasure-yacht,  have  all  successively 
borne  testimony  that,  in  the  construction  and  navigation  of  ves- 
sels, the  builders  of  this  country  ,are  not  excelled.  Nor  is  it 
inconsiderable  testunony  of  the  value  of  the  eflforts,  mechanical 
as  well  as  marine,  elicited  by  the  struggle  of  1812  with  the 
mighty  naval  power  of  Great  Britain,  that  a  navy,  the  steam- 
boat, the  clipper  ship — all  branches  of  marini.  advancement  — 
were  among  its  developments.  Since  then  the  contest  with  the 
mother  country  has  never  ceased  or  relented ;  not  in  arms, 
with  bloodshed,  or  often  with  anger,  but  as  the  wholesome 
emulation  of  free  and  kindred  people,  vying  with  each  other  in 
the  useful  arts  and  advantages  of  civilized  refinements. 

Many  more  brilliant  particulars  of  privateer  exploits  might 
be  added  to  the  few  herein  mentioned,  teeming  with  adven- 
turous cruises,  rich  captures,  gallant  actions,  courteous  and 
himiane  deportment,  and  altogether  romantic  achievements. 
But  enough  have  been  sketched  to  characterise  the  whole ;  and 
this  chapter  will  be  closed  with  particulars  of  two  of  the  most 
remarkable  of  sea-fights ;  one  of  which  superinduced  important 
political  results  after  the  peace ;  and  the  other  records  disgraceful 
disclosures  of  the  British  navy,  taken  from  it  by  a  privateer. 


!^e»*Si'««ss#«,si!»i!i!6«»«dBB 


lockaded,  cnpturctl, 
'd  admirably  every 
lay,  the  American 
.ve  maintained  the 
timoro  clipper  was 
oue  of  those  in- 
|events  are  contin- 
ih  navy  succeeded 
excelling  in  ship- 
■ero  not  more  im- 
»enmark.    British 
ty.     Frencli  ships 
»h.     French  arma- 
laval  merit  of  the 
md  the  French  at 
I  or  with  superior 
nerican  pilot-boat, 
^e  all  successively 
navigation  of  ves- 
ccelled.     Nor  is  it 
eflforts,  mechanical 
of  1812  with  the 
a  navy,  the  steam- 
tti.  advancement  — 
be  contest  with  the 
ted;  not  in  arms, 
as  the  wholesome 
with  each  other  in 
efinemente. 
5er  exploits  might 
ming  with  adven- 
ts, courteous  and 
tic  achievements. 
Je  the  whole ;  and 
r  two  of  the  most 
nduced  important 
ecords  disgraceful 
by  a  privateer. 


PRIVATEERS. 


43 


The  privateer  schooner  General  Armstrong,  mounting  eight 
long  nine-pound  cannons,  with  one  twenty-four  pound  gun  on 
a  pivot;  and  a  crew  of  ninety  men  and  officers,  commanded  by 
Captain  Alexander  C.  Reid,  sailed  from  New  York,  then  block- 
aded, the  9th  of  September,  1814,  on  a  cruise,  which,  after 
only  nineteen  days  at  see,  ended  at  Fayal,  the  port  of  one  of 
the  Portuguese  islands  of  Azore.  Captain  Reid,  on  the  26th 
of  September,  put  in  there  for  water.  The  American  Consul, 
John  B.  Dabney,  facilitated  the  supply,  which  was  hastily 
shipped,  in  order  that  the  schooner  might  sail  again  next 
morning.  Some  anxiety  was  felt,  lest  any  British  cruisers 
should  appear,  and  disregard,  as  they  often  did,  Portuguese 
neutrality,  when  Portugal  and  England  were  so  closely  allied, 
that  Portugal  was  protected  from  France  by  England.  In  the 
evening,  Mr.  Dabney  and  a  party  of  gentlemen  were  enter- 
tained on  board  the  privateer.  The  American  consul  was 
quieting  Captain  Reid's  uneasiness  by  assurances  that  the 
neutrality  of  the  port  would  undoubtedly  protect  his  vessel, 
when  a  British  brig-of-war,  the  Carnation,  hove  in  sight,  with 
a  favorable  breeze  for  entering  the  port,  where  the  privateer 
was  becalmed. 

While  Captain  Reid  was  hastily  considering  whether  he 
would  attempt  to  elude  the  possibility  of  British  molestation 
by  putting  to  sea,  the  Plantagenet  ship-of-the-line.  Captain 
Lloyd,  and  the  Rota  frigate.  Captain  Somerville,  came  in  view, 
to  which  vessels  the  Carnation  made  signals,  which  became  fre- 
quent between  them  and  the  Carnation.  As  soon  as  the  Carna- 
tion had  been  apprised  by  the  pilot  that  there  was  an  American 
privateer  in  the  roads,  the  British  vessel  hauled  close  in  to  the 
Armstrong,  and  anchored  within  pistol-shot  of  her.  Of  a  clear 
moonlight  night,  in  that  transparent  oUmate,  when  every  thing 
was  plainly  discernible,  the  Carnation  got  all  her  boats  out 
and  sent  a  message  to  the  Commodore,  which  suspicions  indica- 
tions, induced  Captain  Reid  to  warp  his  -vessel  close  to  the 
shore,  by  sweeps,  and  to  clear  for  action.  As  soon  as  the 
Carnation  perceived  that  movement,  her  cable  was  cut,  sail 
was  made  on  her,  and  four  boats  were  despatched  towards  the 
privateer.    About  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening,  aa  the  boats 


h- 


■;«ijiMt"»i<iii»iiH8w^igj' 


I 


44 


PRIVATEERS. 


advanced,  Captain  Roid  dropped  his  anchor,  got  springs  on 
his  cable,  and  prepared  for  an  apprehended  attack.  As  the 
boats  approached  in  dread  silence,  pulling  toward  the  priva- 
teer, with  every  appearance  of  a  design  to  attack  the  Ameri- 
can, they  wore  again  and  again  hailed  by  Captain  Reid,  and 
warned  to  keep  off.  Largely  manned,  and  formidably  armed, 
they  pushed  on  till  they  got  close  alongside.  The  Americans 
then  fired.  The  British  returned  the  fire,  killed  a  seaman  on 
board  the  privateer,  and  wounded  her  first  lieutenant,  Frede- 
rick A.  Worth.  But  roughly  repulsed,  with  twenty  of  their 
people  killed  and  wounded,  and  the  rest  crying  for  quarter, 
the  boats  hastily  retreated ;  and  thus  ended  the  first  act  of 
a  desperate  and  bloody  tragedy,  afterwards  renewed  by  the 
British,  and  continued  all  night. 

The  privateer  certainly  fired  first,  and  drew  the  first  blood. 
But  who  was  the  aggressor,  became  a  question  which  is  not  yet 
determined.  Truth,  always  difficult  of  ascertainment,  is  hardly 
ever  discovered  by  himian  testimony  when  passions  are  excited 
by  bloodshed  between  armed  foes.  The  English  version  was,  that, 
when  the  Carnation  found  the  Armstrong  in  the  harbor,  she 
sent  a  boat  with  a  lieutenant  and  a  flag  to  learn  the  privateer's 
force ;  that  the  tide,  running  strong,  drifted  the  boat  to  the 
schooner,  then  getting  under  way ;  that  it  was  impossible  for 
the  boat  to  keep  off  when  hailed  and  warned  to  do  so,  because 
the  schooner  had  so  much  stem-way  on  her ;  whereupon  the 
privateer  fired,  and  killed  seven  men  in  the  boat. 

Whoever  was  aggressor,  exasperated  hostilities  were  then 
resolved  upon.  The  British  commodore,  Lloyd,  indignant  at 
what  he  denounced  as  aggression,  by  gross  breach  of  neutrality, 
resolved  to  take  exemplary  vengeance  at  once,  and  at  all 
hazards,  ordered  the  Carnation  to  move  in  and  destroy  the  pri- 
vateer. But  as  the  wind  ^as  light  and  variable,  the  brig  made 
signals  to  the  Plantagenet  and  the  Rota  for  boats,  to  tow  in 
the  Carnation.  Nine  boats,  manned  with  two  hundred  men, 
commanded  by  three  lieutenants,  were  accordingly  despatched 
for  that  purpose;  but  not  being  able,  by  reason  of  rocks,  to 
tow  the  brig  in  as  directed,  the  boats  proceeded,  themselves,  to 
destroy  the  privateer.    Such  is  the  British  statement. 


',  got  springs  on 

attack.    As  the 

toward  the  priva- 

attack  the  Ameri- 

'aptain  Reiil,  and 

formidably  armed, 

The  Americans 

illed  a  seaman  on 

ieutcnant,  Frede- 

twenty  of  their 

rying  for  quarter, 

d  the  first  act  of 

8  renewed  by  the 

sw  the  first  blood, 
n  which  is  not  yet 
lainment,  is  hardly 
issions  are  excited 
1  version  was,  that, 
n  the  harbor,  she 
irn  the  privateer's 
1  the  boat  to  the 
ivas  impossible  for 
I  to  do  so,  because 
•r ;  whereupon  the 
boat. 

itilities  were  then 
loyd,  indignant  at 
Bach  of  neutrality, 
once,  and  at  all 
id  destroy  the  pri- 
ble,  the  brig  made 
r  boats,  to  tow  in 
wo  hundred  men, 
Imgly  despatched 
sason  of  rocks,  to 
ed,  themselves,  to 
atement. 


PRIVATEERS. 

Whether  assailant  or  defendant,  Captain  Reid,  seeing  that 
active  measures  were  taking  for  his  destruction,  hauled  his 
schooner  close  in  to  the  shore,  moored  her  within  pistol-shot 
of  the  castle,  and  made  preparations  for  the  encounter,  which 
he,  too,  was  resolved  should  be  desperate.  The  Portuguese 
governor  and  inhabitants,  the  consuls,  American  and  Eng- 
lish, and  large  numbers  of  spectators,  lined  the  banks  to  wit- 
ness what  threatened  to  be  an  exciting  conflict.  After  the 
British  had  combined  their  forces,  said  to  amoimt  to  400  men, 
picked  from  the  three  vessels,  in  twelve  boats,  armed  with  car- 
ronades,  swivels,  blunderbusses,  muskets,  cutlasses  and  board- 
ing pikes,  the  Carnation  under  weigh,  in  order  t'>  prevent  the 
privateer's  escape,  should  it  be  attempted — all  the  preliminary 
movements  for  attack  were  made  ready.  The  moon  shone  bright, 
the  air  was  calm,  expectation  breathless — the  combatants,  on 
both  sides,  still  as  death.  The  privateer's  men,  all  night  at 
quarters,  in  perfect  quiet,  awaited  the  onset.  At  midnight, 
all  the  British  preparations  being  completed,  the  boats,  in  close 
order  and  in  one  direct  line,  pulled  for  their  stations,  close 
alongside  the  privateer.  No  attempt  was  made  to  prevent 
their  approach.  With  perfect  self-possession.  Captain  Reid, 
his  officers  and  men,  reserving  their  fire  till  the  enemy  was 
almost  at  the  mouths  of  their  guns,  then  poured  in  a  terrible  dis- 
charge, which  stunned  their  assailants.  But,  after  a  short  pause 
and  reconnoissance,  the  British  cheered,  returned  the  fire,  and, 
bravely  grappling  with  their  foes,  endeavored  to  board  the 
schooner.  At  the  order  to  board  and  give  no  quarter,  they 
clambered  up  the  bow  and  sides,  with  unwavering  efforts 
striving  to  reach  the  decks.  A  furious  conflict  ensued, 
hand  to  hand,  with  pikes,  swords,  pistols  and  muskets.  The 
privateer's  second  lieutenant,  Alexander  0.  Williams,  Was 
killed;  and  the  third  lieutenant,  Robert  Johnson,  together 
with  the  quarter-master,  Barsillai  Hammond,  disabled  by 
wounds,  —  Captain  Reid  the  only  officer  left  unhurt.  Dur- 
ing forty  minutes  of  raging  conflict,  the  eighty  odd  Ame- 
ricans, with  the  advantage  of  the  deck,  constantly  repulsed 
several  hundred  British,  defeating  all  their  attempts  to  board. 
Of  the  British,  by  their  own  account,  more  than  half  were 


a^lSSSSfe. 


46 


rRIVATEERS. 


killod  or  woumletl,  that  in,  1G7 ;  but,  according  to  other  esti- 
mates, about  one-fourth  of  thcin.  Two  of  the  Rota's  boats, 
laden  with  dead,  were  abandoned  by  the  seventeen  survivors, 
who  escaped  by  swimming  ashore.  Three  of  the  Rota's  lieu- 
tenants, Bowerbank,  Coswell  and  Rogers,  with  38  of  her  sea- 
men, were  killed,  and  83  wounded.  The  first,  fourth  and  fifth 
lieutenants  of  the  Plantagenet,  and  22  of  her  sailors,  were 
killed,  and  24  wounded.  The  slaughter  was  dreadful.  At 
the  famous  battle  off  St.  Vincents,  which  conferred  that  title, 
with  an  earldom,  on  Admiral  Jervis,  after  an  engagement 
with  a  Spanish  fleet,  which  lasted  a  whole  day,  all  the  British 
killed  were  73,  and  all  the  wounded,  227.  Such  comparisons 
infer  the  conclusion  that  some  of  the  greatest  British  naval 
victories  were  gained  with  inconsiderable  loss,  and  much  less 
achievement  than  is  attributed  by  a  public  policy,  which  may 
not  bo  unwise,  but  of  which  conflicts  with  American  mariners 
rent  the  veil  and  exposed  the  reality. 

There  were  moments,  durmg  the  last  forty  minutes  r  furious 
encounter,  when  the  issue  was  extremely  doubtful.  Several 
of  the  privateer's  men  went  ashore ;  and  all  the  officers,  ex- 
cept the  captain,  were  killed  or  wounded.  But  Captain  Reid 
never  lost  his  stern  composure.  The  men  who  went  ashore  took 
their  stand  on  rocks,  and  continued  to  fire  from  them ;  those 
on  the  deck  shouted  defiance  to  their  sturdy  foes,  and  at  last 
drove  them  away  with  ama2dng  destruction. 

After  the  surviving  British,  so  terribly  worsted,  retired  to 
their  shipping,  at  two  o'clock  at  night  the  American  consul 
appealed  to  the  Portugese  governor  to  interfere  with  the  British 
commanding  officer,  and  assert  the  neutrality  of  the  port  against 
further  violation.  Several  houses  had  been  damaged,  and 
persons  wounded  by  the  British  fire.  The  governor,  therefore, 
sent  to  the  commodore,  entreating  him  to  desist  from  such 
violence.  But  Gaptttin  Lloyd,  smarting  under  his  losses,  which 
deprived  the  Rota  alone  of  seventy  of  her  besf  men  and  officers, 
and  exasperated  by  a  resistance  which  he  did  not  expect,  and 
was  resolved  to  ptmish,  not  only  peremptorily  refused  to  stop 
hostilities,  but  declared  that  he  would  take  the  privateer  if  he 
had  to  lay  the  whole  town  m  ashes.    Furthermore,  he  gave 


MiWii 


ling  to  other  esti- 
iLe  Rota's  boats, 
vcnteon  survivors, 
of  the  Rota's  lieu- 
nth  38  of  her  sea- 
8t,  fourth  and  fifth 
her  sailors,  were 
was  dreadful.     At 
ionfcrred  that  title, 
sr  an  engagement 
ay,  all  the  British 
Such  comparisons 
atcst  British  naval 
OSS,  and  much  less 
policy,  which  may 
American  mariners 

r  minutes  r  furious 
doubtful.  Several 
ill  the  officers,  ex- 

But  Captain  Reid 
10  went  ashore  took 

from  them;  those 
dy  foes,  and  at  last 

wonted,  retired  to 
le  American  consul 
3re  with  the  British 
of  the  port  against 
Ben  damaged,  and 
;ovemor,  therefore, 
>  desist  from  such 
er  his  losses,  which 
If  men  and  officers, 
id  not  expect,  and 
ily  refused  to  stop 
he  privateer  if  he 
^ermore,  he  gave 


PRIVATEERS. 


47 


the  governor  notice  that  the  British  commander  held  him  re- 
sponsible, that  his  revenge  should  not  be  disappointed  by  letting 
the  privateers-men  destroy  their  vessel.  If  that  was  done. 
Commodore  Lloyd  would  consider  Fayal  an  enemy's  place,  and 
treat  it  accordingly. 

After  the  commodore's  rejection,  with  these  threats,  of  the 
governor's  request,  at  three  o'clock  in  the  morning  the  consul 
apprised  Captain  Reid  that  he  had  nothing  to  expect  from  that 
intervention,  and  it  became  certain  that  the  schooner  would  be 
destroyed  or  captured.  The  captain  then  went  on  board  of 
3r  for  the  last  time,  had  the  dead  and  wounded  removed,  told 
the  crew  to  save  whatever  they  could,  and  made  preparations 
for  destroying  the  schooner.  At  day-light  the  Carnation  stood 
in  close  to  the  Armstrong,  and  opened  a  fire  upon  her.  But 
it  was  so  warmly  returned,  that  the  British  brig  soon  drew  off 
much  injured,  and  sent  her  boats  to  do  the  work.  Captain 
Reid's  vessel  being  also  injured,  and  his  best  gun  dismounted,  he 
scuttled  her  before  the  boats  boarded,  and  with  his  people  went 
ashore.  The  boats'  crews  set  her  on  fire,  and  the  privateer 
was  burned.  Two  days  afterwards  two  more  British  war  brigs, 
the  Thais  and  the  Calypso,  arrived  at  Fayal ;  by  each  of  which 
twenty-five  of  the  worst  wounded  were  sent  to  England. 

An  En^h  resident  of  Fayal,  in  a  letter  to  Cobbett,  pub- 
lished by  hun  the  14th  of  October,  1814,  thus  described  the 
closing  scenes  of  that  encounter : 

"When  they  got  within  clear  gunshot,  a  tremendous  and  effectual  dis- 
charge was  made  fh)m  the  privateer,  which  threw  the  b^ats  into  confusion. 
They  now  returned  the  fire ;  *'  he  privateer  kept  up  so  continual  a  dis- 
charge, it  was  almost  impossih  tot  the  boats  to  make  any  progress.  They 
finally  succeeded,  after  immense  loss,  in  getting  alongside  of  her,  and 
attempted  to  board  at  every  quarter,  cheered  by  the  officers  with  a  shout  of 
No  quarter  I*  which  we  could  distinctly  hear,  as  well  as  their  shrieks  and 
cries.    The  termination  was  near  about  a  total  massacre 

"Three  of  the  boats  were  rank,  aAd  but  one  poor  so''  y  officer  escaped 
death,  in  a  boat  that  contained  fifty  soala;  he  was  wounded.  The  Americans 
fought  with  great  finnnev;  some  of  the  boats  were  left  without  a  single 
man  to  row  them ;  tUben  with  three  or  four ;  the  most  that  any  one  returned 
with  was  about  ten;  several  boats  floated  on  shore  fiill  of  dead  bodies. 

"  With  great  reluctance  I  state  that  they  were  manned  with  picked  men, 
and  commanded  by  the  first,  second,  third,  and  finirtb  lieutenants  of  the 


if  ??{;-?  i; 


•Jw!PT9»W^*«" 


■M*1tSfm#^iV^ 


aaar 


48 


PRIVATEERS. 


Plantagcnct;  first,  second,  third,  and  fourth  do.  of  tlie  frigate;  and  the  first 
oflSccrs  of  the  brig,  together  with  a  great  number  of  midsliipmcn.  Our 
whole  force  exceeded  400  men ;  but  tliree  officers  escaped,  two  of  whom  are 
wounded.    This  bloody  and  unfortunate  contest  lasted  about  forty  minutes. 

"AfVer  the  boats  gave  out,  nothing  more  was  attempted  till  daylight  next 
morning,  when  the  Carnation  hauled  alongside  and  engaged  her.  Tiie  pri- 
vateer still  continued  to  make  a  most  gallant  defence.  These  veterans 
reminded  me  of  Lawrence's  dying  words  of  the  Ciiesapeake, '  Don't  give 
up  the  ship !'  The  Carnation  lost  one  of  her  topmasts,  and  Jier  yards  were 
shot  away ;  she  was  much  cut  up  in  her  rigging,  and  received  several  shots 
in  her  hull.    This  obliged  her  to  haul  ofTto  repair,  and  to  cease  her  firing. 

"  The  Americans  now  finding  their  principal  gun  (long  Tom)  and  several 
others  dismounted,  deemed  it  folly  to  Uiink  of  saving  her  against  so  superior 
a  force ;  they  therefore  cut  away  her  masts  to  the  deck,  blew  a  hole  through 
her  bottom,  took  out  their  small  arms,  clothing,  &c.,  and  went  on  shore.  I 
discovered  only  two  shot'holes  in  the  hull  of  the  privateer,  though  much  cut 
up  in  rigging, 

••  Two  boats'  crews  were  afterwards  despatched  fh)m  our  vessels,  which 
went  on  board,  took  out  some  provisions,  and  set  her  on  fire. 

"  For  three  days  after,  we  were  employed  in  burying  the  dead  that  washed 
on  shore  in  the  surf:  The  number  of  British  killed  exceeds  one  hundred 
and  twenty,  and  ninety  wounded.  The  enemy,  (the  Americans)  to  the  sur- 
prise of  mankind,  lost  only  two  killed  and  seven  wounded.  We  may  well 
say  '  God  deliver  us  firom  our  enemies,'  if  this  is  the  way  the  Americans 
fight 

"After  burning  the  privateer.  Captain  Uoyd  made  a  demand  of  the  go- 
vernor to  deliver  up  the  Americans  as  prisoners — which  was  refused.  He 
threatened  to  send  five  hundred  men  on  shore,  and  take  them  by  force.  The 
Americans  immediately  retired  with  their  arraa  to  an  old  Gothic  convent, 
knocked  away  the  adjoining  drawbridge,  and  determined  to  defend  them- 
selves  to  the  last.  The  captain,  however,  thought  better  than  to  send  his 
men.  He  then  demanded  two  men,  which  he  said  deserted  from  his  vessel 
when  in  America.  The  governor  sent  for  hia  men,  but  found  none  of  the 
description  given. 

"  Many  houses  received  much  injury,  on  shore,  from  the  guns  of  the  Car- 
nation. A  woman,  sitting  in  the  fourth  story  of  her  house,  had  her  thigh 
shot  off;  and  a  boy  had  his  arm  broken.  The  American  Consul  here  has 
made  a  demand  on  the  Pbrtuguese  government  for  a  hundred  thousand  dollars, 
for  the  privateer;  which  our  Consul,  Mr.  Parkin,  thinks,  in  justice,  will  be 
paid,  and  that  they  will  claim  on  England.  Mr.  Parkin,  Mr.  Edward  Bay- 
ley,  and  other  English  gentlemen,  disapprove  of  the  outrage  and  depredation 
committed  by  our  vessels  on  this  occasion.  The  vessel  (o  shipK>f-war)  that 
was  despatched  to  England  with  the  wounded,  was  not  permitted  to  take  a 
single  letter  finm  any  person.  Being  an  eye-witness  to  this  transaction,  I 
have  given  you  a  correct  statement  as  it  occurred." 


PRIVATEERS. 


49 


0  frigate ;  and  the  first 
of  miJaliipmcn.     Our 

coped,  two  of  whom  aro 
k1  about  forty  minutes, 
nptod  till  daylight  next 
mgaged  her.  Tiie  pri- 
ence.  These  veterans 
liesapeake, '  Don't  give 
Bts,  and  Jier  yards  were 

1  received  several  shots 
nd  to  cease  her  firing, 
[long  Tom)  and  several 
her  against  so  superior 
ck,  blew  a  hole  through 
,  and  went  on  shore.  I 
ateer,  though  much  cut 

>om  our  vessels,  which 
on  fire. 

ng  the  dead  that  washed 
i  exceeds  one  hundred 
Americans)  to  the  sur- 
lunded.  We  may  well 
the  way  the  Americans 

e  a  demand  of  the  go- 
hich  was  refused.  He 
;ke  them  by  force.  The 
&n  old  Gothic  convent, 
mined  to  defend  them- 
better  than  to  send  his 
eserted  from  his  vessel 
,  but  found  none  of  the 

tm  the  guns  of  the  Car- 
er  house,  had  her  thigh 
srican  Consul  here  has 
indred  thousand  dollars, 
inks,  in  justice,  will  be 
irkin,  Mr.  Edward  Bay- 
mtrage  and  depredation 
isel  (s  ship-of-war)  that 
not  permitted  to  take  a 
B  to  this  transaction,  I 


Captain  Reid  reduced  to  writing  a  full  statement  of  this 
transaction  in  a  protest  before  the  Consul,  Dabney.  The  Por- 
tuguese authorities  strongly  condemned  the  conduct  of  the 
British ;  and  the  matter  has  been,  ever  since,  the  subject  of 
demand  by  the  American  government  against  that  of  Portugal 
for  indemnity.  Latterly  it  has  been  involved  in  some  difficulty 
by  positive  accounts  of  British  deponents  that  the  Americana 
were  alone  to  blame  as  aggressors ;  and  by  umpirage,  indica- 
tive of  the  strange  vicissitudes  in  human  affairs.  Mr.  Daniel 
Webster,  as  Secretary  of  State  of  these  United  States,  after 
controversy  with  the  Portuguese  government,  involving  some 
British  testimony,  feeling  and  influence,  has,  by  arrangement 
with  Portugal,  referred  the  matter  to  the  arbitrement  of  the 
French  republican  government.  Thus  Napoleon's  nephew  and 
his  ministers  will  determine  a  question  with  which  my  narra- 
tive need  not  deal,  as  it  is  confined  to  the  conflict  without  close 
regard  to  the  disputed  aggression. 

On  his  return  home.  Captain  Roid,  arriving  at  Savannah, 
and  travelling  north,  was  welcomed  and  fdted  as  one  of 
our  naval  heroes.  At  Richmond,  particularly,  he  was  honored 
by  a  public  entertainment,  attended  by  the  Governor  and 
other  distinguished  Virginians.  Andrew  Stephenson,  Speaker 
of  the  Virginia  House  of  Delegates,  presided.  Among  the 
toasts  were,  "The  privateer  cruisers  of  the  United  States, 
whose  intrepidity  pierced  the  enemy's  channels  and  braved  the 
lion  in  his  den."  "Barry  and  Boyle,  and  their  compatriots, 
who  have  ploughed  the  ocean  in  search  of  the  enemy,  and 
hurled  retaliation  on  his  head."  The  Vice-President,  William 
Wirt's  toast  was,  "  The  memory  of  the  General  Armstrong ; 
she  has  graced  her  fall,  and  made  her  ruin  glorious."  Ken- 
tucky, without  a  seaport  or  seaman,  but  uniformly  ardent  in 
support  of  the  war,  addressed,  through  her  patriotic  governor, 
Shelby,  a  letter  to  Captain  Reid,  dated  Frankfort,  May  8th, 
1815,  in  which  the  venerable  hero  of  two  "wars  strongly  and 
cordially  made  known  his  own  and  his  fellow-citizens'  senti- 
ments on  aconflict  "which,"  he  said,  "placed  the  American  cha- 
racter in  a  prouder  view  than  any  other  during  the  war.  We 
are  not  less  indebted,"  added  Governor  Shelby  truly,  "  to  the 
Vol.  m.  — 4 


I 

I 

i. 

f 
I 

» 
I 


60 


I'llIVATEBRS. 


i^' 


officers  and  crews  of  our  private  armed  vessels  than  to  the  navy 
for  the  rich  harvest  of  glory  wo  have  found  on  the  ocean,  where 
wo  had  much  to  dread.  Instances  of  talents,  skill,  discipline, 
and  of  determined,  unconquerable  bravery,  have  been  mani- 
fested by  )ur  privatcersmen.  Though  I  have  no  reason  to  be- 
lieve that  the  nation  is  not  fully  impressed  with  the  gratitude 
due  to  thii  class  of  heroes,  yet  I  have  regretted  that  there  have 
been  so  low  demonstrations  of  that  sentiment."  From  an 
inland  state,  such  applause  and  encouragement  were  as  ge- 
nerous as  just. 

To  complete  the  sketch  of  privateer  hostilities,  it  remains  to 
contrast  the  gallantry  and  chivalry  of  private  with  the  ignoble 
depredations  of  public  vessels  of  war ;  undeniably  proved  by 
scandalous  confessions  of  British  naval  officers,  captured,  as 
the  war  closed,  in  a  vessel  of  the  royal  navy,  which  struck  her 
flag  to  an  American  privateer  of  inferior  force. 

Soon  after  peace,  but  when  the  treaty  still  allowed  certain 
hostilities  by  sea,  on  the  20th  of  March,  1815,  the  privateer 
Chasseur,  of  Baltimore,  Captain  Thomas  Boyle,  returned  there 
from  a  successful  cruise  in  the  West  Indies,  with  a  full  cargo 
of  dry-goods,  and  sundry  other  valuable  articles,  token  from 
three  British  captured  ships.  On  the  26th  of  February, 
1815,  off  Havana,  after  a  sharp  action  of  eight  minutes, 
within  pistol-shot,  Captain  Boyle  subdued  the  British  war- 
schooner  St.  Lawrence,  commanded  by  Lieutenant  James  R. 
Gordon,  of  the  royal  navy,  with  a  crew  of  seventy-five  men, 
besides  a  number  of  soldiers,  marines  and  naval  officers',  on 
t"heir  way  from  Cockburn's  squadron  to  inform  Cochrane's 
fleet,  off  New  Orleans,  of  peace,  of  which  Lieutenant  Gor- 
don carried  the  account.  The  British  vessel,  of  greater  force 
than  the  American,  had  15  killed  and  23  wounded;  the 
privateer,  5  killed  and  8  wounded.  No  action,  throughout  the 
whole  war,  told  more  emphatically  American  nautical  supe- 
riority in  seamanship,  bravery,  gunnery,  and,  above  all,  gen- 
tlemanly humanity.  The  English  schooner  concealed  her  men 
and  force  to  surprise  the  American,  and  when  close  aboard, 
opened  a  whole  tier  of  guns,  which  threw  broadsides  twice  as 
heavy  as  the  privateer's.    But  after  a  very  few  minutes  of  the 


\MkM 


L 


PUIVATCERS. 


81 


than  to  the  navy 
the  occiin,  where 
,  Bkill,  dlMcipline, 
have  been  mani- 
no  rcaaon  to  be- 
ith  the  grutitudo 
(1  t)iat  there  have 
cnt."  From  an 
ncnt  were  as  ge- 

ties,  it  remains  to 

with  the  ignoble 
niably  proved  by 
era,  captured,  as 

which  struck  her 
e. 

I  allowed  certain 

16,  the  privateer 
le,  returned  there 

with  a  full  cargo 
icles,  taken  from 
th  of  February, 
•f  eight  minutes, 

the  British  war- 
itenant  James  R. 
seventy-five  men, 
naval  officers,  on 
iform  Cochrane's 

Lieiitenant  Gor- 
,  of  greater  force 
S8  wounded;  the 
n,  throughout  the 
»n  nautical  supe- 
I,  above  all,  gen- 
oncealod  her  men 
len  close  aboard, 
oadsides  twice  as 
Bw  minutes  of  the 


fiercest  fire,  just  when  Captain  Boyle  ordered  his  men  to  board, 
and  his  prizo-inustcr,  Mr.  W.  N.  Christie,  actually  got  on  board 
the  enemy,  her  flag  was  struck,  and  she  was  found  to  be  u  com- 
plote  wreck,  her  hull  and  rigging  cut  to  pieces,  and  every 
officer  either  killed  or  wounded.  Thus  disabled,  at  the  en- 
treaty of  her  acting  commander,  the  British  vessel  was  sent  by 
Captain  Boyle  aa  a  flag  of  truce  to  carry  the  v  ounded  into 
Havana,  Lieutenant  Locke  leaving  with  his  captor  a  written 
statement,  addressed  to  British  commanders  as  what  it  termed 
"  a  tribute  justly  due  to  the  humane  and  generous  treatment 
of  himself  and  the  surviving  officers  and  crew  of  his  Britannic 
Majesty's  late  schooror,  the  St.  Lawrence,  by  Captain  Boyle, 
whoso  obliging  attention  and  watchful  solicitude  to  preserve 
the  eifects  of  the  vanquished,  and  render  them  comfortable, 
justly  entitle  him  to  the  respect  and  attention  of  every 
British  subject." 

Outdoing  the  royal  British  navy  in  gallantry  and  humanity, 
that  capture  detected  undeniable  evidence  that  plunder  was  a 
principal  stimulant  to  British  naval  enterprise,  and  depredation 
its  daily  sustenance.  The  St.  Lawrence,  sailing  express  from 
Cockburn's  detachment  of  the  enemy's  fleet  to  Cochrane's, 
charged  with  ibany  letters  from  the  former  to  the  latter,  which, 
in  the  hurry  and  consternation  of  their  capture,  the  bearers 
had  neither  time  nor  self-possession  to  destroy.  Those  dis- 
gusting documents,  found  in  the  cabin  of  the  St.  Lawrence, 
betrayed  admirals,  nobles,  gentlemen  and  knights  engaged,  in 
paltry  rapine,  and  extensive  devastations.  War  lawfully  entitles 
victors  to  spoils.  Acquisition  of  wealth  by  conquest  induces 
exploits,  and  is  their  legitimate  reward.  But  the  predatory  8y«- 
tem  of  the  British  in  this  country  was  contrary  to  recognised 
regulations  of  hostility.  One  of  the  letters  taken  in  the  St. 
Lawrence  was  from,  Admiral  Cockborn  to  Captain  Evans, 
dated  Head-Quarters,  Oumberland  Island,  February  11th, 
1815,  which,  after  deploring  the  defeat  at  New  Orleans,  adds, 
*'  Wo  have  been  more  fortunate  here,  in  our  small  way.  We 
have  taken  St.  Mary's,  a  tolerably  rich  place,  and  with  little 
loss  have  managed  to  do  much  damage  to  the  enemy,  and  we 
are  now  in  tolerable  security,  on  a  large  fertile  island  in  Geor- 


'•\i 
^'1 


jr.  "Sffiilii  P I  *  ji^j  pwC'i' 


FRwii  ■!»■*> 


68  BIlITI&n   BUCCANEERINO. 

gin,  though  nn  ugly  account  of  pence  being  signed  (the  pnr- 
ticulnrn  of  which  I  have  neiit  to  Sir  Alexander  Cochrane), 
Bocms  to  promise  a  speedy  <lif*ini^sul  to  U8  f»*oin  thia  couHt." 
Cockburn'a  regret  at  peace  and  his  hnato  to  anticipate  it,  when 
apprehended,  by  extensive  plunder,  by  hia  lost  incurHion,  by 
confuHsions  of  his  officers,  was  shamefully  unworthy  the  navy 
of  which  he  was  a  C.  tlnguished  chief.  From  a  fleet  of  two 
74-gun  ships,  four  frigates,  and  several  transports,  between 
one  and  two  thousand  land-troops,  black  and  white,  early  in 
January,  1815,  landed  under  Cockburn  at  Cumberland  Island, 
Georgia,  there  to  repeat  the  excesses  of  those  freebooters  on 
the  shores  of  the  Chesapeake.  Cochrane  having  failed  by  his 
proclamation  to  excite  the  slaves  to  revolt,  the  alternative  was 
to  kidnap,  as  booty,  as  many  as  possible.  At  St.  Simons, 
Cockburn  captiired  551  of  that  uncommon  plunder,  which, 
after  peace  was  established,  ho  and  Admiral  Cochrane,  officially 
called  upon,  refused  to  restore ;  and  subsequent  negotiations, 
treaty,  and  Russian  umpirage,  became  necessary  to  get  indem- 
nity for  them. 

As  Cockburn  overcame  General  Ross's  scruples  against 
ventuiing  to  Washington  by  inducements  of  piUago,  so  other 
letters,  taken  in  the  St.  Lawrence,  show  that  m  hile  conquest 
was  the  pretext,  plunder  was  the  rabid  purpose  of  his  landing 
in  Georgia:  British  officers,  naval  and  military,  speculating 
like  pedlers  on  their  gains  by  unlawfiU  means. 

J.  R.  Glover's  letter  to  Captain  Westphall  of  the  Anaconda, 
dated  Head-Quarters,  Cumberland  Island,  February  1,  1816, 
stated  — 

"We  have  eatablished  our  head-quarters  here,  after  ratuacking  St.  Mary's, 
from  which  we  brought  property  to  the  amount  of  fifty  thousand  pounds,  and 
had  we  two  thousand  troops  we  might  yet  collect  a  good  harveit  before  peace 
takei  place.  My  forebodings  will  not  allow  me  to  anticipate  either  honor 
or  profit  to  the  expedition  of  which  vou  form  a  part,  and  I  much  fear  the 
contrary,  yet  most  fervently  I  hope  my  forebodings  may  prove  groundless. 
The  admiral  (Cockburn)  is  as  active  as  over,  and  success  in  general  attends 
his  undertakings." 

The  admiral's  last  successful  undertaking,  estimated  by  this 
follower  at  fifty  thousand  pour/  i,  was  the  plunder  of  human 


Bignctl  (tlio  pnr- 

Indor  Cochrane), 

from  tliis  coiiBt." 

tlcipate  it,  when 

It  incurHJun,  by 

)rt}iy  the  navy 

a  fleet  of  two 

nHports,  between 

d  white,  early  in 

|mberhind  Island, 

le  freebooters  on 

zing  failed  by  his 

0  alternative  was 

At  St.  Simons, 

plunder,  which, 

ochrane,  officially 

lent  negotiations, 

u-y  to  get  indom- 

scruplcB  against 

pillage,  80  other 

»t  A\  hile  conquest 

se  of  his  landing 

tary,  speculating 

of  the  Anaconda, 
ebruary  1,  1816, 


naacking  St.  Mafy'g, 
housand  pounds,  and 
'karve$t  before />eace 
Jcipate  either  honor 
mi  I  much  fear  the 
ly  prove  ifroundleM. 
» in  general  attends 

estimated  by  this 
under  of  human 


RRITISII    ni'CCANKEIlINn.  S 

l)cin<;».  lu  the  »hort  interval  to  elapse  between  the  iir/ly  ac- 
count of  pence  ho  deprecated  and  its  ratification,  Cockbiirn  liiul 
no  idea  of  legitimate  hostilities,  but  of  pillage.  Not  long  after 
his  firHt  ignoble  depredations  in  Maryland,  in  tho  spring  of 
1H18,  the  Iligh-Flyor  British  tender  was  captured  by  the  IVe- 
sident  frigate,  in  which  prize  were  found  Cockburn's  own 
minutes  of  his  own  piratical  notions  of  naval  warfare.  When 
his  marauding  began  at  tho  head  of  the  Chesapeake,  the  cha- 
racter of  his  landing  and  conduct  at  Frenchtown  was  thm 
registered  in  his  log-book  entry,  dated  April  29,  1813 : 

"The  expedition  returned,  after  having  effected  its  purpose,  carrii>d  a  five- 
gun  buttery,  and  destroyed  the  town,  landed  the  marines,  and  got  a  slock  of 
bullocks  off. 

"April  SO.  —  Employed  during  tho  day  in  taking  bullocks  down  to  the 
Maidstone  (frigate.) 

*'  May  1. — 'Employed  carrying  bullocks  down  to  the  Maidstone. 

"  May  3.  —  Weighed  and  stood  into  Havre  de  Grace,  to  support  tho  boats 
destined  on  the  attack,  under  Rear-Admiral  Cockburn.  *  •  *  Uurnt 
the  town,  and  proceeded  to  destroy  a  cannon  foundry  on  the  coast.  *  •  • 
At  sunset  the  boats  returned  with  a  good  share  <f  plunder. 

"  May  5.  —  At  sunset  weighed  and  stood  up  the  SassatVas  river,  to  protect 
tlie  boats  in  the  attack  on  Georgetown  and  Fredericktown. 

"May  6.  —  The  boats  returne<I  qfler  a  total  deslructiun  of  the  two 
towns." 

Havre  de  Grace  was  an  insignificant,  unarmed  village ; 
Frenchtown,  Georgetown,  and  Fredericktown,  small  unnrmed 
hamlets,  paraded  as  Admiral  Cockburn's  conquests,  ^^  totally  de- 
stroyed;"  whose  hostilities,  from  the  first,  in  1818,  as  described 
by  himself,  to  the  last,  in  1815,  were  not  civilised  or  legitimate 
warfare.  Ilis  first  official  report  to  Admiral  Warren,  the  29th 
of  April,  1813,  giving  an  account  of  his  attack  on  Frenchtown 
—  where  there  were  but  three  houses  —  stated  the  destruction 
of  five  vecsels  near  that  place.  His  second,  the  3d  of  May, 
1818,  after  bis  petty  depredations  of  Havre  de  Grace,  avowed 
his  unwarrantable  system  to  punish  resistance  —  not  merely  to 
overcome,  but  punish  it.  "Settmg  fire,"  he  said,  *'to  some  of 
the  houses,  to  cause  the  proprietors  who  had  deserted  them  and 
formed  part  of  the  militia  who  fied  to  the  woods,  to  understand 
and  feel  what  they  are  liable  to  bring  upon  themselves  by  build- 


er,; 


M 


mmm  dccoaneerixo. 


mH  l)Rtt«'ric«,  ami  uotiiij?  towimlrt  hm  with  Hojinidi  uselpuM  ratiror. 
Tbo  boaU  MC'iit  up  tlio  Sii5<|ii(')iiintiiib,  lU'tttroytHl  live  bmitH  iiiiil  a 
flour  store."  \t  (Joorj^otowii  uiid  FrotU'ricktowti,  bit  tliird 
report  utati'd  timt  the  wbolo  of  tb<wo  towJiH  were  (loMtroyed  in 
conm-cimTioo  of  niucb  roHiHtanco,  "  except  tbo  bouHOH  of  tboHo 
vbo  rema'ticJ  peaceably  in  tboin,  and  took  no  pint  iigniriHt  uh." 
At  Havre  dc  Grace,  one  of  liiii  tropliicH  taken  ''  ,  i  ■'idenco 
of  Commodore  Uogerw,  was  \m  Hword,  perba.  In'  priic  — 
tbougb  retaken  —  and  bis  carriage,  wbicli  wau  siireiy  unmanly 
Hpoliution  by  one  flea-officer  of  anotber,  tbough  an  enemy. 

Depredation  was  the  HyHtem  of  tbe  IJritiNb  navy  in  the  Ame- 
rican waters.  Captain  EpHwortb,  of  tbo  Nympb  frigate,  exacted 
fifty  dollarti  from  a  fiHbing-Hmack,  as  ransom  for  lotting  tbo  un- 
offending fisberman  go.  Captain  Lloyd,  of  tbo  Plantagenet 
sbip-of-tbe-line,  (wbom  wo  buvo  seen  at  Fayal,)  cajiturr.d  a 
vessel  whicb  was  carrying  an  organ  for  an  Episcopal  cbu'  cb  in 
New  York,  and  would  not  release  tbo  prize  till  paid  t.vo  tbou- 
sand  dollars  ransom  for  the  organ. 

Ono  of  tbo  letters  taken  by  tbo  Cbosseur  on  board  tbo  St. 
Lawrence  was  from  Captain  Napier,  of  tbe  Euryalus  frigate,  to 
Captain  Gordon,  of  tbo  Seahorse,  as  follows : 

"Off  Cape  Henry,  June  21, 1814. 
"Here  I  am,  in  Lynnhaven  Bay,  the  clippers  aailinif  every  day,  and 
loain;  them  for  want  of  faat  saileni.  All  our  prizea  ar^  well  lilapoaed  of. 
I  have  had  a  good  deal  to  do  with  them,  and  not  many  thanks,  as  you  may 
■uppoae,  from  the  agents.  I  have  petitioned  the  Prince  Regent  in  behalf  uf 
the  whole  of  us  for  a  good  tUce  of  prize-money,  and  hope  to  succeed.  You, 
I  suppose,  will  not  bo  displeased  at  it.  Excuse  this  hasty  scrawl, — I  am  in 
a  d— — d  bad  humor,  having  just  returned  from  an  unsuccessful  chos^" 

Captains  Gordon  and  Napier  commanded  the  Seahorse  and 
Euryalus  frigates,  which  pillaged  Alexandria.  Napier  has 
since  commanded  the  British  Channel  fleet ;  and  lately  made 
hiniself  more  than  supremely  ridiculous  by  impertinent  solicita- 
tion for  the  command  of  the  Mediterranean  fleet. 

A  letter  taken  in  the  St.  Lawrence,  dated  February  19th, 
1815,  Cumberland  Island,  from  J.  Gallon  to  J.  O'Reilly,  on 
board  H.  M.  ship  Tonnant,  ofi*  New  Orleans,  ran  thus : 

"  We  have  had  fine  fun  since  I  saw  you.    What  with  tbe  Rappahannock, 


!:;^i: 


ipii! 


■^-^^i.^.-. 


DRITIHII    Ill'CrANKKUtNO. 


ftfi 


iniili  UMi-Icrtrt  rftiK'or. 
«»(!  five  IxmtM  uiiil  a 
iclitowM,   hiri  tliinl 
were  doNtroyed  in 
|llO  llOUKCH  of  tliimo 
(»  pirt  Ji^alriHt  u»." 
I'  '       '  i         "iilence 
I",      '"'         prize  — 
UM  Biirci^  uiuimnl^ 
igh  iin  cneuiy. 
h  imvy  in  the  Amc- 
iiph  frigate,  exucteJ 
I  for  lotting  tlio  un- 
t>f  the  riantn«5enet 
Fa)ftl,)  capturril  a 
ilpiHcopal  chu'ch  in 
till  paid  f.vo  tliou- 

iir  on  board  tho  St. 
Euryalus  frigate,  to 

e: 

Vf,  June  21,  1814. 
ailinjf  every  day,  and 
a  nr?  well  diitpcwed  of. 
ny  thanka,  aa  you  may 
iceRejrent  in  hehalfuf 
fiope  to  aucceed.  You, 
h«8ty  scrawl,— I  am  in 
naucceaaful  cha8<' " 

the  Seahorse  and 
iria.     Napier  has 

;  and  lately  made 
npertinont  solicita- 
fleet. 

ed  February  19th, 
to  J.  O'Reilly,  on 
I  ran  thus  : 

th  the  Rappahannock, 


nnil  other  plareii,  wo  have  contrived  to  pick  up  a  fno  hifliug  lhiiig$,  lucK 
a»  muhngany  tablet,  cheili  of  drawtri,  ^c" 

Two  others  of  the  captured  lettorn  were  aH  follows : 

"From  Colonel  Maicuim  to  Kuar- Admiral  Malcolm. 

"Cumhcrland  Uland,  Qth  February,  18IA. 

"I  receivei)  your  letter  of  the  Sth  ultimo;  it  ia  written  bcturo  your  laat 
attack  on  the  place,  but  I  moat  aincerely  hope  you  will  ultimately  aucceed, 
From  all  aecounta.  Now  Orleana  ia  nut  atronif.  Tho  enemy  will  have  a 
now  cunfidenco  in  tliemitolvoa  fVom  their  aucceaa.  Wlwt  a  diMppointment 
it  will  be,  in  England,  ahould  you  fail !  The  chance  of  ikilure  haa  nut  been 
calculated  on ;  and,  from  tho  force  employed,  it  haa  been  made  too  auru  Irom 
the  Arat  I  have  no  opinion  of  either  the  Indiana  or  black  new-raitnl  rorpit; 
the  former,  in  thia  country,  carry  on  a  moat  furioua  war ;  murder  and  deio- 
lotion  mark  their  track;  there  ia  no  hope  but  flying  or  reaiatance  to  tliu  liul 
moment  of  life;  thia  ia  what  every  ono  aaya  of  the  Florida  ladiatit.  Of 
courae  tho  inhabitanta,  of  all  deacriptiona,  would  feor  to  cuine  near  you. 
There  ia  a  report  here  thot  neither  tho  21at  or  44th  regiment  behaved  well — 
but  aa  a  report  I  treat  iL  I  ahould  bo  aorr>  to  hear  two  British  rogimenta 
alurrcd  in  an  attack." 

**From  Colonel  Malcolm  to  Rear-Admiral  Malcolm. 

"Cumberland  laland,  11th  February,  1813. 
"  I  hope  we  may  hear  fl-om  you  in  a  abort  time,  and  of  your  aucceaa 
■gainst  the  place  you  are  now  before  (New  Orleana)  — /(  will  repay  the 
irooptjbr  their  trouble  and  fatigues  /  I  do  not  expect,  either  war  or  peace, 
that  we  will  move  fVom  thia  iaiand  thia  winter:  if  war  goea  on,  a  garriaon 
muat  be  left  here  in  charge  of  the  iaiand." 

Sir  Thomas  Cochrane,  of  tho  Surprise  frigate,  wrote  to 
Captain  Pigot,  off  New  Orleans,  dated  Cumberland  Island, 
Februaty  12th,  1815 : 

"  I  came  here  joat  two  daya  too  late  to  ahare  in  the  good  thinga  going  on. 
Old  Somerville  was  aenior,  and  ordered  the  attack  on  St.  Mary'a,  which 
fiarrie  ejeecuted.  The  prize-money  will  be  about  thirty  thouaand  pounJis 
not  more.  Had  our  force  been  aufficient,  our  next  movement  would  have 
been  Savannah ;  but,  not  mustering  above  a  thouaand  bayonota,  we  are  con- 
tent to  keep  posaeaaion  of  thia  iaiand,  which  we  are  placing  in  a  atate  of 
defence.  Our  opentiona  will,  I  luppoae,  shortly  be  put  a  itop  to  by  our 
friend  Jimmy  Madieon,  as  peace  or  war  now  depends  on  him  —  the  Com- 
miseioners  at  Ghent  ha  ring  signed,  and  the  Prince  Regent  ratified  the  terms 
of  a  peace,  and  hostilities  will  cease  so  soon  as  he  does  the  same.  Wo 
hope,  in  the  meantime,  better  luck  will  attend  you  at  New  Orleans  than 


li 


66 


BRITISH   BUCCANEERING,    y 


trif| 


has  hitherto  done,  and  that  you  will  have  time  to  give  General  Jackson  a 
trimming." 

Sir  Thomns  Cochrane  wrote,  also,  to  Sir  Thomas  Trow- 
bridge, ofl'  New  Orleans,  from  Cumberland  Island,  February 
12th,  1815: 

"  I  liope  this  will  reach  head-quarters  in  time  for  the  St.  Lawrence,  who 
sails  immediately  for  your  part  of  the  world  with  the  news  of  peace  being 
concluded  with  this  country,  but  of  which,  I  should  think,  you  will  receive 
earlier  intelligence  direct  from  England.  We  are  in  daily  expectation  of  a 
flag  of  truce  to  inform  us  of  Mr.  Madison's  having  ratified  the  treaty,  on 
his  doing  which  hostilities  will  immediately  cease.  I  confess  myself  by  no 
means  sorry  for  this  event,  i  think  we  have  had  quite  enough  of  vvari  for 
some  years  to  come ;  although  I  should  have  wished  to  make  the  Yankees 
more  sensible  of  our  power  and  ability  to  punish  them,  should  they  again 
provoke  us.  As  it  it  is,  except  the  injury  done  to  their  trade,  we  have  Utile 
to  boast  of.  We  are  all  very  much  grieved  to  learn  the  disasters  in  your 
quarter.  Our  loss  seems  to  have  been  immense ;  and,  from  the  reports  we 
pick  up,  one  is  led  to  believe  there  was  not  much  prospect  of  success  at  the 
commencement  of  the  attack.  We  are  most  particularly  unfortunate  in 
our  general  officers  on  all  occasions.  I  am  afraid  General  Power,  and  the 
regiment  with  him,  will  not  be  with  you  in  time  to  render  any  service.  He 
was  at  Bermuda  on  the  24th  ultimo,  at  which  the  Statira  had  not  arrived. 

"  I  came  here  six  weeks  ago,  and  found  St.  Mary's  had  been  taken  tvVo 
days  before  my  arrival,  which,  of  course,  cuts  me  out  of  what  has  been  cap- 
tured. Barrie  commanded  the  party  landed;  old  Somerville  was  senior 
officer,  the  Admiral  having  only  arrived  the  day  before  me,  in  consequence 
of  being  blown  off  the  coast  by  strong  north-west  gales,  on  his  way  from 
the  Chesapeake.  It  was  at  first  supposed,  as  is  usual  on  these  occasions, 
that  a  great  deal  of  money  would  be  made;  but  if  they  clear  thirty  thousand 
pounds,  it  will  be  ds  much  as  they  will  do." 

Another  captured  letter,  from  Mr.  Swainson  to  Lieutenant 
Douglas,  of  H.  M.  brig  Sophie,  oflF  New  Orleans,  dated  9th 
of  February,  1815.  boasted : 

"We  had  some  fine  fun  at  St.  Mary's;  the  bombs  were  at  the  town  and 
had  plenty  of  plunder.  How  are  ypu  off  for  talflet  and  chests  of 
drawers,  fIjrc.V'  >•■ 

The  last  I  shall  quote  of  these  disgraceful  disclosures  was 
from  John  Miller  to  Mr.  Thomas  Miller,  75  Old  Gravel  Lane, 
St.  George's,  East  London,  dated  H.  M.  ship  Lacedemonian, 
off  land,  February  12th,  1815. 


|l-!!| 


BRITISH    BUCCANEERINQ. 


57 


c  General  Jackson  a 

r  Thomas  Trow- 
Island,  February 


e  St.  Lawrence,  who 
news  of  peace  being 
ink,  you  will  receive 
laily  expectation  of  a 
atified  the  treaty,  on 
confess  myself  by  no 
B  enough  of  wa^,  for 
}  make  the  Yankees 
n,  should  they  again 

trade,  vie  havp  Utile 
the  disasters  in  your 

from  the  reports  we 
«ct  of  success  at  the 
ilarly  unfortunate  in 
leral  Power,  and  the 
Jer  any  service.  He 
Ira  had  not  arrived, 
had  been  taken  t\Vo 
f  what  has  been  cap- 
merville  was  senior 
!  me,  in  consequence 
les,  on  his  way  from 

on  these  occasions, 
deer  thirly  Ikoutand 

on  to  Lieutenant 
leans,  dated  9th 


erie  at  the  town  and 
ilet  and  chests  of- 

1  disclosures  was 
)ld  Gravel  Lane, 
)  Lacedemoniaja, 


"We  have  lately  been  employed  with  the  squadron  under  Admiral  Cock- 
burn,  and  have  taken  Cumberland  Island,  and  the  town  of  St.  Mary's,  from 
the  Yankees.  Our  troops  and  sailors  behaved  very  well;  part  of  the  black 
regiment  employed  on  that  service  acted  with  great  gallantry.  Blackey 
had  no  idea  of  giving  quarters;  and  it  was  with  difficulty  the  officers  pre- 
vented tneir  putting  the  prisoners  to  death.  The  Yankee  riflemen  fired  at 
our  men  in  ambush.  Blackey,  on  the  impulse  of  the  moment,  left  the 
ranks,  and  -pursued  them  in  the  woods,  fighting  like  heroes.  A  poor  Yan- 
kee, rfiaari  ;d,  begged  for  mercy.  Blackey  replied, 'Ae  no  come  in  6u»A /or 
mercy,' and  immediately  shot  him  dead.'" 

Accounts  of  the  vanquished  and  spoliated  are  often  exagge- 
rated. But  it  is  certain  that  the  British  land  depredations,  in 
that  war,  were  extremely  base.  At  St.  Simon's,  a  well- 
authenticated  statement  showed  that,  besides  the  slaves  and 
cotton,  they  took  everything  they  could  lay  their  hands  on : 
cotton-seed,  old  iron,  leather,  tanned  and  untanned,  wine, 
liquors,  soap,  candles,  poultry,  plate,  a  stock-buckle,  pocketed 
by  an  officer  named  Horton,  a  carpet,  some  books,  a  razor, 
part  of  a  barrel  of  flour,  by  a  Lieutenant  de  Thierry ;  medi- 
cines, paints,  handsaw  files,  taken  by  a  commander  Ramsey, 
and  spoons;  destroying  whatever  furniture  they  could  not 
take  away,  and  actually  scraping  the  quicksilver  from  the 
backs  of  broken  mirrors. 

If  such  ignominious  pillage  were  not  proved  by  detected 
written  acknowledgments  of  the  perpetrators,  it  would  be 
incredible.  No  American  proof  would  be  sufficient  to  sub- 
stantiate it.  And  though  many  years  have  elapsed  since 
these  depredations,  yet  their  undeniable  occurrence  is  part  of 
the  events  of  that  contest,  which,  not  to  expose,  would  be  his- 
torical infidelity.  On  Lord  Brougham's  motion  for  thanks  to 
Lord  Ashburton,  for  his  treaty  at  Washington  (1843),  that 
distinguished  Briton  ably  recapitulated  some  of  the  too  many 
causes  of  bitter  estrangement  between  the  American  and 
British  people.  It  is  the  very  general  and  well-nigh  universal 
hope,  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic,  that  it  may  give  place  to 
reciprocated  respect  and  kindred  regard,  of  which,  latterly, 
there  are,  for  the  first  time,  soothing  British  indications.  But 
the  barbarous  mfethods  of  hostility  avowed  and  ordered  by 
government,  as  well  as  practised  by  both  navy  and  army  in 


•U 


58 


MARINE   RESULTS. 


I 


the  war  of  1812,  should  be  kept  in  recollection,  to  prevent 
their  recurrence.  Although  inextinguishable  aversion  to  Eng- 
land may  still  rankle  in  the  bosoms  of  a  portion  of  the  Ame- 
rican population,  a  great  majority  of  the  best  yearn  with  Eng- 
lish reverence  and  attachments. 

When  peace  was  declared,  and  Christopher  Gove,  chosen  to 
succee<l  Caleb  Strong,  as  governor  of  Massachusetts,  stated 
to  the  Legislature  of  that  state,  that  it  was  "  owing  to  the  for- 
bearance and  clemency  of  the  British  that  we  were  permitted 
to  have  a  single  ship  on  the  ocean,"  there  were  sixty  Ame- 
rican privatears  at  sea,  many  of  them  from  Massachusetts,  to- 
gether with  the  frigate  Constitution,  the  sloops-of-war  Wasp, 
Peacock,  and  Hornet,  and  the  brig-of-war  Tom  Bowline,  distin- 
guished by  constant  victories,  numerous  prizes,  and  altogether 
doing  great  damage  to  the  commerce  and  naval  renown  of 
Great  Britain.  Seven  thousand  of  >  the  best  seamen  in  the 
world,  better  trained,  organised,  and  much  more  formidable 
than  they  ever  had  been,  were  carer  lir.;  throughout  every 
ocean,  to  render  1815,  if  peace  had  noi  .^v-  ou  them,  much 
more  injurious  to  the  no  longer  lords  of  tl  -i  ■°'ft;fi'-realn)8  than 
American  cruises  proved  in  1812,  '13,  and  '14,  by  seldom 
failing  successes.  Above  all,  England  by  that  war  made  the 
United  States  a  naval  power.  Three  ships-of-the-line,  and  several 
frigatfts  and  sloops,  were  nearly  finished  and  ready  for  sea  when 
it  ended,  without  counting  those  on  the  lakes.  British  fleets  in 
vain  blockaded  every  coast,  and  traversed  every  sea :  blockades 
were  broke  by  American  vessels,  private  armed  and  public,  which 
out-sailed,  out-manoeuvred,  and  out-fought  their  still  mighty 
foes.  So  closely  watched  were  our  ports  by  fiuperior  force,  that 
American  cruisers  mostly  inaugurated  by  exploit  what  was  con- 
Bummated  by  victory.  The  elements  were  first  overcome,  and 
then  the  enemy,  by  those  adventurous  mariners,  whose  only 
chance  of  putting  to  sea  was  by  taking  leave  in  a  hurricane  or 
snow-storm,  some  tempestuous  night,  when  winter-cold  froze  the 
ropes  and  covered  the  decks  with  ice.  Only  when  the  block- 
aders  were  momentarily  blown  off  the  coast,  or  their  vigilance 
and  Activity  petrified  by  intense  weather,  could  the  American 
vessels  emerge ;  and  though  some  few  were  captured,  yet  the 


MARINE   RESULTS. 


59 


action,  to  prevent 
aversion  to  Eng- 

tion  of  the  Ame- 
yearn  with  Eng- 

r  Gove,  chosen  to 
sachusetts,  stated 
owing  to  the  for- 
wre  were  permitted 
were  sixty  Amc- 
Massachusctts,  to- 
3ops-of-war  Wasp, 
m  Bowline,  distin- 
es,  and  altogether 
naval  renown  of 
it  seamen  in  the 
more  formidable 
throughout  eyerj 
ou  them,  much 
•  >realn)8  than 
d  '14,  by  seldom 
hat  war  made  the 
be-line,  and  several 
•eady  for  sea  when 
.    British  fleets  in 
(rysea:  blockades 
I  and  public,  which 
their  still  mighty 
uperior  force,  that 
loit  what  was  con- 
rst  overcome,  and 
iners,  whose  only 
in  a  hurricane  or 
ater-cold  froze  the 
when  the  block- 
or  their  vigilance 
lid  the  American 
captured,  yet  the 


proportion  lost  was  small  compared  with  the  successful.  Even 
merchant  vessels  managed,  by  the  superior  sobriety  and  sagacity 
of  their  officers,  and  their  familiar  knowledge  of  the  ocean,  to 
escape  the  numerous  hostile  cruisers,  which  covered  the  ocean. 
Four  American  ships,  richly  laden  with  teas,  silks  and  other 
precious  products  of  China,  sailed  from  Canton,  when  strictly 
watched  by  British  vessels,  which  they  eluded,  and  three  of  them 
arrived  safe  at  Boston  on  three  successive  days.  Twenty-seven 
vessels  got  to  sea  frotn  Baltimore  during  the  winter  of  1814-15. 
At  all  events,  the  moral  of  triumph  was  hardly  ever  disturbed. 
If  the  merchants  and  leading  men  of  Massachusetts  had  not 
opposed  the  war,  and  the  marine  enterprise  of  that  seafaring 
commonwealth  had  been  united  with  that  of  its  fishermen, 
whalers,  and  other  ^lite  of  the  sea,  still  greater  must  have 
been  the  naval  glory  of  the  coimtry,  and  much  less  the  dis- 
credit of  Massachusetts. 

Soon  after  the  peace,  accounts  were  stated  and  published  in 
Euj^land  and  America,  of  the  captures,  successes,  and  defeats 
of  each  nation  during  the  war  upon  the  ocean :  the  English 
by  parliament  reports,  the  American  only  by  individual  ascer- 
tainments ;  still  the  American  as  precise,  correct,  and  credible, 
with  less  motive  to  misrepresent.  These  accounts  do  not  dis- 
criminate, in  the  amount  of  prizes,  between  those  taken  by  pri- 
vate and  by  public  armed  vessels.  By  ours,  the  captures  from 
the  English  were  2360,  of  which  allowing  750  to  have  been 
recaptured,  there  remained  a  total  of  1610  prizes  of  private 
vessels  made  and  secured,  either  burnt  at  sea  or  sent  into  port, 
by  the  Americans  from  the  English.  That  is  the  American 
account.  The  B|ritish  parliamentary  report  of  Americnn 
vessels  taken  by  British  was  1328.  By  the  British  account 
they  took  18,413  American  prisoners.  By  the  American  ac- 
count, we  took  24,000  British.  On  board  the  public  vessels  of 
war,  according  to  the  American  account,  there  were  625  British 
killed,  1082  wounded,  2929  made  prisoners,  altogether  4367. 
By  the  same  American  account,  there  were  killed,  on  board  the 
American  public  vessels,  274,  wounded  562,  prisoners  1111, 
altogether  1749.  The  killed,  wounded,  and  captured  British 
were,  therefore,  nearly  twice  as  many  as  the  Americans.    Sixty- 


III 


60 


MARINE   RESULTS. 


five  British  national  vcsselg  were  captured ;  that  is,  vcsacls-of- 
war  and  king's  armed  packets.  The  British  reported  42  Ame- 
rican public  armed  vessels,  captured  at  sea  and  on  the  lakes. 
The  frigate  Chesapeake  and  brig  Argus  were  the  only  two  Ameri- 
can vessels  of  war  subdued  by  any  thing  approaching  to  equality 
of  force ;  and  in  neither  of  those  misfortunes  was  any  naval 
character  lost,  but  the  contrary.  In  all  the  other  naval  en- 
gagements, ship  to  ship,  and  squadron  to  squadron,  the  British 
were  vanquished  by  the  Americans,  twenty-one  of  the  twenty- 
three  times  they  fought ;  with  rapidity  and  disparity  of  destruc- 
tion indicating  indubitable  superiority.  The  frigates  President 
and  Essex,  and  the  squadron  of  boats  on  Lake  Borgne,  over- 
powered by  numbers,  far  from  diminishing,  much  augmented 
the  solid  columns  of  American  naval  power ;  which  rose  from 
the  Atlantic,  tl\e  Pacific,  the  British  seas  and  the  American 
lakes,  acknowledged  monuments  of  national  strength,  oversha- 
dowing adversaries  at  homo  as  well  as  foreign  enemies.  The 
construction,  equipment,  and  management  of  fighting  vessels 
under  sail,  demonstrated  by  that  trial,  more  than  compensated 
for  the  cost  and  sufT^rings  of  a  much  longer  and  harder  war. 
Impressment  was  practically  abolished,  yfith.  ample  indemnity 
for  the  ignominious  past  and  security  for  the  glorious  future. 
At  the  same  time,  Fulton,  discountenanced  in  England  and 
France,  launched  steamboats  on  the  Hudson  and  Ohio,  whose 
since-established  superiority  over  English  steamers  by  sea, 
is  much  owing  to  the  energy  and  riviJry  of  that  struggle 
— sanguinary  conflict  having  given  place,  probably  for  ever,  to 
that  commercial  freedom  and  competition  which  efariches  and 
appfozimates  both  nations. 

A  frigate,  three  sloops,  and  one  brig-of-war,  manned  by  a 
thousand  men,  with  batteries  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  guns, 
were  abroad  upon  the  ocean,  defying  British  might,  when  the 
war  closed.  Thirtf-aix  known  privateers,  carrying  three  hun- 
dred and  fifty-seven  cannons,  manned  by  more  than  three 
thousand  seamen,  besides  some  thirty  more  privateers  ui^- 
known,  eistimated  as  carrying  three  hundred  and  fifty  cannons, 
and  manned  by  twenty-five  hundred  seamen ;  altogether  not 
'i  M  than  eight  thousand  seamen,  with  eight  hundred  cannons; 


that  19,  vcsscls-of- 
1  reported  42  Ame- 
,  and  on  the  lakes, 
the  only  two  Ameri- 
'oaching  to  equality 
ines  was  any  naval 
he  other  naval  en- 
[uadron,  the  British 
one  of  the  twenty- 
lisparity  of  destruc- 
3  frigates  President 
jake  Borgne,  over- 
;,  muoh  augmented 
;  which  rose  from 
and  the  American 

strength,  oversha- 
lign  enemies.     The 

of  fighting  vessels 
I  than  compensated 
;er  and  harder  war. 
Ii  ample  indemnity 
he  glorious  future. 
id  in  England  and 
>n  and  Ohio,  whose 

steamers  by  sea, 
y  of  that  struggle 
robably  for  ever,  to 
which  ehriches  and 

war,  manned  by  a 
d  and  twenty  guns, 
ih  might,  when  the 
carrying  three  huA- 
Y  more  than  three 
ore  privateers  ui^- 
1  and  fifty  cannons, 
[en;  altogether  not 
t  hundred  cannons ; 


MARINE   RESULTS. 

in  tbo  winter  of  1814-16  traversed  the  ocean  in  all  quarters, 
every  vessel  better  manned,  equipped,  and  managed  than  those 
vhich  in  1812,  '18,  and  '1^  had  done  so  much  to  inspire  ex- 
ploit, stimulate  adventure,  illustrate  achievement,  and  effect 
peace.  Of  these  American  sea-forces,  regular  and  volunteer, 
the  sca-militia,  in  private-armed  vessels,  constituted  five-sixths 
of  the  power,  did  a  large  part  of  the  execution,  and  arc  en- 
titled to  their  full  share  of  historical  acknowledgment. 

This  memento  of  privateer  contribution  to  the  triumphs  of 
the  war  and  the  freedom  of  the  sea,  would  not  be  complete 
without  adding  that,  long  after  it  ended,  in  1824,  the  American 
government  offered  to  sacrifice  that  arm  of  its  force  on  the  altar 
of  peace.    Those  founders  of  democracy,  FrankUn  and  Jeffer- 
son, returned  from  Europe  disgusted  with  all  war.     By  their 
treaties  they  endeavored  to  cut  off  as  many  as  possible  of  its 
supports,  and,  among  the  rest,  private-armed  vessels,  which, 
as  regular  soldiers  treat  militia,  naval  officers,  especially  th© 
Engli'sh,  disparage  as  mere  depredators.    Accordingly,  after  the 
peace,  Quincy  Adams,  as  President,  and  Monroe,  as  Secretary 
of  State,  proposed,  through  Mr.  Rush,  then  minister,  to  the 
British  government  the  total  abolishment  of  all  private  wax 
on  the  ocean ;  that  in  no  future  war  should  the  United  States 
or  Great  Britain  employ  privateers,  nor  molest  merchant  ves- 
sels, but  that  hostiUties  by  sea  should  be  confined  exclusively 
to  national  vessels-of-war,  as  hostiUties  by  land  at  least  profess 
to  respect  private  property.    The  British  government  at  once 
rejected  a  proposal  which,  if  accepted,  might  h»ve  almost  ex- 
tinguished war  by  sea.  ^ 

What  was,  in  this  country,  called  the  Dartmoor  massacre 
was  a  distressing  and  aggravating  close  to  our  maritime  rela- 
tions  with  Great  Britam.  During  the  war,  remonstrating  cor- 
respondence took  place  between  Reuben  G.  Beasley,  the  Ame- 
rican  agent  in  Engknd  for  prisoners,  and  the  government 
there,  and  between  John  Mason,  American  commissary,  and 
Thomas  Barclay,  British  agent,  for  prisoners  in  this  country, 
concerning  alleged  ill-treatment  of  American  prisoners  by  their 
English  captors.  No  assertion,  I  beUeve,  was  ever  made  of 
American  ill-treatment  of  English  prisoners.     Prisoners  are 


62 


DARTMOOR   MASSACRE. 


often  treated  rigorously  by  inferior  kcopors,  even  tliough  tlioir 
superiors  and  orders  may  bo  merciful.  Captivity  is  a  hardship 
of  which  complaint  is  one  of  the  few  alleviations. 

From  Halifax,  complaints  by  American  prisoners  induced 
the  American  commissary  to  remonstrate  with  the  British 
agent,  which,  after  a  good  deal  of  controversial  correspondence, 
ended  by  some  English  amelioration  of  prisoners'  treatment  at 
thut  station  and  on  Melville  Island.  Privateering,  under  British 
denunciation,  was  treated  as  disreputable  warfare,  though  ~aC- 
tically  no  more  so,  if  so  much,  as  that  of  the  British  royal  ^  y. 
The  prisoners  taken  from  American  vessels  captured,  espe- 
cially privateers,  were  therefore  treated  with  great  severity,  in 
British  vessels  afloat,  in  prisons,  hulks,  and  ashore.  Of  the 
7000  British  prisoners  confined  in  Massachusetts,  under  care 
of  the  United  States'  marshal,  only  three  of  those  not  wounded 
died ;  vhereas  in  Melville  Island^  in  twenty  months,  300  Ame- 
rican prisoners  died  in  the  hospital ;  and,  as  was  alleged,  from 
want  of  proper  attention  by  John  Gochet,  (once  a  captain  of 
the  navy,)  tlie  superintendent  there  of  prisoners,  who  was  uni- 
formly  represented  by  them  as  inhuman  and  merciless.  McDo- 
nald, too,  the  Scots  surgeon  at  Melville  Island,  was  said,  by 
the  prisoners,  to  be  a  brutal  and  hateful  person.  It  is  part  of 
the  history  of  that  war,  that  while  all  British  prisoners  were 
uniformly  and  universally  treated  with  great  humanity  and 
indulgence,  American  prisoners  were  severely  dealt  with  in 
whatever  British  place  of  confinement  it  was  their  misfortune 
to  fall.  Numerous  publications  of  these  facts  were  made  by 
many  prisoners,  signed  by  responsible  names,  on  both  sides. 
Every  one  of  the  American  victories,  by  sea  and  land,  without 
exception,  was  followed  by  acts  of  exemplary  kindness  to 
British  prisoners ;  for  which  public  thanks  were  given  by  the 
enemy  after  the  battles  of  Lake  Erie,  Lake  Champlain,  New 
Orleans,  Little  York,  and  on  several  other  occasions.  Whweas 
such  acknowledgments  from  American  prisoners  to  British 
captors  were  rarely,  if  ever,  awarded;  and  only  because  not 
due ;  for  the  natural  American  inclination  to  applaud  what  is 
English  seldom  fails  to  appear  when  it  may.  American  sea- 
men averred  that  they  were  hardly  treated  in  order  to  induce 


DARTMOOR   MABRACRE. 


68 


even  though  their 
tivity  ij»  a  hardship 
.tioiis. 
priaoners  induced 
with   the   British 
lial  correspondence, 
oners'  treatment  at 
ering,  under  British 
irfare,  though    -ac- 
Jritbh  royal  ^    j. 
els  captured,  espe- 
h  great  severity,  in 
id  ashore.     Of  the 
husetts,  under  care 
those  not  wounded 
r  months,  300  Ame- 
a  was  alleged,  from 
(once  a  captain  of 
oners,  who  was  uni- 
mefciless.    McDo- 
iland,  was  said,  by 
rson.     It  is  part  of 
itish  prisoners  were 
reat  humanity  and 
srely  dealt  with  in 
as  their  misfortune 
facts  were  made  by 
DCS,  on  both  sides, 
a  and  land,  without 
iplary  kindness  to 
I  were  given  by  the 
:e  Champlain,  New 
ccasions.    Whereas 
risonerg  to  British 
1  only  because  not 
to  appLiud  what  is 
y.    American  se&- 
in  order  to  induce 


them  to  ship  in  British  merchantmen,  whence  thoy  could  bo 
easily  transferred  to  ships  of  war. 

By  the  third  article  of  the  Treaty  of  Ghent,  all  prisoners 
of  war  taken  on  either  side,  as  well  by  land  as  by  sea,  were  to 
be  restored  as  soon  as  practicable,  on  paying  the  debts  which 
they  had  contracted.  Some  months  after  the  peace  of  Ghent, 
and  before  it  was  quite  settled  what  was  meant  by  the  stipula- 
tion to  restore  prisoners  confined  respectively,  Americana  in 
Europe,  and  Englishmen  in  Amerisa,  a  lamentable  massacre 
occurred  at  Dartmoor,  where  American  prisoners  were  confined 
in  En^  ^  n  ,vhich  excited  much  American  sympathy  and  indig- 
nation. 

Impressment  of  Amerioand  by  English  was  undeniably  a 
shocking  outrage,  for  which,  when  war  was  declared,  England 
deemed  the  United  States  qualified  by  weakness,  and  having 
long  suifered  it.  The  Dartmoor  massacre  was  an  aggravating 
end  of  that  hard  beginning ;  by  which  the  original  and  intole- 
rable injustice  of  impressment  and  stripes  was  finally  embit- 
tered by  bloodshed  and  cruel  homicide. 

When  the  war  broke  out,  the  native  American  sailor  who 
had  been  forced,  by  impressment,  into  a  British  vessel  of  war, 
was  allowed  none  but  the  stern  option  of  either  remaining 
there  and  fighting  against  his  countrymen  in  arms,  to  resist 
impressment,  or  being  given  up  as  a  prisoner  of  war,  to  the 
misery  of  indefinite  confinement  in  a  prison-ship,  or  prison 
ashore.  One  and  all  preferred  the  latter,  as  the  least  of  the 
two  evils.  After  long  and  painful  incarceration,  several  were 
shot  to  death,  and  others  maimed  and  mutilated,  for  impatience 
to  be  set  free  when  war  was  over.  Nearly  6000  American, 
together  with  10,000  French  prisoners,  were  confined  at  Dart- 
moor ;  of  whom  it  waa  said  that  one-half  of  the  Americans, 
no  doubt  many,  were  impressed  men,  transferred  from  British 
vessels,  when  hostilities  began,  to  the  ^condition  of  prisoners  of 
war. .  That  sequel  of  original  wrong  was  a  deplorable  homi- 
cide, of  which  some  account  belongs  to  history.'  The  war 
provoked  by  impressment,  and  waged  in  vindication  of  those 
who  suffered  by  that  enormity,  closed,  some  time  after  peace 
was  ratified,  by  a  memorable  catastrophe,  a  consequence  of  the 


k 


64 


DAIITMOOR    MASSACnE. 


if 


original  wrong;  which  it  in  due  to  tlio  soafiiriiig  sufferers  hricfl}', 
but  without  extenuation,  to  commemorate,  as  they  have  no  liis- 
torian  of  their  own. 

Seventeen  hundred  feet  above  the  sea's  level,  in  a  bleak  and 
barren  part  of  Devonshire,  fifteen  miles  from  Plymouth,  and 
not  very  far  from  Dartmouth,  Weymouth,  Sidmouth,  and  other 
English  ports,  was  Dartmoor  fortress,  appropriated  for  the 
custody  of  prisoners  of  war.  In  the  midst  of  a  dreary,  uneven 
and  uncultivated  waste,  without  trees,  plantation  or  improve- 
ment for  many  miles,  it  seemed  to  sympathize  with  the  gloomy 
solitude  of  dismal  incarceration  inflicted,  not  upon  malefactors, 
traitors,  or  assassins,  but  on  brave  soldiers  and  daring  seamen, 
who,  fighting  for  their  country,  unfortunately  fell  into  cap- 
tivity. Climate  uncongenial  with  American  constitutions, 
moist,  wet,  and  cloudy,  owing  to  great  elevation  from,  and 
proximity  to,  the  sea,  for  nine  months  of  the  year  afflicted 
with  catarrhs,  rheumatisms  and  consumptions,  the  ill-clad, 
some  of  them  almost  naked,  prisoners,  ill-fed  and  ill-lodged, 
exposed  to  some  of  the  worst  influences  which  can  act  upon 
human  happiness  and  health.  Seven  prisons,  each  calculated 
to  contain  from  1100  to  1600  men,  were  superintended  by  an 
agent  of  the  transport  office,  Thomaa  G.  Shortland,  a  captain 
of  the  royal  navy,  with  George  McGrath,  as  surgeon  of  the 
hospital.  The  guard  consisted  of  2000  well-disciplined  militia, 
from  the  neighbouring  county  of  Somerset,  and  two  companies 
of  royal  artillery.  All  the  seven  prisons  are  built  of  stone, 
and  surrounded  by  two  strong  inner  walls ;  the  outer  wall  a  mile 
in  circumference;  the  inner  walls  surmounted  with  lailitary 
walks,  on  which  the  sentinels  performed  their  watchful  rounds 
day  and  night.  Within  the  inner  wall  are  iron  palisades,  ten 
feet  high,  and  several  guard-houses  against  the  outer  wall; 
houses  for  the  superintendent,  surgeon  and  turnkeys,  and  a 
market-pi<ice,  into  which  the  neighbouring  country-people 
brought  their  supplies.  The  fare  was  not  bad.  The  surgeon 
was  humane  and  kind.  But  the  superintendent  was  com- 
plained of  by  the  prisoners,  and  probably  found  it  difficult  to 
please  such  crowds  of  unemployed  captives,  part  of  whose  few 
enjoyments  was  repining.    After  the  peace  between  the  United 


DARTMOOR   MABSACRX. 


<6 


ig  suffoicrs  hricfly, 
tlicy  have  uo  his- 

vel,  in  a  bloak  and 
om  Plymouth,  ami 
dmouth,  and  other 
•ropriated   for  the 
r  a  dreary,  uneven 
ation  or  improve- 
0  with  the  gloomy 
upon  malefactors, 
nd  daring  seamen, 
ely  fell  into  cap- 
can    constitutions, 
ivation  from,  and 
the  year  afflicted 
ions,  the   ill-clad, 
bd  and  ill-lodged, 
lich  can  aet  upon 
is,  each  calculated 
perintcnded  by  an 
lortland,  a  captain 
M  surgeon  of  the 
disciplined  militia, 
ind  two  companies) 
ire  built  of  stone, 
e  outer  wall  a  mile 
ted  with  lailitary 
ir  watchful  rounds 
ron  palisades,  ten 
:  the  outer  wall; 
turnkeys,  and  a 
5   country-people 
id.    The  surgeon 
Bndent  was  com- 
md  it  difficult  to 
art  of  whose  few 
tween  the  United 


States  and  Oreat  Britain,  tiio  Americans  became  oxtromely  rout- 
h'xs  MM  J  impatient.  Never  very  submissive  or  resigned  to  thoir 
hard  fate,  they  meditated  emancipation  with  constant  and  in- 
croaHing  restlessness  when  it  was  impossible  to  escape,  nc*  only 
by  reason  of  the  bars,  bolts,  and  other  restraints  of  their  prison ; 
but  beyond  it,  what  could  they  do,  whither  go,  or  upon  what 
subsist? — scarcely  clothed,  many  of  them  bare-footed,  without 
means  of  procuring  food,  clothing  or  lodging,  unarmcil,  and 
surrounded  by  British  soldiers  uiid  sailors,  provided  with  all 
the  means  and  power  of  compulsion.  The  American  prisoners 
complained  not  only  of  their  British  keeper,  but  also  of  their 
American  agent,  Reuben  G.  Beasloy,  whom  they  accused  of 
neglect  of  tboir  sufferings,  and  indifference  to  their  fate.  But 
Mr.  Beasley  was  much  esteemed  by  his  own  government,  which 
continued  him,  long  after  the  war,  in  the  consulate  of  Havre, 
where,  as  in  England,  his  established  character  was  that  of 
an  intelligc-nt,  resolute  and  useful  public  officer.  The  Ameri- 
can prisoners  had  no  good  reason  to  complain  of  him,  although 
they  were  under  a  different  impression.  Captain  Shortland, 
too,  the  British  superintendent  at  Dartmoor,  was  probably  less 
to  blame  than  the  American  prisoners  supposed.  Restless, 
audacious,  and  sometimes  turbulent,  it  was  difficult  for  him 
to  keep  them  in  oider,  without  some  rigor.  They  had  no 
reason  to  complain  of  their  fare,  nor  was  their  treatment  gene- 
rally harsh  or  unjustifiable.  But  several  irksome  months 
elapsed  after  peace  before  their  enlargement,  for  which  tSey 
became  extremely  impatient. 

Mr.  Adams,  Mr.  Clay,  and  Mr.  Gallatin,  were  negotiating,  in 
London,  with  Frederick  J.  Robinson, -Aenry  Goulburn,  and 
William  Adams,  the  commercial  conventioa  between  tjto  United 
States  and  Great  Britain,  signed  by  those  gentlemen  on  the  8d 
of  July,  1815^  when  the  Dartmoor  massacre  occurred  on  the 
evening  of  Frid^^y,  the  6th  of  April.  The  American  prisoners, 
excited  by  mingled  impatience  and  gratification  at  peace, 
insisted  on  speedy  enlargement.  Ten  thousand  French  pri- 
soners, with  characteristic  hilarity,  though  Some  of  them  had 
been  much  longer  imprisoned  than  any  of  the  Americans, 
and  worse  treated  (and  their  war,  too,  was  over),  submitted — 

Vol.  III.  — 5    , 


II 


6t] 


DARtMOOR   MASSACRE. 


jjiiy,  fcdlicHorao  and  hariulcHs.  Tht  j^ravo  fttid  Iohs  8nb- 
iiiiHHive  AiiioricaiiH,  nioro  difficult  to  iimrmgc,  vivro  poi'liii|H  luit 
freo  from  blamo  in  the  cdiurovcrted,  but,  at  nil  ovcntH,  de- 
ploraldo  nnd  fatal  trnnKuction,  by  wbich  six  (»r  cij^bt  of  tbem 
woto  HJiiin,  eigbtecn  or  twctify  wounded,  and  Bovcral  badly 
mutilattd.  \Vliilnt  ThoinaH  Gcorgo  Sbortland,  the  naval  com- 
mander, and  Major  Jolliffo,  of  the  SomerRet  militia,  were 
finishing  their  dinncrn,  many  of  Ino  American  priHoners,  to- 
wards evening,  on  the  0th  of  April,  wore  playing  ball  against 
an  outward  enclosure.  Some  of  them  made  a  hole  through  it, 
as  they  afiirmcd,  to  go  and  recover  the  ball  that  had  fallen 
over,  but,  as  their  British  keepers  apprehended,  to  effect  their 
escape.  The  alarm-bell  was  rung,  the  drums  beat  to  arms,  the 
prisoners  were  driven  in  with  charged  bayonets  by  the  military, 
fired  upon,  when  they  resisted  or  delayed  to  retire ;  and, 
after  tliey  were  driven,  or  retired,  to  their  respective  quarters, 
were  then  barbarously  shot  there,  through  the  windows,  and 
as  was  agreed,  on  all  hands,  unjustifiably.  Whatever  doubt  or 
controversy  involved  the  beginning  of  the  fray,  the  British 
government  acknowledged  that,  after  the  prisoners  were  driven 
or  retired  into  their  prisons,  the  individual  firing  of  the  militia, 
through  the  doors  and  iron-grated  windows,  by  which  several 
prisoners  were  killed  und  wounded,  was  unpard'^nable  homicide. 
A  committee  of  the  prisoners  drew  up  a  report,  severely  crimi- 
nating their  keepers.  But  an  inquest  of  neighboring  farmers 
returned  a  verdict  of  justifiable  homicide.  Correspondence 
on  the  subject  ensued  between  Mr.  Clay  and  Mr.  Oallatin  and 
Lord  Castlereagh,  who  expressed  to  them  the  great  regret  of 
the  British  government,  and  proposed  that  either  Mr.  Clay  or 
Mr.  Gallatin,  with  one  of  the  British  ministers  at  Ghent, 
should  repair  to  Dartmoor,  ascertain  the  circumstances,  and 
make  a  joint  report  thereupon.  Mr.  Clay  and  Mr.  Gallatin 
not  thinking  proper,  unauthorized,  to  undertake  that  function, 
suggested  Mr.  Beasley  for  the  purpose ;  who  also  declined,  as 
too  much  occupied  with  his  other  duties.  A  young  Ameri- 
can in  London,  Mr.  Charles  King,  son  of  Rufus  King, 
formerly  American  minister  there,  was  then  requested  by 
Messrs.   Clay  and  Gallatin,  and  undertook,  together  with 


DAKTMOnU    MA:«8ACnE. 


HT 


L>     lliul      loriH     Bub- 

w«'ro  |)erlmp!4  not 

it  nil  t'ventH,  dt- 

»r  ei^lit  (»f  th«m 

rid   Bovcnil  badly 

the  imviil  coiii- 
-Hct  militia,  were 
;an  priHoners,  to- 
ying bull  against 
a  hole  through  it, 
1  that  had  fallcMi 
led,  to  effect  their 
beat  tu  nrniH,  tho 
8  by  tho  military, 

to  retire ;  and, 
apeotivo  quarters, 
tho  windows,  and 
^''hatevor  doubt  or 
fray,  the  British 
oners  were  driven 
ing  of  the  militia, 
by  which  several 
'd'^nable  homicide, 
rt,  severely  crimi- 
ighboring  farmers 

Correspondence 
Mr.  Gallatin  and 
e  great  regret  of 
ither  Mr.  Clay  or 
listers  at  Ghent, 
ii'cumstances,  and 
and  Mr.  Gallatin 
ike  that  function, 
>  also  declined,  as 
A  young  Amori- 
of  Rufus  King, 
len  requested  by 
ik,   together  with 


FranciH  Soymniii'  Larpont,  nppointod  by  tho  Eiij^UhIi  govcrii- 
iiic-nt,  to  asoertuin  and  n-port  tlio  fi.ctH.  After  e.xamininj^  Homr 
eijflity  witnoHHeH,  King  nnd  Tiiirpoiit  reported,  on  tho  'Hhh  of 
April,  a  statement  somcwbat  criminating,  but  yet  exonerating, 
tho  HritiHh ;  which,  on  the  22d  of  May,  IHlf),  Lord  CnHtle- 
rcagh  communicated  tu  Mr.  Clay  anil  Mr.  Gallatin,  with 
apsurances  how  deeply  the  Princo  Regent  lamented  the  con»o- 
qucncos  of  tho  unhappy  affair,  and  his  desire  to  make  compcn- 
Hfttion  to  tho  widows  and  familie«  of  tho  BuffcTorn.  The 
Regent's  disapprobation  of  the  conduct  of  the  officers  of  the 
Somerset  militia,  to  whose  want  of  exertion,  calling  for  the 
most  severe  animadversion,  the  extent  of  tho  calamity  wiw 
ascribablo,  was  also  at  the  same  time  made  known  by  tho 
British  secretary,  through  the  American  ministers,  to  their 
government. 

Mr.  Adams,  whoso  English  mission  commenced  with  that 
untoward  occurrence,  much  regretted  by  both  governments, 
deprecating  any  additional  or  fresh  cause  of  ill-blood,  intimated 
to  Lord  Cnstlereagh  that  Captain  Shortland  and  Major  Jol- 
liffe  ought  to  be  put  on  their  trial,  as  some  atonement  to  this 
country ;  which  his  lordship  adroitly  evaded  by  saying  that,  as 
they  would  certainly  be  acquitted,  that  would  only  make  matters 
worse  than  ever.  All  that  was  done,  therefore,  after  investi- 
gation, was  formal  expression  of  regret. 

On  tho  28d  of  June,  181.5,  Mr.  Adams  communicated  Lord 
Castlereagh's  letter  to  our  government ;  Mr.  Adama  regretting 
that  Captain  Shortland  had  not  been  brought  to  trial.  On  the 
3d  of  August,  1816,  Anthony  St.  John  Baker,  British  charg^ 
d'affaires,  in  a  letter  from  Phikdelphia,  repeated  Lord  Castle- 
reagh's regrets,  with  the  offer  of  compensation  to  the  families 
of  the  sufferers.  The  firing,  he  said,  appeared  to  have  been 
justified,  at  its  commencement,  by  the  turbulent  conduct  of  the 
prisoners ;  yet  want  of  steadiness  in  the  troops,  and  exertion 
in  the  officers,  called  for  the  most  severe  animadversion.  Mr. 
Monroe  did  not  answer  Mr.  Baker's  letter  for  several  months, 
not  till  the  11th  of  December,  1815,  then  declinmg  the  provi- 
sion proposed  for  the  sufferers  and  their  families  by  what  he 
termed  a  much  to  be  lamented  event,  causing  deep  distress  to 


» 


66 


I>AKTM0UR   MAAKAOIII. 


tho  whole  American  |»eo|ili«,  incrunHcd  \>j  the  two  governments 
not  agreeing  in  eeutiuicut  respecting  tho  conduct  of  tho  purtieit 
to  it. 

By  that  rebuke,  long  deferred  before  it  followed  tho  Britiith 
ap()l«)gy  und  rejected  atonement,  tho  Secretary  of  State  echoed 
public  opinion,  which,  throughout  tho  United  Stateii  generally, 
loudly  condemned  tho  Dartmoor  niaaaacro,  tho  liritiHh  impunity 
for  it,  and  Mr.  King's  accjuioBccnoo  in  tho  exoneration  which 
he  recommended,  what  ho  pronounced  outrogeouH,  and  tho 
British  coujmiuBioner  ogreod  with  him  was  uiyuatifiablo.     A 
comuiitteo  of  the  pri»onerB,  in  their  publiithcd  »tricture»  on  tho 
official  report  of  King  and  Larpent,  charged  them  with  omitting 
to  tuko  tho  testimony  of  uiuny  American  witnesiieH  attending 
to  bo  examined  by  tho  commiusion,  and  prepared  to  give  ma- 
terial evidence.      Of  the  eighty  witncBses  examined,  all  the 
Britinh  keepers,  oiBcers,  agents,  turnkeys,  and  surgeon,  formed 
a  largo  part ;  between  whoso  testimony  and  that  of  tho  Amo- 
ricnns  the  conflict  of  averment  was  perplexing  as  to  tho  origin 
of  tho  affair.     But  tho  proof  was  clear  of  unpardonable  mis- 
conduct of  tho  soldiery,  in  tho  latter  part  of  tho  tumult,  after 
the  prisoners  retired  to  their  apartments ;  and  probably,  also, 
established  that  the  Americans  were  insubordinate  and  turbu- 
lent in  tho  beginning,  if  not  insulting  and  provoking  during  the 
sort  of  conflict  that  took  place  when  driven  to  their  quarters. 
It  was  Mr.  Clay's  opinion  that  the  Americans  were  chargeable 
with  insubordination ;  that  Mr.  King  was  justifiable  for  the 
report ;  and  that  Mr.  Beasley,  on  that  as  on  other  occasions, 
behaved  well.     Mr.  Adams  thought  that  some  national  atone- 
ment was  due  to  this  country,  which  Mr.  Monroe  deemed  should 
be  more  than  pecuniary.     The  affair  ended,  however,  as  all 
those  negotiated  between  the  United  States  and  Oreat  Britain 
have  ended,  without  American  advantage.    For  tho  treaty  of 
independence  is  the  only  instance  wherein  American  reverence 
has  not  relented  before  British  ascendency.     The  Dartmoor 
massacre  closed  distressingly   the  contest  long  provoked  by- 
injustice  to  seamen.     The  parliament  report  acknowledged 
2548  undeniable  American  impressed  unjustly.    If,  as  is  pro- 
bable, any  of  that  number  were  among  the  killed  or  maimed 


IIIHTORY   OV   WAR    LAW. 


two  govcrritnonta 
uct  of  till)  purtiva 

lowod  the  Britinh 
y  of  Statu  echoed 
StatuH  (i^oneriilly, 
Uritiah  iru|)utiiiy 
3xon«r»tion  which 
rogeouH,  Olid  tho 
ut\juiitifittblo.     A 
1  HtricturcH  on  tho 
hem  with  omitting 
itncBfleit  attending 
)arcd  to  give  ma- 
examined,  all  the 
d  Hurgcon,  formed 
that  of  tho  Amo< 
ig  as  to  tho  origin 
unpardonable  mis- 
tho  tumult,  after 
.nd  probably,  also, 
■dinate  and  turbu- 
ovoking  during  tho 
1  to  their  quarters. 
IS  were  chargeable 
justifiable  for  the 
m  other  occasionB, 
me  national  atone- 
iroe  deemed  should 
1,  however,  oa  all 
and  Oreat  Britain 
For  the  treaty  of 
merican  reverence 
'.     The  Dartmoor 
long  provoked  by 
ort  acknowledgt'd 
Illy.     If,  as  is  pro- 
killed  or  maimed 


lit  Diirtmoor,  improMod  frconicn,  impriHoncd  bccauso  inipn'HsiMl, 
and  when  they  should  have  been  liberated,  kept  iniprisuncd 
(luring  tho  whole  war,  tho  futo  of  Huch  Hufferers  was  cnwi  wronj:, 
which  (Ircat  nritnin  would  have  wng«<l  war  to  avt  .,'^«',  any  oiio 
of  whom  that  mighty  em])ire  would  have  vindicated  by  all  tho 
means  in  her  power. 


CHAPTER   II. 

niSTORY    OF    WAR    LAW. 

W«r  lidw— Common  I-nw — So  Jury  in  Admirolly— Intornntionnl  I.nw — 
Tlio  Excliatiffo — Vtue  Law — Soixure  by  more  war — Freedom  of  the 
Cteai — Suprciiie  Co.ir*  of  tho  United  Htatci — Tho  Judge* — Attorney- 
General  Pinknoy  -Admiralty  Droiti — ^Itiropean  Publicinta — Sir  William 
Scott — Britiih  Piuc-Law  ad  .  cd — Ch.fif-JiiHtice  Maniliiill  diiMcnting — 
Case  of  the  Neroid— Armct'  tutrality  of  1760  and  1600— (Vco  Hhips 
make  fVee  Goods— Judicia  •.>•<  :eedin|fi  in  Prize  Caiea — liHemy's  LiccnMia 
—  Alien  £nem'"« — Militia  —  War  h.  •',  as  adminiatered  in  war  with 
Mexico— Bloc' j'Ji  -Contraband— Sub  •< — Free  Ship*  free  (iooda — Re> 
■pect  of  Prope   y  anJ  Religion— Martial  Law  as  adminiatered. 

The  philosophical  history  of  a  country  of  law,  ouglit  to  bo 
found  in  its  codo.  In  all  countries,  besides  statutes,  ordi- 
nances, rescripta,  and  adjudications,  there  is  a  basis  of  common 
law.  But  tht  American  confederacy  has  been  thought  to  havo 
no  common  law  for  restraining  crime,  while  that  for  contracts 
varies  according  to  the  adoption  and  adaptation  of  Engliuh 
common  or  French  law,  administered  by  the  federal  judiciary, 
in  different  sovereign  states.  Maritime  law  is  a  distinct  sys- 
tem in  form  and  forum.  Written  constitutions  are  generally 
»j.;)- )osed  to  impose  on  American  judges  the  inevitable,  hitherto 
uutried,  function  of  determining  whether  statutes  conform  to 
constitutions,  and  annulling  them  if  they  do  not.  The  United 
States,  and  most  of  the  American  states,  having  adopted,  by 
statute,  the  English  separation  of  tribunals  of  justice  into 
courts  of  equity,  for  mitigating  absolute  law,  and  courts  of 


I;  i 


70 


COMMON  LAW. 


) 


'I 


'i 

i;  vii 

I, 

t 


common  law,  disregarding  equity ;  the  whole  judicial  structure, 
federal  and  state,  common  and  equitable,  admiralty  and  revenue, 
civil  and  criminal,  is  complex,  and  diflBcult  of  comprehension. 
Complicated  codes,  multiplying  advocates,  increase  judicial 
influence,  which  is  pervading  and  effective  in  the  United  States. 
Law  is  a  mild  infliction.  Individuals  are  less  coerced  by  its 
direct  action  than  in  other  countries.  But  the  community 
allows  American  courts  of  justice  to  exercise  political  power, 
by  which  their  sphere  is  elevated,  and  self-government  rallies 
to  their  support  most  of  the  people.  Reverence  for  judicial 
determinations  predominates.  The  profession  of  the  law  is, 
moreover,  the  main  avenue  to  office  and  distinction. 

Shortly  before  the  declaration  of  war,  in  February,  1812, 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  resolved,  for  the  first 
time  during  the  twenty  years  it  had  been  mooted,  the  question 
whether  the  courts  of  the  United  States  have  common  law  ju- 
risdiction over  crime,  after  that  question  had  become  mixed 
with  the  permanent,  and  part  of  the  ephemeral,  politics  of  the 
country,  one  party  favoring  as  indispensable  and  preferable, 
the  other  discountenancing,  the  reliances  of  English  common 
law,  and  judicial  constructive  authority.  Among  the  many 
offensive  acts  of  the  French  minister  in  1793,  were  those  of 
commissioning  vessels  and  enlisting  men  in  American  porta, 
for  cruising  against  the  English.  An  American,  thus  enlisted, 
having  been  arrested  by  the  American  authorities  when  there 
was  no  act  of  Congress,  or  treaty  with  France,  prohibiting  such 
misconduct,  the  French  minister  demanded  Ms  release  as  a 
French  citizen,  "  serving,"  he  SBjid,  "  the  common  and  glorious 
caiise  of  liberty,  which  no  positive  law  or  treaty  declared  a 
crime."  The  attorney-generai,  officially  called  upon  by  the 
president,  gave  his  opinion  that  the  man  was  an  American 
citizen,  amenable  to  American  law,  because  treaties,  the  sur 
preme  law  of  the  land,  with  three  of  the  powers  at  war  with 
France,  stipulated  that  there  should  be  peace  between  their 
subjects  and  the  citizens  of  the  United  States;  and  the  accused 
was  punishable  at  common  law,  his  offence  coming  within  the 
description  of  disturbing  the  peace  of  the  United  States.  The 
secretary  of  state,  Jefferson,  in  his  letter  to  Governeur  Morris, 


COMMON   LAW. 


71 


udicial  slructure, 

•alty  and  revenue, 

f  comprehension. 

increase  judicial 

(he  United  States. 

!ss  coerced  by  its 

t  the  community 

political  power, 

;overnment  rallies 

Irence  for  judicial 

>n  of  the  law  is, 

iction. 

February,  1812, 
)lved,  for  the  first 
[)ted,  the  question 
B  common  law  ju- 
ad  become  mixed 
•al,  politics  of  the 
e  and  preferable, 
English  common 
\inong  the  many 
93,  were  those  of 
American  ports, 
can,  thus  enlisted, 
wities  when  there 
5,  prohibiting  such 
Ms  release  as  a 
imon  and  glorious 
treaty  declared  a 
lied  upon  by  the 
iras  an  American 
treaties,  the  sur 
iwers  at  war  with 
ice  between  their 
;  and  the  accused 
ioming  within  the 
ted  States.    The 
overneur  Morris, 


the  minister  of  the  United  States  in  France,  asserted  thereupon, 
that  an  American  citizen  could  not  divest  himself  of  that  cha- 
racter by  the  commission  of  a  crime ;  and  that  it  is  an  essential 
attribute  of  the  jurisdiction  of  every  country  to  preserve  peace, 
and  punish  breach  of  it  within  its  own  limits.  By  what  organ 
of  government  offences  against  the  neutrality  of  the  United 
States  should  be  redressed,  this  letter  declared  was  not  then 
perfectly  settled ;  whether  by  the  judiciary,  or  by  the  execu- 
tive, charged  with  the  military  force  and  foreign  relations  of 
the  country.  To  meet  this  exigency,  Jay,  the  chief-justice,  and 
Wilson,  an  associate  judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States,  aflSrmed  the  existence  of  English  common  law  for  the 
United  States,  of  which  the  law  of  uations  is  part,  so  that 
breaches  of  neutrality  might  be  punished  as  crimes,  without 
statute  so  declaring  them.  Soon  afterwards  Ellsworth,  who 
succeeded  Jay  as  chief-justice,  convicted  and  punished  an  Ame- 
rican citizen,  for  misdetneanor,  according  to  English  common 
law,  by  serving  on  board  a  French  privateer ;  a£5rming  not  only 
that  English  common  law  remains  the  same  as  before  the  revo- 
lution, but  affirming  also,  as  law  of  the  United  States,  the 
British  dogma  of  perpetual  allegiance ;  by  practical  contradic- 
tion of  which  dogma,  the  United  States  invite  an  increase  of 
some  hundred  tbousand  inhabitants  a  year,  to  fill  and  till 
the  unoccupied  regions  of  a  new  continent.  Law,  the  district 
judge  of  Connecticut,  where  the  English  common  law  is  not  in 
force,  but  as  sanptioned  by  judicial  decisions,  hesitated  going 
the  whole  length  of  Chief-Justice  Ellsworth's  opinion.  But 
Peters,  the  district  judge'  of  Pennsylvania,  concurred  in  those 
of  Jay  and  Wilson,  before  mentioned,  and  united  with  the 
former  in  convicting,  by  common  law,  a  consul  for  sending 
threatening  letters  to  the  British  minister.  In  1798,  Chase, 
another  judge  of  the'  Supreme  Court,  before  whom  a  man  was 
convicted  of  attempting  to  bribe  a  revenue  officer,  declared  that 
the  English  common  law  is  not  that  of  the  United  States,  and 
cannot  be  recurred  to  for  either  the  definition  or  punishment 
of  offences :  though  the  accused  was  nevertheless  punished,  as 
Peters,  the  district  judge,  refused  to  concur  with  Chase  in 
arresting  judgment.     On  Burr's  trial,  in  1807,  the  third  'chief- 


72 


COMMON   LAW. 


!•;( 


■  ■     .   ' 

m 

■ 

f: 

m 

i . 

[ill 

i| 

!i==  '  ...  -^       - 

justice,   Marshall,    intimated    his    opinion    that   the    statute 
of  the  United  States,  enacting  that  the  laws  of  the  several 
states   shall   be   regarded   as   rules   of  decision   in   trials   at 
common  law  in   the   courts   of  the   United   States,  in  cases 
where  they  apply,  except  where  otherwise  provided,  does  not 
render  the  common  law  applicable  to  offences  against  the  United 
States.     Thus  vexed  and  doubtful  was  the  law  on  this  subject, 
when,  in  1812,  it  was  brought  for  judgment  before  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States,  in  the  case  of  an  alleged  libel  on 
tho  president,  indicted  as  an  offence  at  common  law.     Judge 
Johnson  pronounced  the  opinion  of  the  court,  that  no  exercise 
of  common  law  jurisdiction,  in  criminal  caaes,  is  within  the 
federal  judicial  power.     Implied  power,  to  a  certain  extent,  he 
considered  indispensable ;  such  as  results  from  the  nature  of 
the  institutions  of  courts  of  justice.     To  fine  for  contempt,  im- 
prison for  contumacy,  enforce  the  observance  of  order,  &c.,  are 
powers,  the  judge  said,  which  cannot  be  dispensed  with  in  a 
court,  because  they  are  necessary  to  the  exerciscjof  all  others. 
So  far  the  court  deem  that  the  courts  of  the  United  States 
possess  powers  not  immediately  delegated  from  statutes,  but 
not  common  law  power  to  punish  extra  forensic  crimes.     Next 
year  the  junior  judge  of  the  Supreme  Court,  Story,  considering 
the  point  open  to  be  discussed,  notwithstanding  the  judgment 
of  the  majority,  pronounced  by  Johnson,  which  was  without 
hearing  an  argument,  ruled  that  the  federal  courts,  on  their 
circuits,  have  cognizance  of  all  offences  against  the  Unite  1 
States.    What  they  are  depends  on  the  common  law,  applied  to 
the  sovereignty  and  authorities  confided  to.  the  United  States ; 
and  courts  having  cognizance  of  all  offences  against  the  United 
States  may  punish  them  by  fine  and  imprisonment,  where  no 
specific  punishment  is  provided  by  statute.     This  opinion  was> 
not  revised,  as  the  judge  desired,  by  the  Supreme  Court  till 
three  years  afterwards,  (in  1816,)  when  Judge  Johnson  repeated 
the  judgment  of  a  majority  of  the  court,  aflSrming  that  of  1812. 
No  counsel  appeared  to  argue  the  case,  which  the  attorney- 
general,  Richard  Rush,  submitted  without  argument.    Judge 
Story  persisted  in  his  opinion.     Judges  Washington  and  Liv- 
ingston desired  an  argument.     There  the  matter  rests,  profes- 


that   the    statute 
s  of  the  several 
ision  in   trials   at 
States,  in  cases 
•rovided,  does  not 
gainst  the  United 
on  this  subject, 
fore  the  Supreme 
.n  alleged  libel  on 
imon  law.     Judgo 
t,  that  no  exercise 
ses,  is  within  the 
certain  extent,  he 
rom  the  nature  of 
for  contempt,  im- 
of  order,  &c.,  are 
spensed  with  in  a 
rcisejof  all  others, 
the  United  States 
*rom  statutes,  but 
»sic  crimes.     Next 
I  Story,  considering 
ling  the  judgment 
khich  was  without 
al  courts,  on  their 
gainst  the  Unite  1 
ion  law,  applied  to 
he  United  States ; 
igainst  the  United 
anment,  where  no 
This  opinion  wa» 
upreme  Court  till 
Johnson  repeated 
ling  that  of  1812. 
ich  the  attornej- 
Tgument.     Judge 
hington  and  Liv- 
tter  rests,  profes- 


COMMON  LAW. 


78 


sional  attachment  preferring,  public  sentiment  rejecting,  the 
English  common  law. 

William  Rawlo,  author  of  an  accredited  treatise  on  the  con- 
stitution of  the  United  States,  upheld  the  English  common  as 
American  common  law,  in  the  early  cases  before  mentioned, 
before  Judges  Jay,  Wilson,  and  Chase.  Alexander  James  Dal- 
las, afterwards  secretary  of  the  treasury,  and  Peter  Stephen 
Duponceau,  were  the  professional  contestants  of  it.  In  a 
dissertation,  since  published,  by  Duponceau,  on  the  subject,  he 
contends  that  the  English  common  law  is  indispensable  for  de- 
finition, if  not  for  jurisdiction ;  ihat  it  is  the  law  of  the  United 
States  in  the  nationai  capacity,  recognised  in  the  constitution 
and  many  statutes ;  in  full  force  in  the  territories  and  districts 
(not  states)  of  the  United  States ;  and  that  in  the  states  the 
federal  judiciary,  wherever  jurisdiction  is  given  to  them  by  th'„ 
written  laws,  comprehending  subject  matter  and  person,  ate 
bound  to  take  the  English  common  law  as  their  rule,  if  other 
law,  national  or  state,  be  not  applicable.  We  live  in  the  midst 
of  it,  breathe  and  imbibe  it,  meet  it  sleeping  and  awake,  tra- 
velling and  at  home.  It  is  our  idiom,  and  we  must  learn 
another  language  to  get  rid  of  it.  Yet  the  Irish,  German, 
Scotch,  French,  and  other  population  of  the  United  States, 
are  equal  in  number  to  the  English ;  and  all  the  states  formed 
from  Louisiana  have  a  common  law  not  English.  The  fictions, 
technicalities,  and  complexities  of  English  jurisprudence,  have 
been  mostly  disowned,  and  in  questions  6f  property  there  is  no 
reason  why  English  should  be  preferable  to  other  law.  But  all 
English  laws  which  limit  or  define  the  arbitrary  power  of  go- 
vernment, declarstions  of  right,  laws  of  personal  freedom,  what- 
ever individualizes  and  upholds  man,  are  cherished  as  American 
birthrights. 

The  earlier  adjudications  introduced  English  penal  common 
law  for  jurisdiction  over  breaches  of  neutrality.  The  second 
chief-justice,  Ellsworth,  adjudged  that  even  inalienable  alle- 
giance is  American  common  law.  Cases  of  bribery  of  a  federal 
functionary,  threatening  letters  to  him,  and  libel  of  the  Presi- 
'  dent,  Bucceediad.  That  of  which  Judge  Story  was  tenacious  was 
an  admiralty  case,  the  rescue  of  a  prize  on  the  high  seas.    But 


74 


COMMON   LAW. 


the  Supreme  Court  seems  by  its  decisions  to  overrule  all  com- 
mon law  in  criminal  cases.  William  Johnson,  who  pronounced 
them,  was  the  first  judicial  appointment  to  that  court  by  presi- 
dent Jefferson,  strongly  imbued  with  the  principles  of  southern 
democracy,  bold,  independent,  eccentric,  and  sometimes  harsh. 
His  catalogue  of  inherent  powers  to  fine  and  imprison  has  been 
since  reduced,  by  act  of  Congress,  perhaps  below  authority 
indispensable  to  forensic  order  and  judicial  dignity.  The 
pregnant  &c.,  superadded  to  that  catalogue,  which  might  have 
teemed  with  faculties,  is  thus  also  brought  to  naught. 

Immediately  after  passing  upon  English  common  law,  the 
Supreme  Court,  in  1812,  confirmed  several  prior  decisions, 
refusing  trial  by  jury  in  cases  of  seizure  upon  waters  navigable 
from  sea,  by  vessels  of  more  than  ten  tons  burthen,  charged 
with  breach  of  law.  It  was  the  unanimous  opinion  of  the 
court  that,  such  cases  being  of  civil  and  admiralty  jurisdiction, 
parties  interested  in  them  are  not  entitled  to  the  advantages 
of  a  jury.  One  of  the  complaints  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence is  for  depriving  us,  in  many  cases,  of  the  benefits 
of  trial  by  jury.  The  people  of  most  of  the  United  States 
have  always  been  anxious  for  that  mode  of  determining  dis- 
putes, not  only  for  its  judicial  advantages,  but  because  it  also 
gives  every  one  a  share  in  the  administraition  of  justice,  other- 
wise engrossed  by  very  few,  less  capable  of  ascertaining  facta 
than  the  community.  The  transitory  appointment  of  jurors 
from  the  mass,  and  their  irresponsible  fusion  with  it  again, 
execute  the  principle  of  rotation  in  office,  so  generally  recog- 
nized. Yet,  on  neither  of  the  three  occasions,  when  the  ques-* 
tion  of  dispensing  with  juries  to  try  certain  seizures  wad 
solemnly  presented  to  the  Supreme  Court,  did  it  either  hear  or 
give  any  reason  for  rejecting  them,  l^eyond  the  shortest  state- 
ment of  the  case.  So  strongly  impressed  was  an  attorney 
general,  Charles  Lee,  with  its  magnitude,  after  the  judgment 
pronounced  on  the  second  occasion,  that  he  earnestly  entreated 
the  judges  to  indulge  him  with  an  argument  for  jvies ;  and 
leave  was  given,  but  so  ungraciously,  that  one  of  them.  Chase", 
said  to  him  from  the  bench,  that,  though  the  argument  at  the 
bar,  on  the  first  case,  "  was  no  great  things,  yet  the  court  had 


INTERNATIONAL   LAW. 


75 


overrule  all  cofti- 
•n,  who  pronounced 
that  court  by  presi- 
inciples  of  southern 
'■  Bometimes  harsh, 
imprison  has  been 
'  below   authority 
ial   dignity.     The 
which  might  have 
;o  naught. 

common  law,  the 
■al  prior  decisions, 
>n  waters  navigable 
8  burthen,  charged 
)us  opinion  of  the 
niralty  jurisdiction, 
1  to  the  advantages 
eclaration  of  Inde- 
es,  of  the  benefits 
the  United  States 
)f  determining  dis- 
but  because  it  also 
>n  of  justice,  other- 
ascertaining  facts 
ointment  of  jurors 
lion  with  it  asrain. 
30  generally  recog- 
ns,  when  the  ques- 
•tain  seizures  waa 
id  it  dther  hear  or 
the  shortest  state- 
was  an  attorney- 
Pter  the  judgment 
arnestly  entreated 
It  i\jT  j'lries ;  and 
e  of  them.  Chase, 
argument  at  the 
et  the  court  had 


well  considered  the  subject."  Congress,  by  their  act  (February 
2tith,  1846)  giving  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States 
admiralty  jurisdiction  over  matters  concerning  vessels  of  twenty 
tons,  enrolled  and  licensed  for  coasting  trade  between  places  in 
difterent  states,  upon  lakes  and  navigable  waters  connected 
with  lakes,  with  the  maritime  laws  of  the  United  States  as 
their  rule  of  decision,  gave  the  right  of  trial  by  jury  of  all 
facts  put  in  issue,  when  either  party  requires  it ;  and  also  a 
concurrent  remedy  by  trial  at  common  law,  when  comjietent 
common  law  and  admiralty  juries  were  both  rejected  by  the 
Supreme  Couft  without  hearing  their  causes  pleaded.  Con- 
gress, in  part  at  least,  restored  the  one,  and  the  bar,  could 
they  effect  it,  probably  would  the  other. 

The  Supreme  Court,  at  the  session  of  1813,  adjudged  the 
delicate  question  of  international  law,  whether  an  A.inoi"ican 
citizen,  in  an  American  court,  can  entitle  himself  to  a  ves,sel  of 
which  he  was  dispossessed  by  a  foreign  power,  thereafter  sailing 
under  its  flag  as  a  national  vessel.  The  schooner  Exchange  Avas 
claimed  in  the  port  of  Philadelphia,  in  1811,  as  having  been,  in 
1810,  unlawfully  taken  from  the  American  owners,  thus  seeking 
restitution  of  their  property,  alleging  that  her  French  captors 
had  not  lawful  title  to  her.  The  law  oflScer  of  the  United 
States,  the  district  attorney,  Dallas,  instructed  by  the  execu- 
tive, suggested  to  the  court  that  the  vessel  belonged  to  the 
French  government,  put  into  an  American  po!  t  in  distress,  and 
was  about  to  resume  her  cruis6  when  judicially  seized ;  and  he 
produced  to  the  court  her  national  commission.  The  decree  of 
the  judge,  Washington,  in  the  Circuit  Court  at  Philadelphia, 
restored  the  vessel  to  the  American  claimants.  On  appeal  to 
the  Supreme  Court,  the  question  was  considered.  Chief  Justice 
Marshall  said,  with  earnest  solici  ::de,  that  the  decision  might 
conform  to  those  principles  of  municipal  and  national  law  by 
which  it  ought  to  be  regulated.  The  path  to  be  explored  was 
unbeaten  by  few,  if  any,  precedents  of  written  or  other  law, 
and  the  court  was  thrown  upon  principles  and  general  reasons. 
These  were  judicial  lights  with  which  the  Chief  Justice  was 
more  familiar  than  those  of  professional  learning.  The  juris- 
otiction  of  courts  is  part,  he  considered,  of  every  nation's  sove- 


I ,,( 


t ; 


76 


INTERNATIONAL   LAW. 


reignty ;  and  all  jurisdiction  is  confined  to  national  territories. 
But  all  have  consented  to  some  relaxation- of  it,  for  mutual 
accommodation  ;  one  of  which  is  in  favor  of  other  sovereigns, 
none  of  whom  are  amenable  to  each  other.  Foreign  sovereigns, 
ministers  or  troops,  within  the  territories  of  each  other,  are 
deemed  there  by  consent  of  the  territorial  sovereign.  Foreign 
ships  are  suffered,  more  readily  than  armies,  to  be  in  other 
than  their  own  territorial  jurisdiction.  Treaties  commonly 
stipulate  such  permission.  If  there  be  no  treaty,  comity  im- 
plies the  assent  it  would  give.  When  nations  do  not  choose  to 
let  foreign  vessels  enter  their  ports,  it  is  usual  to  declare  such 
denial ;  otherwise  permission  is  taken  for  granted.  Whether 
private  vessels  are  .thus  privileged,  as  well  as  national,  the 
court  gave  no  opinion ;  intimating,  however,  that  a  private 
vessel,  availing  herself  of  an  asylum  provided  by  treaty,  would 
not  be  amenable  to  tl  e  local  jurisdiction,  unless  she  committed 
some  act  violating  the  compact.  Vessels,  perhaps,  should  have 
immunities  for  distress  not  accorded  to  trade.  But  it  cannot 
be  presumed  that  the  sovereign's  allowing  a  public  vessel  the 
asylum  of  his  ports,  in  distress,  could  mean  to  exercise  his 
jurisdiction  over  her.  Individuals  must  render,  at  least,  local 
and  temporary  allegiance  wherever  they  are.  But  a  public 
ship  is  part  of  the  military  force  of  her  nation,  acts  under 
the  immediate  and  direct  command  of  the  sovereign,  and 
is  employed  by  him  in  national  objects ;  which  interference  of 
a  foreign  state  might  defeat,  and  which  cannot  take  place  with- 
out affecting  the  dignity  and  power  of  that  nation.  The  im- 
plied license  under  which  she  entered  the  foreigner's  port, 
claiming  the  rights  of  hospitality,  seems  to  require  her  exemp- 
tion from  jurisdiction  there.  While,  by  unanimous  consent  of 
nations,  individual  foreigners  are  amenable,  nations  have  not 
asserted  jurisdiction  over  public  ships.  A  sovereign's  private 
property  is  distinguishable  from  that  of  the  nataon.  His  pri- 
vate property  abroad  may  be  liable  to  local  jurisdiction,  with'- 
out  involving  that  which  he  holds  or  gpverns  for  his  country. 
The  vessel  in  this  case,  once  the  libellant's  property,  having 
become  a  French  national  ship,  it  was  not  competent  for  an 
American  court  to  enquire  into  the  validity  of  the  foreigQ  titles 


INTERNATIONAL   LAW. 


77 


atioBul  territories. 
•  of  it,  for  mutual 
other  sovereigns, 
oreign  sovereigns, 
of  each  other,  are 
)vereign.    Foreign 
es,  to  be  in  other 
'reatics  commonlj 
treaty,  comity  im- 
18  do  not  choose  to 
lal  to  declare  such 
[ranted.     Whether 
1  as  national,  tho 
er,  that  a  private 
d  by  treaty,  would 
less  she  committed 
srhaps,  should  have 
de.     But  it  cannot 
a  public  vessel  the 
an  to  exercise  his 
ider,  at  least,  local 
se.     But  a  publio 
nation,  acts  under 
he  sovereign,  and 
ich  interference  of 
lot  take  place  with- 
t  nation.     The  im- 
5  foreigner's  port, 
require  her  exemp- 
nimcus  consent  of 
,  nations  have  not 
jovereign's  private 
nation.    His  pri- 
jurisdiction,  with* 
8  for  his  country. 
1  property^  having 
competent  for  an 
f  the  fbreigi^  title. 


Being  a  public  ar»"ed  ship,  in  the  service  of  a  foreign  sovo- 
rcif'ii,  with  whom  the  United  States  are  at  peace,  and  having 
rntercd  an  American  port  open  for  her  reception,  on  the  terms 
in  which  ships  of  war  generally  enter  the  ports  of  a  friendly 
power,  she  must  bo  considered  as  having  come  into  the  Aino- 
rican  territory  under  its  implied  promise  that,  while  necessarily 
within  it,  demeaning  herself  in  a  friendly  manner,  she  should 
bo  exempt  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  country.  It  seemed,  to 
the  court,  to  be  a  principle  of  public  law,  that  national  ships 
of  war,  entering  the  port  of  a  friendly  power  open  for  their 
reception,  are  to  be  considered  as,  by  the  consent  of  that  power, 
exempt  from  its  jurisdiction.  It  was  furthermore  the  opinion 
of  the  court,  that  the  general  inabilily  of  the  judicial  power  to 
enforce  its  decision  in  such  cases,  inasmuch  as  the  sovereign 
power  of  a  nation  is  alone  competent  to  avenge  the  wrongs  of 
other  sovereigns,  and  -Wrongs  of  this  sort  are  questions  of  policy 
more  than  law,  for  diplomatic,  not  judicial  treat  lent,  woidd  be 
an  additional  difficulty,  entitled  to  serious  consideration. 

Judge  Washington,  whose  decree  Was  thus  reversed,  relied 
on  what  the  Supreme  Court  thought  his  misconception  of  Byn- 
,  kershoeck's  opinion  that  the  effects  of  sovereigns  are  liable  to 
foreign  jurisdiction ;  meaning  their  private,  not  national,  pro- 
perty; and  on  Butherforth's,  that  the  goods  of  foreign  col- 
lective bodies  are  liable,  like  individuals',  to  local  authority. 
Judge  Washington  argued  that  it  is  conceded  that  a  national 
vessel  would  be  answerable  to  our  cognizance  for  offences 
within  it,  which  brings  the  question  to  one  of  locality,  not 
nationality.  Public  vessels  are  answerable  to  material  men 
for  repairs  done  to  them  in  American  ports.  They  must  pay 
debts  contracted  there.  And  if  a  private  vessel  may  be  for- 
feited for  offence,  which  is  admitted,  why  not  a  public  ?  Nei- 
ther personal  privilege,  character  of  property,  or  locality  of 
transaction  excluding  jurisdiction,  as  Judge  Washington  held, 
he  brought  himself  to  the  lofty  conclusion  that  if  he  cQuld  be 
so  wicked  as  to  decide  differently  frotn  the  judgment  he  enter- 
tained, his  genius  tod  talents  would  ao^  enable  him  to  give  a 
reason  which  his  conscience  or  judgment  could  approve. 

Social,  political  and  professional  prepossessions  in  the  sear 


:i  ■ 

r 


78 


INTEKNATIOXAL    LAW. 


port  where  the  Cireuit  Court  sat,  were  inimieal  to  Frnnce,  and 
may  have  unconsciously  affected  the  mind  of  .ludj^c  Washinj^ton. 
But  at  the  federal  sent  of  government  a  different  moral  atmo- 
sphere prevailed.  The  judgment  of  the  Supreme  Court  was 
there  apparently  unanimous,  Ju.lgo  Washington  giving  no  dis- 
senting or  explanatory  opinion.  Alluding,  as  he  did  in  the 
course  of  his  decree  at  Fhilac'iclphia,  to  the  executive  power 
felt  by  courts  in  other  countries,  not  yet  in  this,  an  honest 
independence  may  have  swerved  his  judgment.  No  juster 
judge  adorned  that  bench.  His  integrity  was  never  biassed  or 
suspected.  Nephew  and  principal  legatee  of  his  illustrious 
uncle,  without  personal  resemblance,  for  the  judge  was  slight 
in  person  and  insignificant  in  appearance,  he  resembled  the 
General  in  moral  courage  and  dignified  official  demeanor.' 
Firm,  impartial,  fearless,  candid  and  capable  of  great  labor, 
fiushrod  Washington,  for  more  than  thirty  years,  enjoyed  the 
universal  confidence  of  his  circuit,  Pennsylvania  and  New 
Jersey,  and  the  respect  of  the  bar,  whom  he  always  controlled. 
Silence,  patience,  imperturbable  and  impenetrable  suspension 
of  his  mind  till  informed  by  all  that  could  be  said  on  both 
sides,  and  then  inflexible  decision,  with  no  fear  of  responsi- 
bility, were  qualifications  in  which  he  excelled  more  than  in 
extensive  learning  or  clearness  of  perception.  His  logic  was 
better  than  his  judgment,  though  well  versed  in  common  law 
and  equity ;  and  not  excelled  in  the  talent  of  expounding  cases, 
especially  to  juries,  to  whom  his  '■barges  were  models  of  clear 
and  conclusive  reasoning.  Verdicts  were  rarely  given  con- 
trary to  his  instructions ;  and  while  he  left  facts,  with  consi- 
derable freedom,  to  juries,  he  was  absolute  in  asserting  his 
excl  isive  command  of  law. 

The  most  fundamental  adjudication  on  war  law  did  not  take 
place,  in  the  Supreme  Court,  till  March,  1814,  reversing  a 
circuit  judgment,  in  October,  1813.  An  American,  without 
executive  commission,  or  specific  authority  by  act  of  Congress, 
seized  British  property,  and  the  law  officer  of  the  United  States 
libelled  it  as  prize  of  war.  The  judge  of  the  first  circuit,  after 
an  elaborate  review  of  the  subject,  decreed  that  all  hostile 
things  taken  in  wAr  belong  to  the  state.    Individuals  acquire 


1^ 


INTERNATIONAL   LAW. 


70 


iril  ti)  Frnrico,  nnd 
Iiid^^c  Wiishiii^^ton. 
ercnt  iiioral  iitiiio- 
iupremo  Court  was 
;ton  giving  no  dis- 
aa  ho  did  in  the 
0  executive  power 
in  this,  an  honest 
ment.     No  juster 
[18  never  biassed  or 
of  his  ilhistrious 
le  judge  was  slight 
,  he  resembled  the 
official  demeanor.' 
)le  of  great  labor, 
years,  enjoyed  the 
sylvania  and  New 
always  controlled, 
letrable  suspension 
d  be  said  on  both 
D  fear  of  responsi- 
)lled  more  than  in 
on.    His  logic  was 
ed  in  common  law 
r  expounding  cases, 
>re  models  of  clear 
rarely  given  con- 
i  facts,  with  consi- 
;e  in  asserting  his 

ir  law  did  not  take 
1814,  reversing  a 
American,  without 
>y  act  of  Congress, 
'  the  United  States 
3  first  circuit,  after 
id  that  all  hostile 
ndividuals  acquire 


no  right  to  them,  but  as  granted  by  the  state.  But  it  wan 
Judge  Story's  opinion  that  the  EngliHli  law,  uuthoriHing  to  seize 
lio»tilc  property  for  the  use  of  the  crown,  subject  to  its  ratifi- 
cation or  rejection  at  discretion,  conforms  to  the  belligerent 
liiw  of  all  other  nations,  and  is  the  constitutional  law  of  the 
United  States.  Mere  predatory  captures  may  be  punished 
or  adopted  by  the  state.  Captors  must  be  commissioned ;  but 
the  existence  of  war  is  sufficient  commission  for  individuals  to 
wage  it,  till  prohibited  by  auporior  authority.  The  subject  acts 
at  his  peril.  The  sovereign  takes  the  whole  prize,  and  shares 
or  rejects  it,  or  punishes  the  captor  as  he  will.  But  till  forbid, 
the  individual  captor  is  duly  authorised.  Bynkershoeck's  asser- 
tion that  uncommissioned  captors,  making  prize  otherwise  than 
in  self-defence,  may  bo  dealt  with  as  pirates,  Judge  Story  con- 
sidered the  mere  municipal  law  of  Holland ;  and  contended  that 
the  supposed  allegations  of  Grotius,  Puffendorf,  and  Yattel 
against  the  legality  of  private  hostilities  are  misapprehensions 
of  tho  true  moaning  of  their  treatises.  As  the  result  of  his 
researches  into  European,  not  British  authorities,  the  learned 
judge  concluded  that  uncommissioned  captors  acquire  no  title 
to  hostile  property  taken,  and  that  in  modern  times  mere  war 
does  not  warrant  individuals  to  capture:  but  in  self-defence 
they  may,  and  whatever  hostile  thing  falls  into  their  hands 
they  must  secure  to  be  disposed  of  as  the  sovereignty  determines. 
They  depredate  at  their  peril,  subject  to  punishment  or  reward 
by  tho  sovereignty.  If  the  principles  of  British  prize  law  go 
beyond  those  of  other  nations.  Judge  Story  declared  himself 
free  to  say  that  he  considered  them  the  law  of  this  country.  He 
noticed  the  dicta  of  foreign  elementary  writers,  because  relied 
on  by  counsel  in  argument,  but  the  practice  (^  American  courts 
in  prize  proceedings  must  be  governed  by  the  rules  of  admiralty 
law  as  disclosed  in  English  reports,  in  preference  to  such  mere 
dicta.  Hostile  confiscation  of  debts  till  1787,  was  never  ques- 
tioned, nor  was  the  right  denied  in  1752,  in  the  discussions  on 
the  Silesia  loan;  notwithstanding  the  doubts  of  Hamilton  in 
Camillns,  and  of  Yattel,  whose  authority  Judge  Story,  not  with- 
out reason,  cited  Mcintosh  for  disparaging.  Confiscation  of  hos- 
tile debts  is  the  doctrine,  said  the  judge,  not  only  of  national,  but 


1  'A 


i 


80 


INTERNATIONAL   LAW. 


tho  English  common  law,  notwitliHtanding  tlio  mo«lern  rolaxiilion 
of  merely  8usj>t'n<lin;»  tlu'Ui,  wliioh  iIoo.h  nut  impair  the  ri-^ht  to 
seize,  however  odious.  The  law  to  seize  hostile  things  in  pos- 
session,  (and  ho  made  no  distinction  between  thin;^s  and  jier- 
sons,)  Judge  Story  argued  is  still  clearer  than  that  of  debts. 
He  reckoned  Orotius,  I'ufl'endorf,  Bynkershocck,  Burlenuini, 
Rutherforth,  and  llule,  among  its  advocates,  denying  tliut 
Vattel  and  Azuni  can  bo  fairly  cited  against  it.  Even  Magna 
Charta,  which  ho  canvassed,  protects  only  domiciled,  not  tran- 
sitory foreign  merchants,  or  their  property,  and  is,  in  practice, 
disregarded  by  England,  who  has  uniformly,  he  truly  averred, 
sei:  !,  as  prize,  all  vessels  and  cargoes  of  her  enemies  found  in 
British  ports  at  tho  commencement  of  hostilities ;  and  in  con- 
templation of  hostilities  laid  embargoes,  that  she  might,  at  all 
events,  secure  the  prejn  (as  ho  called  such  booty,)  a  belligerent 
right  recognised  as  early  as  16G5,  among  the  droits  of  admi- 
ralty. This  aumrrmm  jm,  he  declared,  so  far  from  being  obso- 
lete, was  constantly  applied  by  Great  Britain  to  the  United 
States  in  tho  war  of  1812,  with  the  aggravation  of  detaining 
American  seamen,  found  in  her  service  when  it  began.  Judge 
Story  might  have  gone  further,  and  said,  in  tho  same  spirit  of 
patriotic  emotion  which  animated  this  part  of  his  judgment, 
that  Great  Britain,  for  the  last  century  of  these  modern  times, 
which  he  supposed  had  mitigated  the  code  of  war,  has  frequently, 
if  not  mostly,  made  it  first,  not  declaring  it  till  after  the  blow 
was  struck  with  dire  severity ;  and  that  many  thousands  of  the 
American  seamen,  detained  as  prisoners,  as  he  mentioned,  were 
impressed  from  American  vessels,  in  defiance  of  the  protection 
of  their  flag,  documents,  and  nativity.    ' 

Right  to  capture  thus  established,  and  acknowledging  that 
Congress  exercise  the  sovereigui  of  the  nation  in  the  right  to 
declare  wai',  he  insisted  that  the  executive,  as  incident  to  the 
presidential  office,  independent  of  any  express  authority  by  the 
act  declaring  war,  is  empowered  to  employ  all  the  usual 
and  customary  means  acknowledged  in  war  to  carry  it  into 
eflect ;  and  there  being  no  limitation  in  the  act  of  Congress, 
the  president  may  authorize  the  capture  of  all  enemies'  pro- 
perty wherever,  by  tho  law  of  nations,  it  can  be  lawfully  seized. 


I 


INTEIIXATIOXAI,    I-AW. 


81 


modern  ruluxiiiion 
riiftiiir  the  rif^ht  to 
tile  thin;;8  in  pon- 
ri  thin;;H  and  j)cr- 
lan  that  of  debts, 
locck,  BiirIonu(iii, 
tcH,  denying   thut 
it.     Even  Muf^na 
omiciled,  not  tran- 
ttnd  18,  in  practice, 
,  ho  truly  averred, 
r  enemies  found  in 
ilities  ;  and  in  con- 
t  ohe  might,  at  ull 
»oty,)  a  belligerent 
ho  droits  of  admi- 
ir  from  being  obso- 
ain  to  tho  United 
ation  of  detaining 
» it  began.     Judge 
tho  same  spirit  of 
of  his  judgment, 
hose  modern  times, 
ror,  has  frequently, 
till  after  the  blow 

17  thousands  of  tho 
bo  mentioned,  wore 
B  of  tho  protection 

cknowledging  that 
tion  in  the  right  to 
OS  incident  to  the 

18  authority  by  the 
loy  all  the  usual 
r  to  carry  it  into 

I  act  of  Congress, 
'  all  enemies'  pro- 
bo  lawfully  seized. 


Without  grant  by  Congress  nil  Hiich  captures,  in  his  opinion, 
muHt  enure  to  tho  use  of  governnient.  Tho  executive  nmy, 
mill  docH  employ  tho  land  foiccw,  by  virtue  of  the  dcohiration 
of  wnr,  to  make  captures,  without  doubt  of  their  legality  ;  und 
ciiptiircM  by  commisHionod  Hhips  seem  a  natural  result  of  tlio 
gciipniHty  of  expression  in  the  act  of  Congress;  upon  which 
the  executive  may  authorise  proceedings  to  enforce  confiscation 
of  cnptures  before  tho  proper  tribunals. 

After  tho  Supremo  Court  rever"iod  his  decision,  still  tenacious 
of  it.  with  honest  confidence  ho  disclaimi-d  an  opinion  that  decla- 
rati'  .  of  war  operates  confiscation  of  property;  admitting,  as 
ho  «!iid  ho  always  did,  that  tho  title  to  it  is  not  divested  by  war, 
but  remains  unimpaired  till  hostile  possession;  nil  ho  contended 
,  for  was,  that  war  gives  a  right  to  confiscate,. enabling  the  execu- 
tive to  enforce  it.  If  a  limit  can  bo  put  on  the  extent  to  which 
hostilities  maybe  carried  by  the  executive,  ho  Cunio'  transcend 
it :  but  if  no  such  limit  be  imposed,  war  may  bo  waged,  accord- 
ing to  the  modern  law  of  nations,  when,  where,  and  as  the 
executive  chooses.  Congress  by  no  act  have  declared  confidCd- 
tion,  tho  right  of  which  Judge  Story  deemed  to  result  from  tho 
state  of  war,  not  any  statute.  Until  title  divested  by  overt 
act  of  government  and  judicial  sentonco,  it  remains  in  tho  ori- 
ginal owner,  and  revives  by  peace.  Tho  prizo  acts,  and  hostile 
trade  acta  of  Congress,  with  others  empowering  and  directing 
tho  president  what  to  do,  did  not  limit  his  pre-existing  power, 
but  simply  regulated  it.  There  being  no  act  of  the  Legislature 
defining  the  powers,  objects,  or  modes  of  warfare,  by  what  rule 
can  tho  president  be  governed  but  by  the  law  of  nations,  ap- 
plied to  tho  state  of  war  ?  Tho  sovereignty  of  tho  nation  rests 
with  him  as  to  execution  of  the  laws,  and  he  may  exercise 
whatever  is  legitimate  hostility  according  to  the  law  of  nations, 
in  his  discretion,  which,  from  tho  nature  of  things,  must  vary 
according  to  tho  annoyance  and  pressure  necessary.  The  Le- 
gislature may  limit  this  right  if  they  will.  The  power  of  Con- 
gress to  declare  war,  in  Judge  Story's  opinion,  includes  all  the 
powers  incident  to  war,  and  necessary  to  carry  it  into  eficct. 
The  power  in  the  constitution  to  grant  letters  of  marque,  and 
make  rules  concerning  captures,  is  not  sabatantive,  but  part  of 

Vol.  m.  — 6 


Ik 


s: 


IK'riRNATIONAL  LAW. 


tho  po-.>r  wf  war.  Authority  to  gr»nt  lottom  of  manpio  and 
rt'prijiiil,  iumI  to  r/guliito  citptnroii,  iiro  ordinary  ami  ncccH«ary 
inciiU-ntH  to  the  power  of  tlcchiriiig  war,  which  would  bo  inof- 
ft'ctiiiil  without  th«m.  Thoy  oro  merely  explanatory  and  pre- 
cniitioiiiiry  words  in  tho  cuiiHtitutiou.  Congr«»«  have  not  dc- 
cliired  that  cupturott  nhall  ho  iniide  on  land :  if  not  inuludetl  in 
tho  declaration  of  war,  how  can  tho  proBident  direct  such? 
How  can  a  Canadian  campaign  or  con<iuoitt  of  a  British  terri- 
tory tiiko  place  under  executive  orders  ?  Tho  acta  of  CongresH 
rompecting  alien  and  prisoner  cncmioa  are  but  regulations  of 
war,  conferring  no  now  authority.  Judgo  Story  repudiated 
tho  fluggostiun  that  ho  asserts  that  modern  usage  constitutes  a 
rulo  acting  directly  on  the  thing,  by  its  own  force,  not  through 
the  sovereign  power ;  his  position  was,  that  when  the  Legislature 
declares  ualimitod  war,  tho  executive  is  bound  to  carry  it  into 
effect.  Tho  sovereignty  as  to  declaring  war  and  luniting  its 
effects  is  with  tho  Legislature,  and  as  to  its  execution,  with  tlio 
president.  If  the  Legislature  do  not  limit,  all  tho  rights  of 
war  attach. 

His  conclusions  were  that  the  court  had  jurisdiction,  and  that 
the  district  attorney,  without  specific  instruction,  was  competent 
to  institute  it  ex-officio ;  that  by  tho  modern  law  of  nations, 
and  the  common  law  of  England,  governments  confiscate  debts, 
credits,  and  property  of  enemies  contracted  or  come  into  the 
country  during  peace;  that  right  to  confiscate  n6ed  not  bo 
specifically  given  by  act  of  Congress,  because  the  president, 
by  high  prerogative,  may  control,  and  the  court!  a^udicate, 
by  virtue  of  the  act  of  Congress  declaring  war. 

The  district  judge  of  Massachusetts,  Davis,  an  experienced, 
intelligent  and  careful  magistrate  (who  made  application  to 
Congress,  through  the  judiciary  committee,  for  increase  of 
salary,  because  such  was  the  pressure  of  business  in  his 
court,  during  the  war,  that  it  was  obliged  to  be  in  session 
nearly  every  day  in  the  whole  year,  except  Sundays),  gave 
judgment  in  this  case  contrary  to  Judge  Story's,  which  latter, 
in  some  points,  was  not  appealed  from.  Tho  great  questions 
here  dwelt  upon  were  submitted  to  the  Supreme  Court,  without 
An  argument,  by  Richard  Rush,  then  lately  appointed  to  sue- 


WAR   LAW. 


83 


orit  of  tnanjuo  and 

ary  and  iicccHnary 
lich  would  bo  invf- 
plunatory  and  pre- 
gruRB  havo  not  do* 

if  not  included  in 
idcnt  direct  such? 

of  a  BritiHh  terri- 
10  acta  of  Congrciii 

)ut  regulations  of 

0  Story  repudiated 
uaage  cotiHtitutes  a 

1  force,  not  througli 
rhcn  the  Legialaturo 
ind  to  carry  it  into 
ar  and  limiting  ita 
execution,  with  tlio 

it,  all  the  rights  of 

iriBdiotion,  and  that 
!tion,  was  competent 
orn  law  of  nations, 
nts  confiscate  debts, 
d  or  oome  into  the 
fiscate  need  not  bo 
ause  the  president, 
9  courts  a^udicate, 
war. 

vis,  an  experienced, 
nade  application  to 
ee,  for  increase  of 
of  business  in  his 
9d  to  be  in  session 
ept  Sundays),  gave 
tory's,  which  latter, 
Dho  groat  questions 
reme  Court,  without 
f  appointed  to  suc- 


ceed Piiiknoy  M  Rttornoy-goncral,  leaving  it  upon  timt  of 
Jud;j;(i  Story,  which  won  contained  in  the  tranMcript  of  the 
rccortl.  The  advocate  contenting  it,  invoked  the  liberal  law  of 
nutioni*,  divested  of  antiquated  rigors,  not  only  rejected,  but 
abhorred,  in  modem  law ;  donie<l  confiscation  of  debts  and  non* 
commisHioned  seiiure  of  property  ;  and  indignantly  reprobated 
the  intolerable  hostilities  which  would  send  hw  offloors  into  the 
warehouses  of  American  seaports,  hunting  for  enemies'  things, 
received  in  peace,  but  happening  to  be  caught  in  war. 

The  judgment  of  the  Supremo  Court  was  pronounced  by  Chief- 
Justice  Marshall,  entertaining  no  doubt  of  the  power  of  govern- 
ment.  War  gives  the  sovereign  full  right  to  take  tho  persons 
and  confiscate  tho  property  of  tho  enemy,  wherever  found ;  a 
right  not  impaired,  though  mitigated  in  practice  by  wise  and 
humane  modern  policy.  Where  tho  sovereign  authority  brings 
it  into  operation,  the  judicial  department  must  give  cfioot  to  its 
will ;  but,  uittil  that  is  expressed,  no  power  of  condemnation  is 
in  the  court.  Declaration  of  war  by  act  of  Congress  does  not, 
by  its  own  operation,  vest  enemies'  property  in  tho  American 
government,  but  only  a  right,  whose  operation  depends  on  tho 
will  of  tho  sovereign  power.  The  anivorsal  practice  of  forbear- 
ing to  seize  and  confiscate  debts  and  credits,  tho  principle  uni- 
versally received  that  tho  original  right  to  them  revives  on 
restoration  of  peace,  seems  to  prove  that  war  is  not  absolute 
confiscation,  but  simply  confers  a  right  to  it.  Reason  draws  no 
distinction  between  debts  contracted  on  the  faith  of  laws,  and 
property  acquired  in  course  of  trade.  Though  vessels  and  car- 
goes found  in  port  at  the  declaration  of  war  may  have  been 
seized,  yet  modem  usage  would  not  sanction  seizure  of  enemies' 
goods  on  land,  acquired  by  trade  in  peace.  Tho  right  is  the 
same,  as  to  debts  and  property,  whatever  be  the  practice.  Tho 
C;(ief- justice  quoted  Bynkorshoeok,  Yattel  and  Chitty  to  shew  tho 
modem  rule  that  tangible  hostile  property,  found  by  war  in  a 
comxtry,  ought  not  to  be  immediately  confiscated ;  and  added 
that,  in  almost  every  conunnrcial  treaty,  there  is  stipulation  of 
right  to  withdraw  it.  Thus  it  is  the  opmion  of  all,  that,  while 
war  gives  the  right  to  confiscation,  it  does  not  confiscate. 

The  Constitution  of  tho  United  States  was  framed  when  this 


,Jit' 


i 


M 

k 


I      • 


I  i 


t     I 


i  I 


84 


WAR   LAW. 


rule,  introduced  by  commerce  in  favor  of  moderation  and  hu- 
manity, was  received  throughout  the  civilized  world.  Ex- 
pounding it  ought  not  lightly  to  give  war  an  effect  in  thia 
country  which  it  has  not  elsewhere,  fettering  the  exercise  of 
entire  discretion  respecting  hostile  property,  of  which  govern- 
ment may  apply  to  the  enemy  the  rules  he  applies  to  us.  The 
constitutional  enumeration  of  powers  gives  declaration  of  war 
no  operation  transferring  property,  usually  produced  by  ulte- 
rior measures ;  it  only  places  two  nations  in  a  state  of  hostility, 
and  gives  the  rights  which  war  confers.  The  power  to  regu- 
late captures  cannot  be  restricted  to  such  as  are  extra-terri- 
torial :  but  it  is  a  substantive  power  not  included  in  that  of 
declaring  war.  War  gives  equal  right  over  person  and  pro- 
perty;  yet  Congress  prescribe  rules  to  the  President  concern- 
ing alien  enemies  and  prisoners,  and  for  governing  trade  with 
enemies.  Then  the  act  declaring  war  undoubtedly  not  enact- 
ing confiscation,  the  power  of  confiscating  enemies'  property 
within  the  United  States  at  the  declaration  of  war  remained  in 
the  legislature  without  expression  of  its  will ;  and  the  property 
in  question  was  unlawfully  condemned.  As  to  the  argument 
that,  in  execution  of  the  laws  of  war,  the  executive  may  seize, 
and  the  courts  condemn,  though  it  might  require  legislation  to 
justify  it,  the  court  denied  that  modem  usage  cbnstitute3  a  rule 
acting  on  the  thing  by  its  0¥m  force^  and  not  through,  the  sove- 
reign power.  This  usage  is  a  guide  which  the  sovereign  follows 
or  abandons  at  will.  It  is  like  other  precepts  of  morality,  hu- 
manity or  wisdom,  addressed  tp  the  sovereign's  judgment ;  not 
to  be  disregarded  without  obloquy,  but  not  binding ;  flexible, 
subject  to  infinite  mcdification,  depending  on  perpetually  vary- 
ing political  considerations.  What  shall  be  done  with  property 
caught  by  war  is  a  question  of  policy,  for  the  consideration,  in 
the  IJnited  States,  of  a  department  which  can  vary  it  at  will, 
the  legislature;  not  of  the  executive. or  judiciary,  which  can 
pursue  the  law  only  as  written.  . 

The  chief-justice  also  repeated  the  common,  perhaps  uni- 
versal, war  doctrine  of  retaliation;  that  the  rule  which  we 
apply  to  the  property  of  an  enemy,  he  will  apply  to  us ;  the 
e;pstenoe  of  which  cannot  be.  denied,  though  it  may  be  depre- 


t  1 

I 


INTERNATIONAL  LAW. 


85 


aderation  and  hu- 
ized  world.     Ex- 
an  effect  in  this 
the  exercise  of 
of  which  goveru- 
)plies  to  U8.     The 
eclaration  of  war 
)roduced  by  ulte- 
state  of  hostility, 
he  power  to  regu- 
«  are  extra-terri- 
cluded  in  that  of 
■  person  and  pro- 
president  concern- 
erning  trade  with 
ubtedly  not  enact- 
enemies'  property 
f  war  remained  in 
and  the  property 
I  to  the  argament 
ecutive  may  seise, 
|[iiire  legislation  to 
}  constitutes  a  rule 
through  the  sove- 
B  sovereign  follows 
tfl  of  morality,  hu- 
I's  judgment ;  not 
binding;  flexible;, 
perpetually  vary- 
one  with  property 
)  consideration,  in 
an  vary  it  at  will, 
[iciaiy,  which  can 

lOHj  perhaps  uni- 
le  rule  which  we 
apply  to  Dfl ;  the 
I  it  may  be  depre- 


cated, as  a, judicial,  however  necessary  as  a  legislative  or  ex- 
ecutive, principle.  War,  begun  for  some  alleged  injury,  often 
transcends  to  the  revenge  of  othei  s  involved  by  the  strife  of 
combatants,  which  shall  do  the  other  most  harm.  The  original 
cause  is  lost  sight  of  in  bloody  conflict,  raging  for  mastery  or 
from  malice,  forgetful  of  all  right  and  reason,  and  ending,  as 
was  the  case  of  our  war  of  1812,  by  mere  accidental  cessation 
of  original  causes. 

Law  is  commonly  considered  more  uncertain  than  other  sci- 
ences ;  but,  except  the  exact,  which  of  them  is  not  liable  to 
contradiction,  disproof  and  fluctuation  ?  Law  is  as  certain  as 
any  metaphysics.  Much  of  •^he  nebulous  in  American  political 
jurisprudence  is  occasioned  oy  blindly  following  the  murky 
lights  of  England  exclusively,  instead  of  contemplating  the 
whole  firmament  of  jurisprudence,  and  creating  for  the  new 
world  a  congenial  sphere.  It  is  always  easier  to  read  than  to 
t^ink ;  and  guuerally  safer  to  follow  than  lead.  In  international 
and  maritime  law,  the  laws  of  war,  peace,  and  commerce,  Ame- 
rican reverence  of  English  precedent  has  predominated.  War 
was  ruffian  violence,  till  Grotius  civilized  it ;  and  it  ought  to 
be  the  missiofi  of  this  country  to  extend,  further  than  he  con- 
templated, ithe  benign  refinements  of  which  it  is  susceptible, 
especially  by  sea.  The  doctrines  of  the  armed  neutrality  of 
1780,  just  preceding  the  recognised  independence  of  the  United 
States,  of  which  our  English  enemy  was  the  only  antagonist,  as 
they  refused  her  the  sovereignty  of  the  ocean,  marked  an 
era  not  new  in  the  law  of  nations,  but  only  in  its  revivaL 
American  treaties  had  recognized  a  code  of .  international  and 
maritime  regulations  of  commerce  and  navigation,  which  pos- 
terior negotiation,  legislation  and  adjudication  need  but  com- 
plete, to  confer  lasting  and  inestimable  benefits  on  mankind, 
by  preventing,  abridging  and  humanizing  hostilities,  promoting 
and  strengthening  pacific  principles.  The  fundamental  wrong 
hafl  been  snfiering  the  strong  to  inflict  on  the  weak  a  predomi- 
nance of  war  over  peace,  postponing  the  eternal  rights  of  peace 
to  the  fitful  lusts  of  war,  which  law  should  never  sanction.  In 
Eiirope,  mandates  from  government  control  courts  of  admiralty, 
which  judges  are  compelled  to  obe^^ .    But  it  never  should  be 


r  , 


v'^'^li 


86 


INTERNATIONAL  LAW. 


i   ,! 
I    1 


k    '1 


allowed  to  courts  of  justice  to  commit  acts  of  hostility  against 
foreign  nations.  That  power,  in  all  countries,  belongs  to  some 
other  department  of  the  government ;  and  although  the  acts 
of  a  court  may  sometimes  be  the  remote  causes  of  war,  just  or 
unjust,  on  the  part  of  a  foreign  nation,  yet  a  power  to  commit 
a  direct  act  of  hostility  can  never  be  properly  lodged  in  that 
department.  But  the  federal  judiciary,  during  the  war  of 
1812,  incorporated  with  American  law  the  war-waging  tenden- 
cies of  the  English,  endangering  further  conflicts  with  neutrals 
whenever  the  United  States  are  involved  in  war.  Scott,  the 
brilliant  propagator  of  war  law,  was  their  fixed  star,  while  the 
journals  and  resolutions  of  the  Congress  of  the  Revolution,  with 
their  rich  mines  of  information,  their  excellent  instructions  to 
superior  negotiators  who  represented  the  United  States  in  Eu- 
rope, the  continental  and  the  conventional  law  of  nations,  were 
overlooked  or  disregarded.  Insular  naval  supremacy,  pervert- 
ing and  aggravating  maritime  codes,  to  usurp  the  mastery  of 
the  ocean,  in  continual  contest,  from  when  Selden's  Mare 
Clausum  opposed  Grotius's  libeity  of  the  sea,  to  the  period  of 
Scott's  supremacy,  was  the  model  pf  American  judicature. 

The  precedents  for  a  better  code  were  of  great  authority. 
The  American  treaty  with  France,  signed  by  Franklin,  Deane, 
and  Lee,  the  6th  of  February,  1778,  with  Franklin's  modifica- 
tion of  the  Ist  of  September  of  that  year;  Adams's  treaty  with 
the  Netherlands,  of  the  8th  of  October,  1782;  Franklin's  troaty 
with  Sweden  of  the  8d  April,  1783;  Franklin,  Adams,  tnd 
Jefferson's  treaty  with  Prussia,  of  1786,  laid  the  broad  and  ex- 
cellent bases  of  a  system  of  international  and  maritime  harmony, 
which  it  ought  to  be  the  destiny  as  well  as  policy  of  this  country 
and  its  great  glory,  as  it  began,  to  perpetuate.  By  these 
pledges  of  constant  equality  and  good-will  reciprocated  with 
powerfid  seafaring,  nations,  perfect  order  was  established,  all 
Wdensome  preferences  discarded  oA  the  common  causes  of 
debate,  embarrassment,  and  discontent,  leaving  each  party  to 
]nake,  respecting  commerce  and  navigation,  those  interior  regu- 
lations most  convenient  to  itself.  The  advantage  of  commerce 
was  founded  solely  upon  reciprocal  utility,  and  the  just  rules 
of  free  intercourse,  reservmg  to  every  nation  the  liberty  of 


1 


\(  hostility  against 
\a,  belonga  to  some 
although  the  acts 
38  of  war,  just  or 
power  to  comrait 
•ly  lodged  in  that 
uring  the  war  of 
ar-waging  tenden- 
[flicts  with  neutrals 
|n  war.    Scott,  the 
:ed  star,  while  the 
le  Revolution,  with 
ent  instructions  to 
aited  States  in  Eu- 
iw  of  nations,  were 
upremacy,  pervert- 
rp  the  mastery  of 
en  Selden's  Mare 
Ja,  to  the  period  of 
san  judicature, 
of  great  authority, 
y  Franklin,  Deane, 
franklin's  modifica- 
Ldams's  treaty  with 
;  Franklin's  troaty 
nklin,  Adams,  tnd 
I  the  broad  and  ex- 
maritime  harmony, 
licy  of  this  country 
etuate.     By  these 
reciprocated  with 
ras  established,  all 
;ommon  causes  of 
ing  each  party  to 
hose  interior  regu- 
itage  of  commerce 
md  the  just  rule* 
on  the  liberty  of 


INTERNATIONAL   LAW. 


87 


admitting,  at  its  pleasure,  other  nations  to  a  participation  of 
the  same  advantages.  No  particular  favor  of  commerce  or 
navigation  was  to  be  granted  to  one  nation  over  another. 
What  has  come  to  be  since  well  known  and  extended  as  the 
reciprocity  principle  was  introduced.  Protection  by  convoy 
was  uiTorded  when  desirable.  Enumeration  and  reduction  of 
contraband  articles,  that  perilous  product  of  wanton  war,  fol- 
lowed stipulation  for  six  months'  allowance  aftor  declaration  of 
it,  for  sale  and  removal  of  property.  Private  cruising  commis- 
sions from  third  parties  were  prohibited,  the  first  step  in  the 
most  odious,  but,  for  the  United  States,  the  cheapest  and  most 
effectual  sinister  arm  of  marine  hostility.  Unmolested  trade 
was  allowed  between  enemies  and  neutrals.  Not  only  should 
free  ships  make  free  goods,  that  greatest  of  all  restorations  of 
the  true  law  of  nations,  founded  in  reason  and  consecrated  by 
numerous  treaties ;  but  even  all  hostile  persons,  except  soldiers, 
were  freed  from  interruption  in  neutral  vessels  by  those  of  war. 
What  has  bee  usurped  as  the  miscalled  right  of  search,  and 
its  bastard  twin,  forcible  visitation,  were  qualified  by  requiring 
ships-of-war  to  stay  out  of  cannou-shot  and  send  a  boat  to 
board  merchant  vessels,  with  no  more  than  two  or  three  men, 
on  showing  to  whom  the  prescribed  passport  the  merchant 
vessel  was  at  liberty  to  pursue  her  voyage  without  molestation, 
search,  chase,  or  forcing  her  to  quit  her  intended  course.  All 
goods  on  board  a  vessel  were  exempt  from  visitation ;  visiting 
and  searching  were  to  precede  loading,  and  vessels  were  not  to 
be  eroba  r goed,  or  their  owners  arrested  afterwards.  These  noL "  i 
melioi  /li  .>ns  of  international  law  were  triumphs  produced  by  the 
victory  of  Saratoga,  which  enabled  Franklin  to  arrange  with  tt 
French  ministry,  instinct  with  the  embryo  principles  of  Turgot's 
political  economy,  their  incorporation  with  international  inter- 
>:  jurse.  Slich  noblemen  as  Torgot  and  La  Fayette,  enlightened 
by  the  good  sense  of  universal  benevolence,  imbued  with  the 
spirit  even  if  disowning  the  divhiity  of  Christian  charity,  patron- 
isod  the  poor  suitors  of  despised  America;  by  arms  and  treaties 
encouraging  a  forlorn  but  fortunate  insurrection.  A  wonderful 
people,  as  Washington  termed  the  French,  the  same  inconstant 
race  who  are  yet  exactly  as  characterised  by  Caesar,  alwtiys 


ii 


1    i:- 


88 


INTERKATIONAL  LAW. 


changing,  still  the  same,  were  then  whispering  to  dull  king«, 
•and  their  blind  ministers,  those  marvellous  changes  of 
polity  which  have  since  shaken  the  world  to  its  centre.  Louis 
XVI. — who  lived  like  a  fool,  and  did  he  die  like  a  saint  ? — was 
the  only  man  in  his  kingdom,  except  Turgot,  who  loved  the 
people;  "for  who,"  asked  Voltaire,  "loves  the  people?" 

With  court,  cabinet,  camarilla,  capital,  and  country,  all  ripe 
to  rottenness,  Franklin  dealt,  and  Jefferson  succeeded  him; 
both  new  men  from  the  new  world ;  gra  -e,  gay,  profound,  and 
captivating  apostles  of  its  political  discoveries,  romantic  essays, 
and  progressive  philosophy.  Entertained  by,  and  entertaining 
a  people  of  dancers  and  mathematicians,  cooks  and  chemists, 
soldiers  and  moralists,  a  plain  American  printer  became  the 
fashion ;  and  getting  the  vogue,  with  steady  hand  and  far-seeing 
glance,  steered  onward  to,  not  his  own  alone,  but  his  country's 
and  mankind's,  improvement.  Voltaire,  the  master  workman 
of  French  progress,  who  would  have  resisted  and  probably  fallen 
under,  had  he  lived  to  see  the  whirlwind  of  which  he  sowed 
the  wind,  courted  by  wits,  feared  by  courts,  admired  by  philo- 
sophers, adored  by  deists,  idolised  by  women,  wished  to  become 
acquainted  with  a  transatlantic  sage,  so  unlike  the  French ;  and 
stammering  a  few  words  of  broken  English,  tried  to  speak  "the 
language  of  Franklin."  An  irresolute  and  vacillating  monarch, 
surrounded  by  dissolute  courtiers,  making  epigrams  and  ana- 
grams, and  futile  ministers  attempting,  by  paltry  parsimony,  to 
sav«  from  revolution  a  kingdom  so  little  burdened  with  debt  that 
any  efficient  economist  might  have  extinguished  it,  were  raw 
materials  of  the  work,  which  Franklin  helped  to  begin  and 
Jefferson  to  finish.  Songs,  jokes,  and  riddles,  filling  the  saloons 
of  Paris  and  Versailles,  were  the  chief  occupation  of  the  chief 
men,  while  the  wary  American  commissioner,  not  received  as  a 
foreign  minister,  retired  at  the  modest  village  of  Passy,  adroitly 
inoculated  susceptible  France,  not  with  confusion,  rebellion, 
crime  and  confiscation;  but  economy,  equality,  liberty,  and 
peace ;  beneficence,  to  be  preceded  by  distressing  severities, 
but  developed  throughout  the  population  of  France  in  greatly 
raising  the  degraded  poor,  usefully  levelling  the  exalted,  and 
equalizing  the  property  and  i^ondition  of  all.    History  must 


■ing  to  (lull  kings, 
'"loua    clianges    of 
its  centre.     Louia 
like  a  saint  ? — was 
;6t,  who  loved  the 
the  people  ?" 
id  country,  all  ripe 
»n  succeeded  him ; 
|gay,  profound,  and 
(8,  romantic  essays, 
y,  and  entertaining, 
ooks  and  chemists, 
irinter  became  the 
hand  and  far-seeing 
3,  but  his  country's 
le  master  workman 
and  probably  fallen 
of  which  he  sowed 
admired  by  philo- 
i,  wished  to  beeome 
ie  the  French ;  and 
tried  to  speak  "the 
'^acillating  monarch, 
epigrams  and  ana- 
altry  parsimony,  to 
lened  with  debt  that 
lished  it,  were  ^-aw 
Iped  to  begin  and 
i,  filling  the  saloons 
pation  of  the  chief 
:,  not  received  as  a 
5  of  Passy,  adroitly 
mfusion,  rebellion, 
ality,  liberty,  and 
;ressing  severities, 
France  in  greatly 
;  the  exalted,  and 
11.    History  must 


INTERNATIONAL   LAW. 


m 


declare  that  Franklin,  Adams,  Jefferson,  and  others  who  ma- 
triculated in  Europe  the  principles  of  American  gwvpinmint, 
by  fortunate  contagion  of  the  personal  -.md  trivial  rmpre?»8ion8 
always  so  important  in  the  affairs  of  mankiiinl,  prev«ile(l  on  the 
greatest  nation  of  continental  Europe,  oppresnod,  impoverished, 
and  weakly  governed,  to  counteract  England,  not  only  by  arms, 
but  laws,  treaties,  codes,  and  systems  of  oeconomy,  all  tending 
to  peace,  ovdor,  and  utility.  Treaties  with  France,  the  Nether- 
lands, Swedi-n,  and  Prussia,  all  counteractive  of  British  naval 
pretensions,  discountenanced  marine  hostilities,  stripped  of  their 
transcendentalism  beyond  those  of  land  warfare,  are  monu- 
ments of  American  revival  of  eternal  principles  of  justice  and 
humanity. 

The  first  monarch  of  Europe  having  adopted  them,  they 
were  proclaimed  by  the  republican  Dutch,  at  the  mast-head  of 
an  admirable  marine,  and  in  the  marts  of  the  most  industrious, 
economical,  and  wealthiest  merchants.  The  northern  nurseries 
of  mariners  likewise  declared  them;  as  the  great  Frederick, 
reposing  on  the  laurels  of  incredible  exploits,  contemptuously 
independent  of  both  France  and  Great  Britain,  added  to  the 
free  code  the  sanction  of  his  imposing  authority.  Refuting  the 
lawyers  and  denying  the  law  of  EngUnd,  by  confiscation  of  the 
Silesia  loan,  Frederick  gave  his  adhesion  to  laws  of  nations  ac- 
knowledged by  sages,  and  for  ages,  till  supplanted  by  British 
interpolations;  the  common  law  of  European  nations,  till 
England,  with  insular  interests  and  naval  control,  combated 
and  suppressed  them. 

The  war  of  1812,  without  the  protection  of  any  common  law 
against  offences  or  the  indispensable  basis  of  an  inferior  magis- 
tracy for  its  support,  depended  for  the  administration  of  justice 
on  the  small  judicial  hierarchy  of  some  eighteen  district  judges, 
and  seven  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  who,  without  commis- 
sions as  circuit  judges,  assumed  on  their  several  circuits  the 
powers,  and  perfomed  the  duties,  of  chancellors,  judges  at  com- 
mon law,  ofadniiraltyandcriminalIaw,me8tly  with  juries;  deter- 
mining the  Tarioos  controversies,  territorial,  maritime,  personal, 
fiscal,  comjuercial,  public  and  private,  foreign  and  domestic,  of 
a  jurisdiction,  sometimes  concurrent  with  the  state  judicatures. 


I^i 


{■( 


90 


SUPREME   COURT. 


but  generally  exclusive.  War  taxes,  captures,  and  questions, 
added  much  to  their  powers  and  labors.  Yet  I  believe  every 
case  was  determined  without  delay,  mostly  with  laudable  expe- 
dition ;  and  the  judiciary  altogether,  especially  the  Supreme 
Court,  were  respected  for  impartiality,  diligence,  learning  and 
personal  independence. 

On  the  11th  of  March,  1815,  the  Sut)reme  Court  adjourned 
after  a  session  of  six  weeks,  daring  which  their  docket  was 
cleared  of  sixty  cases,  some  of  great  importance.  Since  then, 
in  no  department  has  the  American  government  more,  outgrown 
its  original  dimensions  than  the  judicial.  The  annual  appro- 
priation by  Congress,  in  1815,  was  forty  thousand  dollars  for 
defraying  the  expenses  of  the  federal  courts,  jurors,  witnesses, 
prosecutions  and  prisoners.  In  1848,  the  appropriation  for 
the  same  objects,  was  four  hundred  and  forty-three  thousand 
dollars.  The  oonstitutiou  of  the  United  States  laudably  framed 
for  an  independent  judiciary,  without  which  property  and  society 
are  insecure,  goes  beyond  the  English  model  by  an  irresponsible 
judicial  tenure.  While  the  judiciary  of  the  Union  ia  almost 
irresponsible,  the  tendency  to  popular  or  factious  decline,  mis- 
called  progress,  has  degraded  most  of  the  state  judicatures  to 
partizan  elections:  antagonistic  extravagance  in  both  federal 
and  state  constitutions.  ' 

Without  common  law,  or  ancillary  magistracy,  eighteen  dis- 
trict judges,  dishevelled  over  the  vast  territories  of  the  United 
States,  had  war  law  to  initiate  in  a  country  which  had  never 
been  at  war  during  the  lifetime  of  most  of  them.  Over  them, 
seven  magistrates,  appointed  and  commissioned  judges  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  assuming  circuit  jurisdiction,  stood  on  a  narrow 
and  barren  isthmus  of  written  laws,  to  create  American  admi- 
ralty and  American  prize  law :  most  of  whom  had  never  seen  the 
sea,  or  perhaps  a  ship ;  and  only  one  was  versed  in  maritime  liti- 
gation. Brockhobt  Livingston,  of  the  city  of  New  York,  member 
of  an  eminent  family,  selected  by  President  Jefferson  for  the 
Supreme  Court,  had  been  extensively  employed  collaterally, 
though  never  directly,  in  resistance  to  British  law  of  blockade, 
contraband,  search  and  other  mflictions,  which  at  last  provoked 
resistance  by  war.     William  Johnson,  of  Charleston,  South 


't^^BR 


SUPREME  COURT. 


91 


les,  and  questions, 
let  I  believe  every 
fith  laudable  cxpc- 
lalljr  the  Supreme 
tnce,  learning  and 

Court  adjourned 
their  docket  was 
ince.     Since  then, 
>nt  more,  outgrown 
^he  annual  appro- 
(usand  dollars  for 
jurors,  witnesses, 
appropriation  for 
ty-three  thousand 
8  laudably  framed 
operty  and  society 
)y  an  irresponsible 
>  Union  ia  almost 
ioufl  decline,  mis- 
ate  judicatures  to 
se  in  both  federal 

acy,  eighteen  dis- 
•ies  of  the  United 
which  had  never 
em.     Over  them, 
ed  judges  of  the 
Jtood  on  a  narrow 
American  admi- 
ad  never  seen  the 
1  in  maritime  liti- 
ew  York,  member 
Jefferson  for  the 
yed  collaterally, 
law  of  blockade, 
at  last  provoked 
larleston,  South' 


Carolina,  another  of  President  Jefferson's  judicial  appoint- 
ments, with  some  little  marine  experience,  was  likewise  of  the 
politicii  opposed  to  British  domination.  Thomas  Todd,  of  the 
same  politics,  but  of  Kentucky,  honest  and  laborious,  was  a 
land  lawyer,  to  whom  sea  law  was  terra  incognita.  Bushrod 
Washington,  of  Virginia,  and  the  chief  justice,  John  Marshall, 
of  the  same  state,  intimate  friends,  of  feder-.il  politics,  ap- 
pointed by  President  Adams,  had  neither  of  them  any  expe- 
rience of  admiralty  law.  The  cliief  justice,  with  superior 
abilities,  simple,  plain,  almost  rustic  but  winning  manners,  a 
genius  for  constitutional  polemics,  and  the  influence  of  long 
judicial  presidency,  but  neither  learned  nor  studious,  was  too 
old,  in  1812,  to  begin  the  study  of  new  branches  of  jurispru- 
denco,  to  him  not  only  new,  but  strange  and  revolting.  For 
liis  nature  was  too  kind  to  relish,  and  he  was  therefore  the 
more  slow  to  comprehend,  the  harsh  Bntish  sea  code,  which  in 
practice  was  star-chamber,  and  in  principles,  from  the  era  of 
Selden's  Mare  Clausom  to  that  of  Scott's  admiralty  droits,  a 
dark  age  system  of  belligerent  exclusion  and  inhuman  depre- 
dation. One  of  Pinkney'a  side-bar,  saucy  whispers,  when 
complaining  that  he  could  not  hammer  it  into  Marshall's  head, 
was  that  the  chief  justice  had  a  marvellous  inaptitude  for  ad- 
miralty law.  Brockholst  Livingston  sympathized  in  Marshall's 
aversion  to  supplant  the  liberal  benignity  of  common  British 
and  American  law  by  eiicparte  rules  of  inquisitorial,  merciless, 
and  universal  mai'itime  oondeomatioii.  They  could  admire 
Scott's  epigrammatic  argumentation  without  adopting  his 
grasping  rapacity. 

But  from  the  burning  focus  of  infuriate  hostility  to  the  war, 
and  the  head-qoartera  of  privateers,  the  town  of  Salem, 
represented  ia  Congress  by  Pickering,  came  forth  a 
judge,  witb  a  war-besom  in  hand,  to  sweep  prize-i^vney  into 
the  purse  of  every  sea-rover.  When  Judge  Ciishing,  after 
long  incvmbency  on  the  bench  of  the  Supreme  Court,  died, 
President  Madison  had  to  find  a  successor,  who  must  he  of  New 
England,  and  opposed  to  the  rancorous  politics  of  that  into- 
lerant centre  of  ini^Ut^ence — some  war  democrat.  John  Quincy 
Adams  was  nominated  and  confirmed ;  for  he  complained  of 


r 

f  1 

.  -■ 

■ 

92 


SUPREME   COURT. 


the  expenses  of  his  Russian  mission,  and  his  friends  at  ho-.uo 
solicited  relief.  But  ho  had  sot  his  thoughts  on  succeeding  his 
father  in  the  presidency ;  and  though  for  some  months  a  judge 
without  knowing  it,  refused  the  appointment  as  soon  as  ap- 
prised. Then,  after  long  and  doubtful  search  throughout  all 
New  England,  to  find  a  man  of  the  politics,  the  character  and 
the  promise  required,  finally  Joseph  Story  was  pitched  upon. 
Quito  a  young  lawyer,  not  much  more  than  thirty  years  of  age, 
appointed  a  few  months  before  war  was  declared,  he  undertook 
the  most  maritime  and  the  most  disaffected  of  all  the  circuits, 
where  seaports,  enterprise  and  opposition  to  government  most 
abounded.  Young,  ardent,  studious,  indefatigable,  but  more 
of  a  reader  than  a  thinker.  Judge  Story,  yfhh  infinite  research, 
sounded  all  the  depths  of  admiralty  law,  and  introduced  British 
doctrines,  both  jurisprudential  and  constitutional,  to  which  the 
chief  justice  could  never  be  reconciled,  and  some  of  which  the 
Supreme  Court  rejected,  but  not  all ;  for  the  British  influence 
was  overpowering  sometimes,  when  the  authority  was  disowned. 
On  the  same  day  when  Story  was  appoiiited,  a  respectable, 
discreet  and  elderly  gentleman'  of  Maryland,  Gabriol  Duvall, 
was  commissioned  to  succeed  Judge  Chase  in  the  Supreme 
Court.  Judge  Duvall  had  been  Presidents  Jefierson  and  Madi- 
son's comptroller  of  the  treasury,  which  chancellorship  fami- 
liarized him  with  revenue  law.  But  marine  controversies  were 
almost  as  strange  to  Judge  Duvall  as  to  Judge  Todd.  The  United 
States  had  taken  up  arms  against  British  maritime  law ;  and 
no  English  adjudication,  since  1776,  was  authority  in  an  Ame- 
rican court.  The  opposite  of  English  law,  consecrated  by 
many,  if  not  all  the  treaties  of  the  United  States ;  American 
admiralty  law,  as  far  as  ac^udicated  during  and  after  the  Re- 
volution ;  institutionary  law,  as  announced  by  resolves  of  Con- 
gress, and  the  whole  published  laws  of  nations,  constituted,  alto- 
gether, a  code  for  the  guidance  of  the  federal  judiciary  not  ta 
be  rashly  overruled  or  wholly  disregarded.  Yet,  while  the 
executive  and  the  legislature,  the  army,  the  navy,  the  militia, 
and  the  nation  of  the  United  States,  were,  with  all  their 
might,  waging  war  against  British  sea  law,  it  was  judicially 
adopted  as  the  only  American  jurisprudence. 


lis  friends  at  ho-.no 
on  succeeding  hjg 
le  months  a  judge 
int  as  soon  as  ap- 
■ch  throughout  all 
the  character  and 
was  pitched  upon, 
hirty  years  of  age, 
|ared,  he  undertook 
of  all  the  circuits, 
government  most 
itigable,  but  more 
h  infinite  research, 
introduced  British 
ional,  to  which  the 
some  of  which  the 
e  British  influence 
)rity  was  disowned, 
ited,  a  respectable, 
id,  Gabrial  Duvall, 
e  in  the  iSupreme 
efferson  and  Madi- 
lancellorship  fami- 
controversies  were 
Todd.   The  United 
maritime  law ;  and 
hority  in  an  Ame- 
w,  consecrated  by 
States;  American 
and  after  the  Re- 
y  resolves  of  Con- 
I,  constituted,  alto- 
J  judiciary  not  ta 
Yet,  while  the 
navy,  the  militia, 
e,  with   all  their 
it  was  judicially 


SUHIKME  COURT. 


98 


Jii(l}»c  Story,  often  differing  with  MiirHliall  and  Tiivingston, 
)ii(>p(iunde<l,  and  with  the  attorney-general,  Piiikney,  fouiulc<l 
tlie  British  prize  code.  William  Pinkney,  of  Maryland,  was 
tlie  leading  lawyer  of  his  day.  Appointed  by  ProHidont  Wash- 
ington one  of  the  commissioners  under  Jay's  treaty,  and  having 
npent  several  years  in  London,  his  occiipaHon  there  induced 
liim  to  frequent  the  admiralty  courts,  where  he  witnessed  the 
cloudy  setting  of  the  admiralty  judge,  Marriott,  indecently 
BcofBng  at  American  resistance  to  British  maritime  depreda- 
tion, and  the  rise  of  his  brilliant  successor,  Scott,  displaying 
his  powerful  talents  and  obsequious  pliancy  by  masterly  vindi- 
cation of  sea  despotism,  against  which  the  whole  of  Europe 
protested  and  resisted,  till  the  United  States,  at  last,  vrhm  all 
the  rest  were  vanquished,  reluctantly  went  to  war  for  their 
rescue.  When  Ethan  Allen  once  attended  Marriott's  court  as 
a  suitor,  absurdly  dressed  in  regimentals,  accompanied  by  the 
American  minister,  Rufus  King,  the  judge,  by  impertinence  as 
much  out  of  place  as  the  costume,  ridiculed  the  American 
officer  while  deciding  against  him.  Scott's  elegant  decrees 
sometimes  betrayed  the  same  contemptuous  national  aversion. 
There  is  reason  to  believe  that  he  wrote  the  British  war  mani- 
festo, published  in  January,  1813,  coarsely  abusive  of  this 
country,  its  government  and  cause.  [See  Vol.  I.  p.  476-7.] 
It  is  certain  that  he  wrote,  for  the  ministry,  their  answer  to 
Quincy  Adams's  argument  for  the  free  navigation  of  the  river 
St.  Lawrence.  The  two  Scots,  Lords  Stowell  and  Eldon, 
charmed  a  lunatic  king  by  parasite  loyalty.  To  his  surrepti- 
tious private  royal  revenues,  the  admiralty  judge,  by  admiralty 
droits,  and  other  such  confiscations,  largely  contributed.  Pre- 
rogative had  no  more  servile  advocates,  in  all  its  extravagances, 
than  the  chancellor  and  his  brother. 

In  theii'  courts  Pinkney  studied  law ;  and,  mstead  of  frivo- 
lous pastimes  while  in  England,  added  constant  application  to 
that  classical  literature,  by  which  Stowell  adorned  his  elegant 
decrees,  which  Eldon  shunned  lest  it  should  contaminate  his, 
or  lessen  his  emoluments,  and  by  which  Pinkney  shone  with  a 
lustre  not  common  in  America.  Returned  from  England,  he 
found  his  country  indicant  against  further  endurance  of 


•a«»*  v.w:T(?«»S<*C 


ill 


M  SUl'KEMB   COURT. 

BritiHli  maritime  law  hor  inflicUoiiH  of  blookailo,  Hcnrch,  im- 
presHUifut,  contrnbaritl  ftnd  resuscitated  colonial  ruleH.  The 
merchants  urged  wor ;  which  thejr  finally  compelled  the  ropro- 
e'ut'd  yeonuiury  to  declare.  Every  seaport  sent  its  flaming 
apf- I'll  to  government,  written  by  some  eminent  lawyer.  Distin- 
guished above  the  rest  by  his,  for  Baltimore,  Pinkney  was  select- 
ed by  President  Jefferson  to  go  back  again  to  England,  and 
remonstrate  against  what  Scott  justified.  There,  with  Monroe, 
signing  a  treaty  without  providing  against  impressment,  Jeffer- 
son would  not  even  ask  the  Senate's  advice  on  such  a  litany. 
Returning  homo  once  more,  President  Madison,  to  whom  Jeffer- 
son bequeathed  the  war,  was  glad  to  avail  his  administration  of 
Mr.  rinkney's  commanding  abilities  as  attorney-general  of  the 
United  States.  He  wrote  the  act  of  Congress  declaring  war ; 
and  he  fought  and  was  wounded,  as  he  said  of  General  Winder, 
"  as  became  a  gentleman,"  at  the  battle  of  Bladensburg ;  while 
with  Judge  Story  inoculating  the  Supreme  Court  with  the  virus 
of  Scott's  prize  law.  Professional  anchorite  law  books  were  his 
only  company.  Never  venturing  to  appear  in  court  till  perfect 
master  cf  his  case,  he  studied  not  only  what  might  be  said  for, 
but  what  against  it.  Then,  dressed  in  the  extreme  of  foreign 
fashion,  boldly  announced  law,  and  most  accurately  detailed  facts ; 
his  lucid  statements  all  solid  arguments.  Rude  to  opponents, 
with  homage  of  the  court,  learned  in  all  law,  predominant  in 
prize  law,  he  led  majorities  of  the  Supreme  Court ;  the  greatest 
lawyer.  Judge  Livingston  said,  (who  had  known  them  all,  and 
often  dissented  from  Pinkney'spo8tulates,)of  the  American  bar. 
Vain  too,  like  Erskine,  for  whom  Pinkney  professed  profound 
admiration,  he  said  to  a  Senator,  alluding  to  the  constancy  and 
intensity  of  his  professional  labors — ''  Yes,  I  am,  as  you  say, 
at  the  head  of  the  bar,  but  no  one  knows  what  it  costs  to  keep 
me  there."  It  was  said  that  he  committed  his  speeches  to 
memory.  But  that  was  ipipossible,  for  he  made  too  many  in  a 
time  too  short  to  admit  of  it.  Occasional  passages  he  may 
have  so  prepared,  as  the  chief  justice  gently  intimated  when 
noticing  his  figure  of  the  chartered  libertinet 

With  Story  and  Pinkiiey,  jomed  in  idolatry  of  Scott,  was  the  re- 
porter of  the  court,  Henry  Wheaton,  intimate  with  Judge  Story. 


ockadff,  floarch,  im- 
loloiiial  rulfs.     The 
ompelletl  tho  ropro- 
o/t  8cnt  its  fliitning 
ent  lawyer.     Distin- 
Piukney  was  soloct- 
n  to  England,  aii'1 
There,  with  Monroe, 
impreastnent,  Jcifer- 
Bo  on  such  a  litany, 
ison,  to  whom  Jeffer- 
iM  adminifitration  of 
orney-general  of  the 
;reflB  declaring  war ; 
of  General  Winder, 
Bladensburg;  while 
Court  with  the  virus 
;e  law  books  were  hiii 
in  court  till  perfect 
at  might  be  said  for, 
9  extreme  of  foreign 
irately  detailed  facts ; 
Rude  to  opponents, 
law,  predominant  in 
•  Court;  the  greatest 
Icnown  them  all,  and 
of  the  American  bar. 
■  professed  profound 
•0  the  constancy  and 
i,  I  am,  as  you  say, 
rhat  it  costs  to  keep 
ted  his  speeches  to 
made  too  many  in  a 
J  passages  he  may 
atly  intimated  when 
ae. 

r  of  Scott,  was  the  re- 
;e  with  Judge  Story. 


SUmBHR  COCRT.  W 

Judge  Cranoh,  who,  for  more  than  fifty  yonrd,  ban  been  chief 
juiitice  of  the  federal  diHtrict,  relin((uished  tho  rcporterHliip  of 
tho  Supreme  Court  towards  tho  cn<l  of  tho  war,  and  waH  muc- 
coedcd  by  Wheaton,  then  editor  of  tho  National  Advocate,  nn 
efficient  democratic  newspaper,  afterwards  for  many  years 
American  minister  in  Prussia,  author  of  a  useful  treatiHe  on 
prize  law,  and  several  valuable  works  on  the  law  of  nations. 
By  that  triumvirate.  Story,  Pinkney,  and  Wheaton,  the  British 
practice  in  prize  law,  and  many  of  its  un-English  principles, 
wtTO  engrafted  upon  American  judicature. 

Macintosh,  in  parliament,  applauded  tbe  ii'  >.'  .t.  govem- 
nicnt  for  beginning  the  war  of  1812,  by  diso^^  <»1\  ^^  th;-  i.ipaoiona 
h'<  tilities  of  modern  England,  and  preferv  .i;  thn  iir>a{?Vicent  old 
'''owlish  common  law ;  which,  by  tho  great  chnrtor  of  British 
li  rty,  gave  time  for  those  involved  in  tho  perils  of  war  to 
withdraw  their  eflfects  from  an  enemy's  cuntry.  Canning, 
little  given  to  American  eulogy  in  that  war,  afterwards,  in  the 
house  of  commons,  pronounced  Washington's  and  Jefferson's 
principles  of  neutrality  those  most  worthy  of  British  adoption. 
Proud  as  Americans  are  naturally  prone  to  be  of  British  com- 
mendation, such  acknowledgments  are  grateful  atonement  for 
much  unmerited  censure  and  contumely.  Story^  I  believe,  is 
tho  only  American  judge  ever  extolled  in  England,  perhaps 
ever  known  there.  And  although  the  Supreme  Court,  as  be- 
fore mentioned,  overruled  his  decree  reversing  Magna  Charta, 
and  allowing  admiralty  droits,  yet  it  is  not  easy  to  extract 
from  among  the  frequent  divisions  of  opinion  of  the  judges  of 
that  court  in  banc,  what  prize  law  is  as  a4judicated  during  that 
war. 

Admiralty  droits,  an  enormity  of  prerogative  hardly  endured 
in  England,  would  be  monstrous  in  this  country.  Hume,  cer- 
tainly no  censor  of  the  Stuart  kings,  acknowledges  that  Charles 
the  Second,  in  1664,  ordered  Admiral  Lawson,  without  right 
or  pretext,  to  surprise  and  seize  135  Dutch  merchant  vessels, 
preliminary  to  war,  not  declared  till  the  next  year,  by  which 
means  the  plunder  of  those  prisies  condemned  as  droits  passed 
into  the  royal  coffers  for  parasites  and  prostitutes.  Admiral 
Cochrane,  who  commanded  the  British  fle«ts  in  America,  in 


96 


PRIZR  LAW. 


1814-1'),  an'l  Mij^ncil  tlio  proclamation«,  ono  to  induce  n  jiorvile 
revolt,  tho  other  avowing  iiiliiinmii  lioMtilitiod,  HciKei],  in  1804, 
off  Cadiz,  witliout  jjfior  dt'cliirution  or  notice  of  war,  throfl 
largo  Spiininh  vchhcIs,  returning  from  Auicrinn,  and  Huiik  a 
fourth,  ull  loiidud  witii  trciiHuro,  of  whieli  booty,  after  being 
carted  through  tho  utrocts  of  London,  to  tho  delight  of  tho  po- 
pulace, four  niillionH  of  dollarH  worth  wore  condotnnvd  by  Sir 
William  Scott  as  admiralty  droits,  and  converted  to  tho  pur- 
poaos  of  George  the  Third. 

In  1807,  a  still  more  stupendous  and  ini(  litous  .icquisition 
of  admiralty  droits  was  effected  by  the  capture  of  Copenlmgen, 
in  profound  peace,  by  a  British  fleet,  of  which  Admiral  Gam- 
bior,  afterwards  chosen  to  negotiate  tho  treaty  of  Ghent,  and 
Jackson,  an  English  minister  in  this  country,  dismissed  for  in- 
solence just  before  tho  war  of  1812,  were  among  the  naval  and 
diplomatic  perpetrators.  Sixteen  sail-of-tholino,  nine  frigates, 
fourteen  sloops  of  war,  and  other  vessels,  seised  and  taken  to 
England,  laden  with  materials  from  the  anonal;  ninety-two 
cargoes  in  transports,  and  other  vessels,  liose  burthen,  Alto- 
gether, exceeded  twenty  thousand  tons ;  after  burning  several 
flhips-of-tho-line,  and  frigates  on  the  stocks,  four  hundred 
houses,  churches,  and  universities,  with  thousands  of  non-com- 
batants surprised  in  profound  peace — were  the. crown  droits  on 
that  occasion.  Denmark's  activity  in  exciting  the  armed  neu- 
trality of  1780,  (more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century  before,) 
caused  suspicion  of  the  crown-prince's  neutrality,  said  a 
British  annalist. ,  And  at  all  events,  whatever  may  be  thought 
of  the  policy  and.  justice  of  the  expedition,  there  can  be,  he 
ftdds,  but  one  sentiment  of  the  inhumanity  of  the  crown-prince, 
in  permitting  his  subjects  to  offer  hopeless  resistance  to  British 
ann* ! 

In  the  House  of  Lords,  in  February,  1783,  debating  the  pre- 
liminary articles  of  peace  between  Great  Britain,  France  and 
the  United  States,  one  of  the  membvrs,  Loughborough,  ven- 
turing to  cite  the  opinions  of  Yattel  and  Puffendorff,  was 
sharply  rebuked  by  the  chancellor,  Thurlow,  for  resorting  to 
the  lucubratipns  and  fancies  of  foreign  writersy  and  referring 
British  senators  to  Swiss  authors  for  explanation  of  the  prero- 


to  intluco  11  servile 
[<ii,  HciKei],  in  1H04, 
tice  of  war,  tliroo 
icrion,  and  Hunk  a 
booty,  after  being 

delight  of  tlio  pp- 
condoinncd  by  Sir 
rcrted  to  the  pur- 


(  litoufl  iUquiBition 
ire  of  Goponbagen, 
lioh  Admiral  Gam- 
)aty  of  Ghent,  and 
y,  dismissed  for  in- 
aong  the  naval  and 
'lino,  nine  frigates, 
lizcd  and  taken  to 
nsonal ;  ninety-two 
iiose  burthen,  'alto- 
;er  burning  several 
cks,  four  hundred 
isands  of  non-oom- 
he. crown  droits  on 
ing  the  armed  neu- 
a  century  before,) 
neutrality,  said  a 
er  may  be  thought 
),  there  can  bo,  he 
f  the  crown-prince, 
isistance  to  Britiah 


>,  debating  the  pre* 
ritain,  France  and 
oughborough,  ven- 
d  Puffendorff,  was 
«r,  for  resorting  to 
tersy  and  referring 
Eition  of  the  prero> 


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PRIZE   LAW. 


97 


cativc  of  tl  '  crown.  The  chancellor  rejected  all  foreign  hooka 
on  that  point.  However  ingenious  Mr.  Vattel  or  Mr.  Puffen- 
dorflf  might  he  on  the  law  of  nations,  he  denied  their  authority, 
and  exploded  their  evidence,  to  explain  the  authority  of  the 
British  crown.  -  ' 

Just  so  Judge  Story  repudiated  the  same  counsellors.  "  The 
practice  of  this  court,"  he  said,  "muet  be  governed  by  the 
rules  of  admiralty  law,  disclosed  in  English  reports,  in  pre- 
ference to  the  mere  dicta  of  elementary  writers ;  though  he 
thought  it  his  duty  to  notice  those  authorities."  And  when 
American  treaties  were  cited,  and  among  them  one  with  Eng- 
land, mitigating  the  extreme  infliction  of  hostile  confiscation, 
the  judge  treated  them  as  exceptions,  not  the  rule.  But  what 
higher  evidence  can  there  he  of  international  law  than  trea- 
ties?—  fruits  of  the  studies  of  the  wisest  statesmen  embodied 
ill  supreme  laws.  Franklin's  treaty  of  Versailles,  and  Jay's 
treaty  of  London,  consecrate  principles,  and  impress  nations, 
far  beyond  the  fascinating  rhetoric  of  Scott's  decrees.  Bri- 
tish belligerent  practice  rejects  ancient  fecial  law,  and  all 
declaration,  manifesto  or  notice  of  war,  till  first  executed  by 
hostilities.  The  war  of  1756,  which  involved  America,  where 
most  of  it  was  waged,  began  by  Captain  Howe,  afterwards  the 
admiral,  with  the  frigates  Dunkirk  and  Defiance  surprising  and 
capturing  the  French  vessels  Lys  and  Defiance,  by  which  seven 
hundred  thousand  pounds  sterling  were  snatched  as  admiralty 
droits  —  as  iniquitous  as  piratical  plunder.  Since  then,  in  all 
her  many  waris.  Great  Britain,  as  at  the  rupture  of  the  peace 
of  Amiens,  has  struck  first  and  explained  afterwards.  Whereas 
the  United  States  cannot  make  war  without  solemn  declaration. 
Indeed,  is  there  English  law  of  nations?  beyond  the  British  con- 
stitution, traditional  and  disputed  transactions.  According  to 
American  understanding,  there  is  a  law  of  nations  manifested 
by  general  acceptance,  and  equal  for  all;  some,  by  Wolfs 
simile,  giants,  and  others  dwarfs,  but  allr  etjuals;  and  each 
bound,  as  by  common  law,  to  do  each  other  as  much  good  in 
peace,  and  as  little  harm  in  war,  as  may  be  consistent  with 
their  own  interests.  Such  are  the  laws  of  neutrality  and  of 
war  which  govern  the  United  States^  and  which  it  is  their  inte- 
VoL.m.— 7 


J 


98 


PRIZK   LAW. 


J  ; 


I 


i^ 


rest  to  maintain.  "  I  trust,"  said  Richard  Stockton,  one  of 
the  ablest  lawyers  and  leading  members  of  Congress,  never 
charged  with  British  aversions,  addressing  the  Supreme 
Court  in  1814,  ''this  court  is  not  prepared  to  adopt,  even  with 
respect  to  neutrals,  much  less  with  respect  to  Americail  citi- 
zens, the  rigid  rules  of  the  British  court  of  admiralty,  a  mere 
political  court,  a  prerogative  court,  regulated  by  the  king's 
orders  in  council,  designed  to  give  Great  Britain  the  sove- 
reignty of  the  ocean,  to  subject  the  whole  commerce  of  the 
world  to  her  grasp,  and  to  make  the  law  of  nations  just  what 
her  policy  would  wish  it  to  be."  "  The  law  of  nations,"  said 
Chief  Justice  Marshall,  on  the  same  occasion,  '^  is  founded  on 
the  great  and  immutable  principles  of  equity  and  natural  jua- 
ti'".  I  respect  Sir  William  Scott,  as  I  do  every  truly  great 
man,  and  I  respect  his  decisions ;  nor  should  I  depart  from 
them  on  slight  grounds.  But  it  is  impossible  to  consider  them 
attentively,  without  perceiving  that  his  mind  was  strongly  in 
favor  of  the  captors.  In  a  great  maritime  country,  depending 
on  its  navy  for  its  glory  and  its  safety,  the  national  bias  is 
perhaps  so  strongly  in  this  direction,  that  the  judge,  without 
being  conscious  of  the  fact,  must  feel  its  influence.  However 
this  may  be,  it  is  a  fact  of  which  I  am  fully  convinced ;  and  on 
this  account,  it  appears  to  me  to  be  the  more'  proper  to  inves- 
tigate rigidly  the  principles  on  which  Iiis  decisions  have  been 
made,  and  not  to  extend  them,  where  such  extension  may  pro- 
duce injustice."  In  the  first  case  argued  by  Chief  Justice 
Marshall,  when  at  the  bar,  in  the  Supreme  Cpurt  of  the  United 
States,  an  eminent  judge,  who  had  been  one  of  the  founders 
of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  Wilson,  deprecatmg 
the  harsh  and  odious  inflictions  on  America  of  antiquated  Eu- 
ropean law,  insisted  that  "  when  the  United  States  declared 
their  independence,  they  were  bound  to  receive  the  law  of 
nations  in  its  mo^er"  state  of  purity  and  refinement." 

The  federal  ;  ■■<  of  Appeals,  in  1781,  before  the  Con- 
stitution settled  -^  ay  of  the  great  principles  which  in, 
and  even  by,  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  in 
1812,  it  was  attempted  to  overthrow,  capture  without  com- 
mission, and  mere  forcible  seizure  without  abjudication,  were 


Stockton,  one  of 

f  Congress,  never 

ng    the    Supreme 

0  adopt,  even  with 

to  Americaiii  citi- 

admiralty,  a  mere 

ted  by  the  king's 

Britain  the  sove- 

commerce  of  the 

nations  just  what 

w  of  nations,"  said 

on,  '^  is  founded  on 

ty  and  natural  jus- 

every  truly  great 

luld  I  depart  from 

lie  to  consider  them 

Ind  wa8  strongly  in 

conntry,  depending 

;he  national  bias  is 

tlie  judge,  without 

afluence.    However 

r  convinced ;  and  on 

lore-  proper  to  Inves- 

decisions  have  been 

extension  may  pro- 

sd  by  Chief  Justice 

Cpurt  of  the  United 

one  of  the  founders 

Wilson,  deprecating 

la  of  antiquated  Ea> 

ited  States  declared 

receive  the  law  of 

■efinement." 

II,  before  the  Con- 

irinciples  which   in, 

e  United  States,  in 

ipture  without  com- 

it  adjudication,  were 


PRIZE   LAW. 


99 


both  hold  invalid.  The  noble  and  cardinal  principles,  that  a 
state  of  nature  is  a  state  of  peace,  and  not  a  state  of  war, 
and  that  nations  are  morally  bound  to  preserve  peace  and 
benevolence,  and  amity  to  be  presumed,  were  doctrines  laid 
down  with  the  foundations  of  American  jurisprudence.  Nor 
did  the  federal  Court  of  Appeals  stop  short  of  aflBrming  the 
ordinances  of  Congress,  by  which  free  ships  make  free  goods ; 
and  neutral  rights  were  acknowledged  as  established  by  the 
armed  neutrality  of  1780:  likewise  the  resolutions  of  April, 
1781,  forbidding  American  cruisers  to  capture  neutral  vessels, 
unless  employed  in  carrying  contraband  or  soldiers  to  the  ene- 
mies of  the  IFnited  States,  or  effects  belonging  to  subjects  of 
the  belligerents  on  board  of  neutral  vessels,  except  contraband 
goods.  The  court  conceding  the  right  of  search,  yet  quaJified 
even  that ;  first,  limiting  it  to  time  of  war,  and,  secondly,  to 
subjects  of  an  enemy.  To  search  a  neutral,  they  say,  is 
always  at  the  peril  of  the  belligerent,  who  has  no  right  to 
seize  .withoat  good  grounds,  and  is  liable  to  damages  for  any 
mistake. 

Thus  restrained,  qualified  and  explained,  the  bo  called  right 
of  seurch  at  sea  is  no  more  than  that  of  any  officer  ashore, 
without  warrant,  to  arrest  on  suspicion; — in  fact  no  right  at 
all,  but  an  assumption,  on  all  the  actors'  responsibility. 

In  spite  of  prior  adjudications,  of  publicists,  of  treaties,  of 
Congress,  and  of  war,  however,  British  influence  prevailed.  The 
mother  country  was  the  firmament  on  high,  and  Scott  the  cyno- 
sure by  ^ch  the  American  judieiilry  steered.  The  eloquence 
of  his  decrees,  Mr.  Wheaton's  treatise  declared,  required  their 
adoption.  And.  another  American  jurist,  deservedly  of  the 
highest  auidiorit^,  whose  work  is  the  hand-book  of  lawyers, 
the  standard  of  law-schools,  and  the  great  dialectic  of  the 
legal  profession,  Chancellor  Kent,  in  his  Commentaries,  too 
truly  declared  th«tt  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  Statra  had 
sunrendered  the  vlast  and  ondtefinable  developments  of  American 
commercial  prosperity  to  the  iron  fetters  an^  insular  manacles 
of  Briti^  prise  law.  ''In  the  investigation  o^  the  rules  of 
the  modern  laws  of  nations,"  says  Kent,  ''particularly  with 
regard  to  the  extmsiye  field  of  maritime  capture,  reference  is 


m 


m 


'■':  i 


PRIZE   LAW. 


a 


generally  and  freely  made  to  the  decisions  of  the  English 
courts ;  deservedly  folloAved  by  all  the  courts  of  the  United 
States,  on  all  the  leading  points  of  national  law.  They  con- 
tain more  intrinsic  argument,  more  full  and  precise  details, 
more  accurate  illustrations,  and  are  of  more  authority  than  the 
loose  dicta  of  elementary  writers.  There  is  scarcely  a  decision 
in  the  English  prize-courts  at  Westminster,  on  any  general 
question  of  public  right,  that  has  not  received  the  express  ap- 
probation and  sanction  of  our  national  courts. .  The  decisions 
of  the  English  high  court  of  admiralty — especially  tince  1798 ! — 
have  been  consulted  and  uniformly  respected  by  our  Supreme 
Court.  They  are  pre-eminently  distinguished  for  sagacity, 
wisdom  and  learning,  as  well  as  for  the  chaste  and  classical 
beauties  of  their  composition." 

Not  content  with  British  prize-law,  some  judges  of  the  Su- 
preme Court  of  the  United  States  seemed  inclined  to  establish 
English  common  law,  as  parcel  of  it ;  and  that  very  part  of  com- 
mon law  against  which  the  United  States  were  at  war  against 
Great  Britain  with  a  vengeance  —  the  dogma  of  allegiance. 
Chief  Justice  Ellsworth  had  ruled,  by  double  error,  not  only  that 
English  common  law  is  American  federal  law,  but  that  English 
common  law  of  allegiance  is  American  common  law  of  alle- 
giance. In  1814,  a  majority  of  the  Supreme  Court  engrafted 
a  branch  of  that  dogma  on  the  prize  law  adopted  from  Eng- 
land. The  venerable  chief  justice  dissented,  but  protested  in 
vain.  "  I  will  not  pretend  to  say,"  was  the  conclusion  of  his 
argument,  "  what  distinctions  may  or  may  not  exist  between 
these  two  classes  of  citizfens,  in  a  contest  of  a  different  descrip- 
tion. But  in  a  contest  between  the  United  States  and  the  na- 
turalized citizen,  in  a  claim  set  up  by  the  United  States  to 
confiscate  his  property,  he  may,  I  think,  protect  himself  by  any 
defence  which  would  protect  a  native  American.  In  the  pro- 
secution of  such  a  claim,  the  United  States  are,  I  think,  if  I 
may  be  excused  for  borroAving  from  the  common  law  a  phrase 
peculiarly  appropriate,  estopped  from  saying  that  they  have 
not  placed  this  adopted  son  on  a  level  with  those  born  in  then- 
family."  Judge  Livingston  concurred  in  opinion  with  the 
Chief  J'wtice.    But  all  in  vain.    Scott's  vulpine  riq)acity  for 


PRIZE   LAW. 


101 


ns  of  tlio  EngUsli 
arts  of  the  United 
il  law.  They  con- 
md  precise  details, 
!  authority  than  the 
1  scarcely  a  decision 
3r,  on  any  general 
ired  the  express  ap- 
Tts. .  The  decisions 
dally  since  1798 ! — 
ted  by  our  Supreme 
lished  for  sagacity, 
chaste  and  classical 

)  judges  of  the  Su- 
inclined  to  establish 
lat  very  part  of  corn- 
were  at  war  against 
ogma  of  allegiance. 
B  error,  not  only  that 
aw,  but  that  English 
ommon  law  of  alle- 
jme  Court  engrafted 
r  adopted  from  Eng- 
ted,  but  protested  in 
be  conclusion  of  his 
y  not  exist  between 
>f  a  different  descrip- 
id  States  and  the  na- 
,he  United  States  to 
rotect  himself  by  any 
erican.     In  the  pro- 
tes  are,  I  think,  if  I 
sommon  law  a  phrase 
ying  that  they  have 
,h  those  borjx  in  then* 
in  opinion  with  the 
vulpine  rapacity  for 


prey,  and  inflexible  support  of  inalienable  allegiance,  extolled 
by  Kent,  deplored  by  Marshall,  triumphed  over  the  Declaration 
of  Independence.  The  property  of  Scotch  naturalized  citizens, 
long  domiciled  in  this  country,  was  confiscated  upon  British 
j.rizo  rules  of  residence,  which  reft  the  Supreme  Court  asunder 
v.ith  disparaging  discord.  Judge  Johnson  declined  giving  an 
opinion,  and  "I  do  not  sit  in  this  case,"  said  Judge  Story ;  "but 
on  so  important  a  question,  where  a  difference  of  opinion  has 
been  expressed  on  the  bench,  I  do  not  feel  myself  at  liberty  to 
withdraw  from  the  responsibility  which  the  law  imposes  on  me." 
In  a  few  words,  therefore,  he  gave  his  adhesion  to  the  bare  ma- 
jority of  judges  voting  for  condemnation.  If  such  a  doubtful 
determination,  by  three  judges  overruling  two,  with  two  others 
not  acting,  constitutes  "  the  express  approbation  and  sanction 
of  our  national  courts,"  which  Kent's  Commentaries  applaud, 
the  three  or  four  hundred  thousand  European  emigrants  annually 
domesticated  in  the  United  States,  may  find  laws  of  naturaliza- 
tion, enacted  by  Congress,  annulled  by  bare  majorities  of  a 
distracted  court,  rendering  their  expatriation  less  effectual 
than  Europeans  flatter  themselves.  Property  of  the  founder 
of  Pennsylvania,  who  never  spent  but  two  years  at  one  time, 
and  but  four  years  altogether  in  that  province,  must  have  been 
confiscated,  as  English,  by  the  Anglo-American  rules  of  resi- 
dence. 

The  last  case  I  shall  mention  involved  a  question.  Judge 
Story  said,  "  than  which  none  more  important  or  interesting 
ever  came  before  a  prize  tribunal ;  and  the  national  rights  sus- 
pended on  it  were  of  infinite  moment  to  the  maritime  world." 
Division  of  opinion  had  then  become  a  chronic  court  distemper. 
Precisely  what  that  discord  was  in  this  case  the  published 
opinions  did  not  ,  disclose.  But  Judge  Todd  being  absent, 
Judge  Johnson  prefaced  his  opinion,  by  saying  that  "circum- 
stances known  to  the  court  had,  in  great  measure,  imposed 
upon  him  the  responsibility  of  the  decision."  A  South  Ame- 
rican Spanish  subject,  inhabitant  of  Buenos  Ayres,  shipped  his 
property  on  board  an  armed  British  vessel  that  he  freighted, 
which  was  captured  by  an  American  privateer,  after  a  sea-fight. 
The  Spanish  Treaty  of  1795,  with  the  United  States,  provides 


102 


THK   NKRKID. 


I  : 


liii 


H<i 


that  freo  ships  make  free  goods.  For  the  captom  of  the  un- 
lucky Spaniard,  it  was  thereupon  contended  that  the  converse 
of  that  rule  is  implied  by  the  law  of  nations,  and  therefore 
that  the  enemy's  ship  made  enemy's  goods  of  those  of  the  neu- 
tral laden  on  board  of  her. 

A  sort  of  dramatic  interest  attended  that  litigation.  Wash- 
ington, without  places  of  theatrical  or  other  general  resort, 
except  the  Congress  and  the  court,  afforded  no  spectacle  so 
attractive  as  the  temporary  court-room,  where,  deprived  by 
■the  enemy  of  their  colonnaded  apartment  in  the  crypt  of  the 
Capitol,  the  robed  Supreme  Court  held  its  bessions.  No  mem- 
ber of  either  house  was  so  remarkable  a  public  speaker  as 
Finkney,  with  his  sparkling  rhetoric  and  solid  logic,  his  exqui- 
site English  dress,  unusual  cadences,  and  foreign,  said  to  be 
English,  forensic  gesticulation.  The  court  was  crowded  to  hear 
him  speak.  Flattered  by  audiences  of  ladies  and  members  of 
Congress,  it  was  said  that  he  multiplied  his  tropes  and  orna- 
mented, for  such  hearers,  postulates  of  law  by  metaphorical  il- 
lustrations. So  ornate,  yet  chaste,  figurative  and  uncommon  was 
his  language  for  a  barrister  addressing  A  ben<;h  of  judges,  con- 
cerning mere  property,  that  his  arguments,  unless  excellent,  must 
have  suffered  from  their  fanciful  enclosure.  And  there  were 
several  other  eminent  advocates  whose  eloquence  drew  audi- 
ences to  the  court.  Dexter,  Wirt,  Harper,  Webster,  just  be- 
ginning his  career,  and  Emmett,  surpassed  by  none  in  learning, 
ardour,  and  professional  accomplishments.  The  secretary  of  the 
treasury,  Dallas,  too,  took  part  in  the  case  referred  to,  that  of 
the  Nereid,  with  Finkney  for  his  colleague ;  then  no  longer  at- 
torney-general, for  he  found  that  office  a  hindrance  to  his  large 
and  lucrative  practice,  especially  in  prize  cases,  which  abound- 
ed, and  captors  could  afford  to  share  generously  with  lawyers 
their  prizes  in  the  lottery  of  war  and  of  law.  Aggressive,  as 
usual,  Finkney  taunted  Emmett  as  a  stranger  ooQie  to  teach  us : 
to  which  the  Irishman,  with  thick  Milesian  accent,  and  abrupt 
manner  (poetical  as  even  broken  English  sounds  from  an  edu- 
cated tongue),  in  fine  keeping  with  the  commanding  march  of 
a  masterly  argument,  impassioned  with  delightful  pathos,  tri- 
umphantly replied.     With  the  the  conviction  of  the  oourt, 


TUB  NERBID. 


108 


captors  of  the  tin- 
(d  that  the  converse 
tions,  and  therefore 
of  those  of  the  neu- 

litigation.     Wash- 
ier general  resort, 
ed  no  spectacle  so 
where,  deprived  bj 
in  the  crypt  of  the 
Sessions.     No  mcm- 
9.  public  speaker  as 
olid  logic,  his  exqul- 
foreign,  said  to  be 
was  crowded  to  hear 
ies  and  members  of 
lis  tropes  and  orna- 
f  by  metaphorical  il- 
e  and  uncommon  was 
ench  of  judges,  con- 
mless  excellent,  must 
■e.    And  there  were 
loquence  drew  audi- 
(r,  Webster,  just  be- 
[  by  none  in  learning, 
The  secretary  of  the 
)  referred  to,  that  of 
>;  then  no  longer  at- 
indrance  to  his  large 
cases,  which  abound- 
erously  with  lawyers 
law.     Aggressive,  as 
;er  oome  to  teach  us : 
1  accent,  and  abrupt 
sounds  from  an  edu- 
mman(Ung  march  of 
elightful  pathos,  tri- 
iction  of  the  oourt, 


Emmott  seized  the  sympathy  of  the  many  distingniBhcd  by- 
standers, taking  Hide  with  an  insulted  novua  ho»pe»,  as  Pink- 
ney  called  him,  against  the  common  champion  of  the  court, 
who  lust  the  palm  of  oratory  with  his  cause.  In  vain,  with 
great  force  of  rhetoric,  he  pleaded  for  belligerent  supremacy. 
*'The  Nereid  was  armed,  sailed,  resiiited,  and  was  captured,"  ho 
said.  "  If  she  could  do  all  this,  she  was  a  chartered  libertine  ; 
a  neutral,  surrounded  with  all  the  pride,  pomp,  and  circum- 
stance of  glorious  war ;  diicordia  rerum  ;  a  centaur,  half  man, 
half  ship ;  a  {anta^tic  form,  bearing  in  one  hand  the  spear  of 
Achilles,  in  the  other  the  olive-branch  of  Minerva ;  the  frown 
of  defiance  on  her  brow,  and  the  smile  of  conciliation  on  her 
lip ;  entwining  the  olive-branch  of  peace  around  the  thunder- 
bolt of  Jupiter,  and  hurling  it,  thus  disguised,  indiscriminately 
on  friends  and  foes." 

No  audience  could  fail  to  be  struck  by  Mr.  Pinkney's  fervent 
display  of  belligerent  power,  right  of  search,  droits  of  admiralty, 
and  catalogue  of  contraband.  Judge  Story  and  some  other 
judges  were  convinced.  But  the  chief  justico'romained  immov- 
able on  the  platform  of  neutrality  and  commerce.  "  With  a 
pencil,"  said  he,  with  almost  sarcasm,  rejecting  Pinkney's  bril- 
liant appeal,  "  dipped  in  the  most  vivid  colours,  and  guided  by 
the  hand  of  a  master,  a  splendid  portrait  has  been  drawn,  exhibit- 
ing this  vessel  and  her  freighters  as  forming  a  single  figure,  com- 
posed of  the  most  discordant  materials — of  peace  and  war.  So 
exquisite  was  the  skill  of  the  artist,  so  dazzling  the  garb  in  which 
the  figure  was  presented,  that  it  required  the  exercise  of  that 
cold  investigating  faculty,  which  ought  always  to  belong  to 
those  who  sit  on  this  bench,  to  discern  its  only  imperfection  — 
it^  want  of  re»emhlance.  The  Nereid  was -no  centaur,  or  neu- 
tral rover  on  the  ocean,  hurling  thundr  >  olts  of  war,  while 
sheltered  by  the  olive-branch  of  peace ;  tiit  en  open  and  de- 
clared belligerent,  conveying  neutral  property."  The  right  to 
do  so,  subject  to  the  hazards  of  war,  the  pivot  of  the  case,  was 
conceded  by  all  the  divided  court.  Still  Story,  in  a  volu- 
minous opinion,  contended  for  condemnation.  But  the  chief 
justice,  with  a  majority,  denied  the  alleged  convertibility  of  the 
benign  principle,  that  free  ships  make  free  goods,  into  an 


104 


PRIZE   LAW. 


aboralnablo  contravention.     "Tlio  reciprocity,"  said  .Johnson, 
•'is  a  reciprocity  of  benevolence,  not  of  violence,  ami  ilisnial," 
ho  adiU'il,  "would  he  the  Htate  of  the  world,  and  melancholy  the 
office  of  a  judge,  if  all  the  eviln  which  the  perfidy  and  iigustico 
of  power  inflict  on  individual  man  were  to  he  reflected  from  the 
tribunals  which  profess  peace  ami  good  will  to  all  mankind. 
To  the  judiciary  it  belongs  to  administer  law  and  justice  as  it 
is,  not  as  it  is  made  by  the  folly  or  caprice  of  other  nations." 
The  history  of  that  war  cannot  discover,  from  the  literature 
of  its  law,  whether  the  Supremo  Court,  with  much  difficulty, 
by  bare  majority  rejecting  the  belligerent  converse,  likewise 
affirmed  the  peaceful  principle  that  free  ships  make  free  goods. 
On  the  occasion  of  the  armed  neutrality  of  1780,  the  Congress 
of  the  United    States  (October  5,  1780),  informed  that  tho 
Empress  of  Russia,  attentive  to  tho  freedom  of  commerce,  and 
the  rights  of  nations,  in  her  declaration  to  tho  belligerent  and 
neutral  powers,  having  proposed  regulations  founded  upon  prin- 
ciples of  justice,  equity,  and  moderation,  (of  which  France, 
Spain,  and  most  of  tlio  neutral  maritime  powers,  have  declared 
their  approbation,)  willing  to  testify  their  regard  to  the  rights 
of  commerce,  resolved  that  the  board  of  admiralty  prepare 
and  report  instructions  for  the  commanders  of  armed  vessels, 
commissioned  for  the  United  States  conformable  to  the  princi- 
ples contained  in  the  Russian  declaration  on  the  rights  of 
neutral  vessels,  that  tho  foreign  ministers  of  the  United  States 
be  empowered  to  accede  to  such  regulations,  at  the  Congress 
expected  to  be  called  by  Russia,  and  that  copies  of  these  reso- 
lutions  should  bo  transmitted  to  all  American  foreign  min- 
isters. 

On  the  12th  June,  1783,  a  committee  of  Congress,  consisting 
of  James  Madison,  Alexander  Hamilton,  and  Oliver  Ellsworth, 
reported,  and  their  resolution  was  adopted  by  Congress,  that 
as  the  primary  object  of  the  resolution  of  tho  5th  of  October, 
1780,  relative  to  the  accession  of  tho  United  States  to  tho 
neutral  confederacy,  no  longer  could  operate,  as  tho  United 
States  ought  not  to  be  entangled  in  European  politics  and  con- 
troversies, but  as  the  liberal  principles  on  which  it  was  established 
are  favorable  to  the  interest  of  nations,  particularly  the  United 


PRIZE   LAW. 


105 


\y,"  8fti(l  Johnson, 
iK!c,  luul  ilisniul,  " 
linl  nioluncholy  tliu 
iTuly  and  injustico 
reHocti'il  from  tlio 
|1  to  all  mankind, 
and  juHticc  as  it 
f  other  nations." 
rem  the  litoraturo 
li  much  difficulty, 
converBe,  likewise 
i  make  free  goods. 
780,  the  Coni^ress 
informed  that  tlio 
of  commerce,  and 
he  belligerent  and 
bunded  upon  prin- 
of  which  France, 
ers,  have  declared 
[?gard  to  the  rights 
admiralty  prepare 
of  armed  vessels, 
lable  to  the  princi- 
on  the  rights  of 
the  United  States 
8,  at  the  Congress 
pies  of  these  reso- 
•ican  foreign  min- 

ongress,  consisting 
'.  Oliver  Ellsworth, 
by  Congress,  that 
le  5th  of  October, 
ted  States  to  the 
te,  us  the  United 
1  politics  and  con- 
i  it  was  established 
sularly  the  United 


Statu,  and  ought  to  be  kept  in  view  to  be  promoted  as  fur  an 
conniHtM  with  their  fundamental  policy,  Hhould  tli(>  nc^otiiitions 
fur  peace  comprise  any  stipulations  recogiiiHing  rights  of  neutral 
nations,  engngements  ought  to  bo  avoided  ol)liging  the  con* 
trading  parties  to  support  them  by  arms.  The  Congress  of 
the  United  States,  adopting  these  resolutions,  was  the  (Jovern- 
mont.  Legislature,  and  Executive,  if  not  Juiliciary.  Tiie  com- 
mitteo  reporting  the  last  were,  the  president,  during  the  war 
of  1812,  the  second  chief  justice,  and  a  personage  whoso  mind 
is  impressed,  in  war  and  peace,  upon  all  Anieriuan  aninils  and 
institutions.  The  latter  resolution  is  no  exception,  iit  principle, 
to  the  first.  Previous  to  acknowledgment  of  independence, 
while  contending  for  it  in  arms,  the  constituted  authorities  of  the 
United  States  agreed  to  insist  by  arms  and  in  alliance,  offensive 
and  defensive,  with  the  powers  of  the  Northern  Confederacy, 
that  free  ships  make  free  goods.  About  to  make  peace  with 
the  only  power  denying  it,  the  United  States  would  not  risk 
acknowledgment  of  their  independence  by  protracting  war  for 
an  abstract  principle.  But  it  was  part  of  their  fundamental 
policy,  to  bo  kept  constantly  in  view  and  promoted.  Peace  is 
that  policy.  Rather  than  entanglement  in  European  strife, 
especially  while  weak  from  infancy,  and  exhausted  by  hostili- 
ties, the  United  States  postponed  belligerent  contest  for  free 
ships  to  make  free  goods.  Not  to  bo  involved  in  the  inter- 
minable conflicts  of  the  old  world,  they  proclaimed  neutrality 
as  their  permanent  policy.  But  all  for  peace.  When  ac- 
cused by  France,  in  1793,  of  acquiescing  in  British  viola- 
tions of  the  freedom  of  the  seas,  and  Washington's  secretary 
of  state,  Jefferson,  answered  the  French  reproach,  that 
though  the  treaty  arrangement  by  which  free  bottoms  make 
free  goods  is  less  oppressive  to  commerce,  yet  it  is  an  ex- 
ception to  the  general  law  of  nations — -the  concession,  though 
wrong,  did  not  abandon  the  right.  To  the  same  impeachment, 
prefer!  (!'!  more  angrily  by  Franco,  in  1799,  Adams's  secretary, 
Pickering,  by  the  agency  of  the  special  envoys  Pinckney,  Mar- 
shall, and  Gerry,  still  protesting  that  such  acquiescence  was 
only  abiding  by  the  law  of  nations,  declared  it  the  obvious  in- 
terest, and  anxious  desire,  of  the  United  States  to  change  it  as 


I 


106 


PRIZE  LAV. 


soon  M  pmctioiiblfl.  Tlio  French  revolution  raging,  and  the 
United  States  hardly  uhlo  to  Hupport,  noccssarily  dcHirons  to 
©scape,  the  wars  it  caused,  those  were  politic  diplomatic  pleas, 
But,  become  the  first  people  of  a  now  world  of  nations,  with 
the  same  peaceful  policy  still  impressed,  as  ever,  on  their  Le- 
gislature and  Executive,  the  war  of  1812,  with  Great  Hritoin, 
called  upon  the  judiciary  to  adjudge  that  among  the  laws  of 
nations  is  that  by  which  the  ocean  is  peaceably  fortified  by  a 
plain  principle  more  restrictive  of  war  than  any  armament ;  that 
the  national  fi;.g  is  the  same  redoubtable  signal  at  the  mast  of 
the  unarmed  merchant-ship,  as  at  that  of  the  man-of-war.  To 
the  snmo  judges  who  assumed  power  to  annul  statutes  as  un- 
constitutional, to  sanction  foreign  judgments,  though  on  their 
face  palpably  erroneous  or  absurd,  and  to  deny  the  existence 
of  English  common  law  among  the  laws  of  the  United  States, 
it  belonged  to  pronounce  that  American  cruisers  have  no  right 
to  look  beyond  the  flag  of  neutral  vessels  at  sea.  Congress 
have  always  so  resolved,  and  the  executive  so  governed. 
Although  twice,  formerly,  when  the  French  government  re- 
proached the  American  with  abandonment  of  the  rule  that  free 
ships  make  free  goods,  its  validity  was  denied,  yet  it  had 
been  the  treaty  law  of  nations,  throughout  Europe,  since 
1646,  recognised  by  England,  France,  Spain,  Holland,  Den- 
mark, Sweden,  Portugal,  the  Empire,  Prussia,  Sicily,  Genoa, 
and  by  treaty  between  Russia  and  Great  Britain,  so  lately  as 
1801,  to  establish  then  by  magnanimous  renunciation  of  odious 
war  usurpations. 

If  ever  disputed,  it  has  been  so  long  and  so  universally  ac- 
knowledged as  to  be  no  longer  debateable,  that  a  ship  on  the 
high  seas  is,  in  contemplation  of  law,  as  ibuch  part  of  the  ter- 
ritory, whose  national  flag  she  bears,  as  any  fortress  in  the 
interior  of  that  territory.  The  most  libertine  encroachments 
of  maritime  war  do  not  question  the  sanctity  of  the  vessels  of 
states  at  peace  pursuing  their  accustomed  navigation.  By  the 
law  of  nations,  war  authorizes  one  to  inflict  upon  another  what- 
ever injuries  it  can :  to  seize,  confiscate,  or  destroy  its  property 
— kill,  capture,  and  perhaps  enslave  its  people.  Nor  has  any 
neutral  nation  a  right  to  prevent  such  belUgerent  operations. 


«hP 


PRIZE   LAW. 


107 


'n  rn^irig,  and  the 
iMorily  iloMiroiis  to 
iliplijinatic  plonn. 
|<1  of  natioriH,  with 
over,  on  their  Le- 
ith  Groat  Itritain, 
unong  tho  laws  of 
'»bly  fortiticd  by  a 
armanu-nt;  that 
lal  ot  the  mast  of 
man-of-war.     To 
ul  statutes  as  im- 
8,  though  on  their 
vuy  the  existence 
tho  United  States, 
sors  have  no  right 
at  sea.     Congress 
tivo  80  governed, 
h  govcrnmofit  re- 
'  the  rule  that  free 
onied,  yet  it  had 
ut  Europe,   Einco 
in,  Holland,  Den- 
»a,  Sicily,  Genoa, 
ritain,  so  lately  as 
mciation  of  odious 

so  universally  ac- 
hat a  ship  on  the 
h  part  of  the  ter- 
ly  fortress  in  the 
»e  encroachments 
of  the  vessels  of 
'igation.  By  the 
>on  another  what- 
itroy  its  property 
e.  Nor  has  any 
jrent  operations^ 


It  is  bound  to  furniHh  no  aftHistanco  to  either  of  tlio  bo11i^rrcnt.<t, 
Init  romtiiii  strictly  and  really  neutral.  Hut  the  declaration  or 
waging  of  war  imposes  no  obligation  or  restraint  upon  any  but 
those  who  are  parties  to  it.  It  is  legiHlatiro  or  oxecutivo 
action  conflnod  to  those  who  declare  or  wage  it,  having  no 
operation  upon  other  nations.  It  is  therefore  lawful  for  neu- 
trals to  trade,  after  the  war  as  before,  in  all  kinds  of  merchan- 
dise, and  with  the  belligerents.  Munitions  of  war  are  no 
exception  to  this  lawful  permission.  Belligerents  may,  by 
force,  conquer  any  part  of  an  cnomy'n  country,  and  either 
}  limit  or  prob'  jit  neutral  trade  to  it ;  wliorcforo,  they  may  for- 
cibly prevent  all  neutral  communication  with  all  places  block- 
aded, invested,  or  besieged  by  land  or  naval  forces.  With  this 
exception  there  is  no  belligerent  right  to  molest  neutral  property 
or  commerce  anywhere,  and  least  of  all  upon  the  high  seas, 
which  are  open  to  tho  unrestricted  navigation  of  all  nations. 
The  belligerent  right  of  search  extends  no  further  than  autho- 
rity to  ascertain  whether  a  vessel  be  really  neutral,  as  her  flag 
indicates ;  for  which  purpose  a  cruiser  may  examine  the  ship's 
tea  letters  and  passports,  or  other  proofs  of  owno-Mp  of  the 
Teasel.  Bat  there  is  no  war  right  to  examine  bills  of  lading, 
invoices,  or  other  documents  indicating  the  ownership  of  tho 
cargo.  The  declaration  of  war  cannot  compel  tho  inhabitants 
of  a  nation  not  parties  to  the  war,  to  abridge  or  alter,  in  any 
respect,  their  accustomed  commerce.  They  have  a  rfght  to 
trade  with  all  the  nations  of  the  world,  including  the  bellige- 
rents, as  before.  However  this  right  may  have  been  impaired 
by  force,  or  capitulated  through  fear,  it  still  remains  the  same. 
Declaration  of  war,  manifesto,  or  even  direct  notice  by  belli- 
gerents interdicting  neutral  trade,  is  inoperative  upon  neutrals, 
because  such  restraint  can  be  imposed  only  by  their  own 
government,  and  they  owe  no  obedience  lu  the  commands  of 
any  other.  The  only  lawful  mode  for  belligerents  to  obtain 
the  consent  of  neutrals  to  such  restrictions  is  by  negotiation 
with  the  neutral  state.  Conditions  frequently  prescribed  by 
belligerents  at  the  beginning,  or  during  the  course,  of  hostilities, 
according  to  which  neutrals  are  directed  to  conduct  their  com- 
merce, are  not  only  laws  but  penal  laws,  which  belligerents 


I 


k  - 


108 


PRIZE   LAW. 


have  no  right  to  enforce  by  confiscation  or  other  inflictions 
upon  persons  subject  to  no  laws  but  those  of  their  own  state. 
Belligerent  prescription  of  such  regulations,  though  too  often 
submitted  to,  is  mere  arrogatiou  of  sovereignty  over  persons 
and  places  where  the  belligerents  have  none.  The  seas  are 
open  and  free  to  all  for  both  peace  and  wax.  War  givers  no 
national  rights,  except  between  parties  to  it,  to  supersede  the 
rights  of  peace ;  and  it  is  one  of  those  rights  by  the  law  of 
nature  applied  to  nations,  by  the  great  preponderance  of  con- 
ventional law,  and  according  to  the  fitness  of  things,  to  trade 
during  hostilities,  in  all  things,  not  excepting  munitions  of  war, 
to  all  places,  except  those  possessed  or  besieged  by  one  of  the 
parties  to  it.  American  prize  courts  are  constituted  on  prin- 
ciples totally  difierent  from  those  of  Europe.  American  admi- 
ralty judges  are  liable,  doubtless,  to  national,  local,  and  per- 
sonal prepossessions.  But  there  is  nothing  in  the  organization 
of  their  courts  to  warp  their  incumbents,  who  are  perfectly 
independent  of  executive  influence. 

Preceding  from  review  of  the  doctrines  to  a  brief  considera- 
tion of  the  practice  of  these  courts,  we  must  not  be  surprised 
to  find  it,  like  that  of  British  prize  courts,  entu-ely  different 
from  that ,  of  English  common  law,  or  even  chancery  courts. 
Two  hundred  years  of  inveterate  practice  fix,  probably  be- 
yond reform,  the  anomaly,  in  judicial  proceedings,  of  bellige- 
rents sending  neutrals,  as  pi^izes,  to  be  tried  in  the  courts  of 
the  captors.  Mixed  commissions,  created  by  modern  treaties, 
show  that  partiality  is  to  be  apprehended  on  all  such  occasions. 
Juries,  half  foreigners,  changes  of  venue,  ambulatory  coui'ts, 
and  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  vouchsafing  federal 
tribunals  to  protect  aliens  and  citizens'  of  other  states  from 
judicial  and  local  prejudice,  concede  the  desideratum  of  impar- 
tial justice.  It  violates  the  principles  of  rectitude,  to  commit 
arrested  neutrals  to  the  rapacity  of  cruisers,  proctors  and  hostile 
judges,  inflamed  by  national  aud  sordid  passions,  armed  ^  with 
irregular  power,  and  tempted  by  irresistible  motives  to  wrong. 
Yet,  in  the  report  of  the  English  admiralty  and  cpmmon  laAV 
ofllcers  to  the  king  in  1750,  confirmed  in  the  letter  of  Scott  and 
Nicholl,  admiralty  judge  and  advocate,  to  John  Jay,  the  Ame- 


PRIZE  LAW. 


109 


r  other  inflictions 
f  their  own  state. 
,  though  too  often 
gnty  over  persons 
le.  The  seas  are 
r.  War  givers  no 
,  to  supersede  the 
hts  by  the  law  of 
onderance  of  con- 
of  things,  to  trade 
munitions  of  war, 
!ged  by  one  of  the 
onstituted  on  prin- 
American  admi- 
lal,  local,  and  per- 
in  the  organization 
who  are  perfectly 

>  a  brief  considera- 
st  not  be  surprised 
,  entu-ely  different 
a.  chancery  courts. 

fix,  probably  be- 
;edings,  of  bellige- 
d  in  the  courts  of 
y  modern  treaties, 
all  such  occasions, 
ambulatory  courts, 
vouchsafing  federal 

other  states  from 
ideratum  of  impar- 
sctitude,  to  commit 
proctors  and  hostile 
ssions,  armed  ^  with 
motives  to  wrong. 
)y  and  cpmmon  laAV 
letter  of  Scott  and 
ohn  Jay,  the  Ame- 


vican  minister,  in  1794,  it  is  said  that  the  proper  and  regular 
court  for  these  condemnations,  is  the  court  of  that  state  to 
>vhich  the  captor  belongs.      Regarding  the  whole  hierarchy, 
from  vice-admiralty  court  in  colonies  to  admiralty-juclge  adju- 
dications in  the  metropolis,  by  special  commission  from  the 
crown,  and  in  last  resort,  the  council  of  state,  the  object  must 
bo  less  to  do  justice  thar.  confiscate  property.     Jurisdiction  is 
not  ordinarily  assumed  over  persons  and  things  of  another 
sovereignty,  for  which,  as  prize  law,  the  English  admiralty 
iudge  and  advocate  give  no  suflScient  reason,  and  cite  no  autho- 
rity     Treaties,  as  they  vouch  them,  have  establisheu  what 
may  be  termed  an  anomaly,  which  does  not  consist  with  juris- 
prudence generally.  -  j- 

It  must  be>confessed,  too,  that  established  forms  of  proceeding 
in  prize  courts  are  of  long,  perhaps  universal,  certainly  uniform 
practice,  not  originating  in  England,  however  militant  with  the 
genius  of  her  common  law.     English  and  American  pleadings 
Ivo  open,  and  may  be  oral ;  the  rules  of  evidence,  though  arti- 
ficial and  complex,  are,  in  outline,  plain  and  kind     A  cardinal 
safeguard  is,  that  no  one  is  bound  to  crimmate  himself;  and 
all  cruel  and  unnecessary  coercion  is  discountenanced.     In 
prize  courts  all  thifl  is  reversed.     The  rules  of  the  inquisition, 
as  of  old  established  in  Italy,  Spain  and  France,  aggravated  by 
English  ingenuity  and  cupidity,  were  forthwith  adopted  by  the 
,  American  district,  circuit  and  supreme  courts.    To  seize  pro- 
perty and  arrest  persons  on  suspicion,  not  withm  the  territory, 
nor  subject  to  the  jurisdictibn  of  the  captor ;  to  dispossess  and 
confine  them ;  compel  the  dispossessed  proprietor,  or  his  agents, 
to  undergo  the  question  by  searching  interrogation;  to  pre- 
sume their  UabUity  to  condemnation,  and  cast  on  them  the 
burthen  of  proof;   deprived  of  their  papers,  vouchers  and 
titles ;  to  extort  confession  and  infer  guilt  from  the  absence  of 
complete  proofs;  either  to  refuse  supplemental  testunony,  or 
fetter  it  with  costly  conditions ;  to  insist  that  a  captured  neu- 
tral shali  be  at  once  prepared  with  perfect  demonstration  of 
ownership ;  to  require  Uttle.or  no  proof  from  the  captor ;  nor, 
if  commanding  A  pubUc  vessel,  any  security  for  the  expenses 
of  unfounded  prosecution;  every  legal  presumption  stramed 


(»■- 


110 


PRIZE  LAW. 


against  those  entitled  to  every  legal  presumption  in  their  favor ; 
strangers  in  an  unknown  country ;  ignorant  of  the  language, 
the  laws  and  the  lawyers — all  this  perversion  of  right,  however 
established,  is,  like  admiralty  droits,  temptation  and  cover  to 
injustice.  If  possible  for  American  courts  to  improve  or  reform 
it  altogether,  it  would  have  harmonized  with  the  theory  of 
American  institutions. 

The  President's  instructions  to  cruisers  were  to  proceed  in 
exercising  the  rights  of  war,  towards  enemy  vessels  and  crews, 
with  all  the  justice  and  lumianity  characteristic  of  the  Ame- 
rican nation ;  orders  to  be  observed  at  least  as  fully  in  regard 
to  neutrals,  and  enforced  as  sedulously  by  courts  of  justice. 

The  second  volume  of  this  Historical  Sketch,  explains  how 
trade  with  the  enemy,  tinder  his  licenses,  was  extirpated,  both 
by  judicial  sentence  and  by  act  of  Congress.  The  subject  will 
not,  therefore,  be  resumed  here  further  than  merely  briefly  to 
notice  some  early  decisions  in  the  district  courts,  by  i^hich  our 
cruisers  were  perplexed  at  first. 

The  district  judge  of  Pennsylvania,  m  September,  1812, 
condemned  an  American  vessel  and  cargo,  covered  by  Foster, 
the  British  minister's  permission,  and  necessary  to  be  landed  ^ 
in  England,  vrith  important  despatches  for  Gai9tlereagh,  the 
British  Secretary,  on  a  voyage  to  Portugal :  not,  however,  as 
trading  with  th^  enemy,  or  bearing  his  license,  but  for  serving 
him  by  carrying  despatches  and  their  bearer.  The  district 
judge  of  Rhode  Island  condemned  an  American  vessel  and 
cargo  for  sailing  under  Admiral.  Sawyer's  license,  for  St.  Barts,  - 
with  ex-consul  Allen's  certificate  that  the  voyage  was  ii^tende4 
to  supply  the  British  West  Indies.  But  the  district  judge  of 
Massachusetts  released  an  American  vessel  and  cargo,  going 
from  Baltimore  to  Lisbon,  under  the  same  admiral  and  ex- 
consul's  passport,  in  a  diffident  decree,  ifHch  closed  by  the 
judge's  confession  that  he  would  not  be  surprised  if  his  con- 
clusion should  be  found  erroneous.  Soon  after,  the  distriot 
judge  of  Pennsylvania  not  only  restored  aia  American  vessel 
and  cargo,  captured  under  sunilar  circumstances,  but,  further- 
more, proi;ounced  the  trade  lawful,  the  license  no  cause  of 
capture,  remittance  to  the  enemy's  country  no  offence^  and 


ALIEN  LAW. 


m 


;ion  in  thoir  favor ; 
t  of  the  language, 
I  of  right,  however 
tion  and  cover  to 
i  improve  or  reform 
ith  the  theory  of 

Yere  to  proceed  in 
vessels  and  crews, 

ristic  of  the  Ame- 
as  fally  in  regard 

ourts  of  justice. 

etch,  explains  how 

IS  extirpated,  hoth 
The  subject  will 

1  merely  briefly  to 

lurts,  by  i^hich  our 

September,  1812, 
covered  by  Foster, 
3sary  to  be  landed 
r  Ga^tlereagh,  the 
:  not,  however,  as 
tse,  but  for  serving 
trer.  The  district 
aerican  vessel  and 
ense,  for  St.  Barts, 
>yage  was  ii^tended 
)  district  judge  of 
I  and  cargo,  going 
e  admiral  and  ex- 
lich  closed  by  the 
rprised  if  his  con- 
after,  the  district 
111  Apuerican  vessel 
imces,  but,  further- 
sense  no  cause  of 
■y  no  offence^  aod 


car   ya  for  such  causes  punishable  in  damages.    On  appeals 
t,.,      0  circuit  courts,  these  errors  were  at  once  and  entirely 
r'j.i.rTJed.     Judges  Washington  and  Story  adjudged  that  aU 
trade  and  intercourse  with  enemies  are  unlawful;  punishable 
at  common  law,  and  their  vehiclea  confiscable ;— which  judg- 
ments of  the  circuits  were  fully  sustained  by  the  Supreme 
Coui-t.     All  the  judges  concurring  in  the  decisions  on  this  sub- 
ject were  of  opinion  that  the  mere  sailing  under  an  enemy's 
license,  without  regard  to  the  object  of  the  voyage,  or  the  pbrt 
of  destination,  constitutes  of  itself  aft  act  of  illegality,  which 
subjects  the  property  to  confiscation.    It  is  an  attempt  by  an 
individual  of  a  beUigerent  country  to  clothe  himself  with  a 
neutral  character,  by  the  license  of  the  other  belligerent,  and 
thus  to  separate  himself  from  the  common  character  of  has  own 

^Tne  of  the  earUest  American  captures  condetaned  by  these 
decisions  was  made  by  the  iU-fated  frigate  Chesapeake,  whose 
disgraceful  subjugation  by  a  British  squadron,  in  1808,  seemed 
to  mark  that  ship  as  doomed  to  calamity.  Another  was  made 
by  the  brig  Argua,  which,  after  a  brUUant  cruise  in  the  British 
channel,  was  also  takeri  by  the  British  brig  Pelican.  A  third 
was  prize  to  the  frigate  Constitution.  This  adventure  belonged 
to  persons  who  became  members  of  the  Hartford  Convention. 
After  thirty  years  had  elapsed,  they  petitioned  Congress  for 
remnneration  for  what  the  courts  of  justice  had  condemned,  as 
the  laws  of  all  nations  require:  but  the  petitioners  drew  no 
prize  in  the  lottery  of  leffslation.  < 

In  this  country  an  act  of  Congress  (and  in  England,  I  be- 

Ueve,  an  act  of  Parliament)  is  necessary  to  vest  the  executaye 

with  powers  wWch,  in  many  others,  are  exercised  through  the 

instrumentaUty  of  what  is  caUed  pdlice,  to  arrest,  confine  or 

banisl  obnoxious  persons.    Accordingly,  durmg  hostdities  with 

France,  in  1798,  a  much  controverted  act,  respecting  aUen 

enemies,  empowered  the  President,  in  any  declared,  and  by 

him  proclaimed,  war,  invasion,  or  predatory  incursion  peirpe- 

trated,  attempted  or  threatened,  to  apprehend,  restrain,  setfure 

and  remove  the  male  natives,  fonrteen  years  old  and  upwards, 

within  ike  United  States,  and  not  naturaliwd,  of  a  hostile 


If '. 


i  ,1 


I'i 


ALIES   LAW. 

government  or  nation ;  and  to  establish  any  other  regulations 
in  the  premises  necessary  for  public  safety.  But  resident  aliens, 
not  chargeable  with  actual  hostility,  or  other  crime  against 
public  safety,  are  allowed  to  depart,  with  their  effects,  as  trea- 
ties provide ;  if  no  treaty,  in  such  time  as  the  President  may 
declare,  according  to  the  dictates  of  humanity  and  hospitality. 
All  judges  of  the  United  States,  and  the  states,  and  justices 
of  the  peace,  having  criminal  jurisdiction,  upon  complaint 
against  an  alien  enemy,  resident  at  large,  contrary  to  the  Pre- 
sident's proclamation,  or  regulations,  to  the  danger  of  the 
public  safety  and  peace,  are  authorized  to  cause  such  aliens  to 
be  arrested,  and,  on  proper  examination,  banished,  or  restrained 
by  sureties  or  imprisonment,  till  compliance  with  the  magis- 
trate's order.  The  marshals  of  the  United  States  are  charged 
with  executing  these  proceedings. 

In  November,  1813,  Charles  Lockingtoji,  an  Englishman, 
committed  to  prison  in  the  debtors'  apartment^  of  Philadelphia, 
by  John  Smith,  marshal  of  the  eastern  district  of  Pennsylvania, 
as  an  alien  enemy  at  large  contrary  to  the  regulations,  obtained 
a  habeas  corpus  from  William  Tilghman,  chief  justice  of  Penn- 
sylvania, claiming  to  be  discharged.  His'  counsel  contended 
that  alien  enemies  are  not  prisoners  of  war,  but  by  the  law  of 
nations  are  protected  m  their  persons,  liberty  and  effects.  IUhe 
President's  power  over  .prisoners  of  war  is  derived  from  his 
constitutional  capacity  as  commander-in-chief  of  the  army  and 
navy ;  but  the  act  of  Congress,  respecting  alien  enemies,  gives 
all  the  executive  power  in  relation  to  them,  which  is  confined 
to  apprehending  and  confining  them  for  rembval  only,  not  to 
be  kept  as  prisoners,  for  which  purpose  alone  can  the  marshals 
be  employed ;  and  then  it  can  only  be  effected  through  judicial 
agency,  not  summarily.  Which  objections  were  answered  by 
the  district  attorney,  Dallas,  who  furthermore  suggested  that 
state  judges  have  no  jurisdiction  in  such  a  case.  Chief  Justice 
Tilghman  maintained  his  jurisdiction,  and  distinguished  Lock- 
ington's  case  from  that  of  prisoners  of  war.  They  are  subject 
to  its  laws ;  brought  into  a  country  by  force ;  have  no  muni- 
cipal rights ;  nothing  in  common  with  its  citizens ;  no  promise 
of  protection.    Whereas  those,  wli^o,  although  placed  in  the 


ALIEN   LAW. 


113 


y  other  regulations 
But  resident  aliens, 
ther  orime  against 
leir  effects,  as  trea- 
the  President  may 
ity  and  hospitality, 
states,  and  justices 
Q,  upon  complaint 
ontrary  to  the  Pre- 
the  danger  of  the 
ause  such  aliens  to 
lished,  or  restrained 
ce  mth  the  magis- 
States  are  charged 

iji,  an  Englishman, 
nt^  of  Philadelphia, 
let  of  PennsylTania, 
Bgulations,  obtained 
lief  justice  of  Penn- 
counsel  contended 
',  but  by  the  law  of 
;y  and  effects.  1)be 
is  derived  from  his 
tef  of  the  army  and 
ilien  enemies,  gives 
1,  which  is  confined 
embval  only,  not  to 
oe  can  the  marshals 
ted  through  judicial 
i  were  answered  by 
lore  suggested  that 
lase.  '  Ohief  Justice 
distinguished  Look- 
They  are  subject 
ce;  have  no  mnni- 
itizens ;  no  promise 
ough  placed  in  the 


situation  of  enemies,  by  events  over  which  they  have  no  control, 
yet  may  not  be  enemies  at  heart,  may  prefer  this  to  their  native 
country,  may  have  come  here  to  share  our  fortunes  as  our  insti- 
tutions invite,  acquired  property,  and  been  permitted  to  swear 
that  it  is  their  intention  to  become  citizens ;  with  the  implied 
promise,  which  all  civilized  nations  are  supposed  to  make,  that 
in  case  of  sudden  war  they  may  depart  in  reasonable  time,  if 
they  will.     There  is  strong  colour  for  argument,  the  judge 
thought,  that  the  president  cannot  direqt  the  marshal  to  re- 
move aliens  to  an  appointed  place  (in  this  instance  the  inland 
town  of  Reading,  sixty  miles  from  tide-water),  without  judicial 
intervention.     Still,  in  his  opinion,  this  executive  power  is 
summary,  because  the  object  of  the  law  is  to  provide  for  the 
safety  of  the  country,  for  which  it  might  be  necessary  to  act 
on  sudden  emergencies.    Marshals  may  apply  to  judges,  but 
are  not  obliged  to  do  so.    The  powers  vested  by  the  act  of 
Congress  in  the  president  are  extensive,  and  those  conferred  on 
the  judiciary  salutary.    Among  the  evils  of  war,  one  is  that  a 
people,  who  wish  to  preserve  their  freedom,  must  make  the' 
hands  of  the  executive  strong,  or  the  safety  of  the  nation  will 
be  endangered. 

Lockington,  foiled  in  this  attempt  at  relief;  or  revenge,  by 
habeas  corpus  allowed  by  one  judge,  renewed  it,  with  no  better 
success,  in  the  Supreme  Court  of  Pennsylvania,  where  the  chief 
justice's  opinion -was  confirmed.  Lockington  then  appealed  to 
the  United  States  court  for  that  district,  by  suing  the  marshal 
for  trespass  in  confining  him.  Judgment  was  not  given  till 
1817.  But  it  belongs  to  the  subject  to  add  hei-e  that  Chief 
Justice  Tilghman's  opinion  was  again  and  strongly  confirmed 
by  Judge  Washington,  who  held  the  president's  summary  power, 
exercised  through  the  department  of  state,  and  executed  by  the 
marshal,  without  judicial  intervention,  to  be  the  clear  meaning 
of  the  act  of  Congr«8B. 

The  act  of  Congress  respecting  alien  enemies  was,  by  sup- 
plement of  July,  1812,  declared  not  to  extend  to  any  treatjr 
expired,  or  not  in  force  the  19th  of  June,  when  the  president's 
proclamation  issued,  which  briefly  enjoined  on  all  persons  in 
office  to  be  vigilant  and  zealous  in  discharging  their  duties,  and 
Vol.111.— 8 


u 


:«i*i^s*^Bifw^«^+ 


i    t 


114 


ALIBN   LAW. 


the  people  to  exert  themselves  in  supporting  and  invigorating 
all  measures  of  the  constituted  authorities  for  obtaining  a 
speedy,  just,  and  honorable  peace.  The  special  instructions 
for  enforcement  of  the  restraint  of  alien  enemies  were  issued 
by  John  Mason,  commissary-generfil  of  prisoners,  and  from  the 
department  of  state,  addressed  to  the  marshals,  and  published 
in  the  oflScial  newspapers. 

About  the  time  of  the  before-mentioned  decision  in  Pennsyl- 
vania, the  Supreme  Court  of  New  York  determined  that  alien 
enemies  may  sue  in  American  courts  during  war  with  their  coun- 
try, unless  it  duly  appears  that  they  are  at  the  time  adhering  to 
the  enemy.    Even  prisoners  of  war  may  sue,  if  resident  in  the 
country  before  and  at  the  time  of  war,  which  uuplies  permission 
from  the  government.    Such  is  the  usage  and  law  of  nations, 
•which  is  part  of  the  eommon  law  without  municipal  adoption. 
An  alien  who  comes  to  reside  in  a  foreign  country,  is  entitled,  so 
long  as  he  conducts  himself  peaceably,  to  continue  to  reside  there 
under  the  public  protection,  and  it  reqmres  the  express  will  of 
the  sovereign  power  to  order  him  away.     The  rigor  of  the  old 
rules  of  war  no  longer  exists,  when  wars  are  carried  on  with 
the  moderation  that  commerce  inspires.     It  may  now  be  re- 
garded as  the  public  law  of  Europe  that  the  subjects  of  an 
enemy,  without  confining  the  rule  to  merchants,  so  long  as 
they  are  permitted  to  remain  in  the  country,  are  to  be  protected 
in  their  persons  and  property.    If  ordered  away  in  consequence 
of  war,  they  may  leave  a  power  of  attorney  and  collect  their 
debts  by  suit.    A  right  to  confiscate  the  debts  due  to  the  enemy 
was  the  rigoirous  doctrine  of  the  ancient  law ;  but  temporary 
disability  to  sue  was  ajl  Grotius  seemed  willing  to  allow  to  hos- 
tilities.   Since  his  time,  continual  e£forts  have  been  made  to 
strengthen  justice,  to  restrain  the  intemperance  of  war,  and  to 
promote  the  intercourse  and  happiness  of  mankind.     These 
doctrines,  laid,  down  by  Chief  Justice  Kent,  »nd  fortified  by 
numerous  quotations  tod  authorities,  in  verse  as  well  as  profie, 
appeared  with  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  New  York. 
Judge  Kent's  learning  and  professional  zeal,  the  ptority  of  hia 
long  life,  and  simplicity  of  his  manners,  together  with  respectable 
contributions  to  the  literature  as  well  as  the  aeience  of  law, 


5  and  invigorating 
i  for  obtaining  a 
pecial  instructions 
lemica  were  issued 
ners,  and  from  the 
lals,  and  published 

Bcision  in  Ponnsyl- 
;ermined  that  alien 
mv  ■with  their  coun- 
le  time  adhering  to 
I,  if  resident  in  the 
implies  permission 
ind  law  of  nations, 
nunicipal  adoption, 
intry,  is  entitled,  so 
;iuue  to  reside  there 
the  express  will  of 
he  rigor  of  the  old 
are  carried  on  with 
It  may  now  be  re- 
the  subjects  of  an 
chants,  so  long  as 
,  are  to  be  protected 
way  in  consequence 
sy  and  collect  their 
is  due  to  the  enemy 
aw;  but  temporary 
ling  to  allow  to  hos- 
have  been  made  to 
■ance  of  war,  and  to 
f  mankind.     These 
nt,  «nd  fortified  by 
rse  as  well  as  profie, 
Court  of  New  York, 
d,  the  ptarity  of  hia 
ther  with  respectable 
the  science  of  law, 


WP*^- 


MILITIA. 


115 


rank  him  among  the  most  authoritative  of  American  jurists. 
But  as  one  of  the  executive  council  of  the  State  of  New  York, 
mixing  politics  with  law,  mitigations  of  common  law  for  hosti- 
lities and  aggravations  of  prize  law  were  joined  in  preposterous 
confusion.  About  the  same  time,  the  Supreme  Court  of  Nc^v 
York  refused  summarily  to  set  aside  execution  where  the  plain- 
tiff, with  judgment  obtained  before  war,  resided  thereafter  in 
Canada,  as  an  alien  enemy.  Soon  after  that  decision,  the  same 
court  determmed  that  war  only  saspenda  right  of  suit  till 

peace.  / 

Every  national  sovereignty  has  a  pararaotint  right  to  the 
military  services  of  its  people  for  defensive  war;  for  which 
every  man  is  bound  to  serve  and  sacrifice  life,  if  need  be,  for 
his  country ;  which  he  forfeits  by  taking  up  arms  against  his 
government.     The  trinodial  necessity  of  military  service,  build- 
ing fortresses  and  repairing  bridges,  preceded  feudal  tenures. 
But  how  best  military  duty  can  be  exacted,  has  always  been 
the  diflBcult  problem  which  it  still  continues  to  be  for  us  of 
English  descent.    Hweditary  monaxchs,  with  elective  generals, 
elected  by  the  temporary  armies  they  commanded,  according  to 
Csesar  and  Tacitus,  were  the  military  government  of  the  Ger- 
man ancestors  of  the  Saxon  forefathers  of  the  British  people, 
from  whom  North  Americans  are  mostly  descended.     The 
Normans  carried  feuds  and  knights,  with  escuage  and  other 
feudal  liabilities  mto  England.     Statutes  for  arming  the  people, 
and  county  lieutenancies  of  the  king  to  muster  and  train  them, 
followed;  superseded  by  royal  guards  and  standing  armies, 
sometimes  without  act  of  parliament.   It  is  questionable  whether 
standing  armies  or  occasional  levies  cost  most  money,  taking  a 
cycle,  or  destroy  most  foes.    The  extolled  science  of  modern 
warfare,  gunpowder,  great  guns  and  jJl,  does  not  kill  or  cap- 
ture more  than  the  armies  of  antiquity;  and  in  most  of  the 
wars  of  the  last  hundred  years,  the  inexperienced  vanquished 
at  first,  have  come  off  victors  at  last  over  the  first  disciplined. 
For  the  purposes  of  police,  and  to  suppress  insurrections,  a 
distinct  cUmbs  of  soldkry  is  contrary  to  the  tiieory,  and  dan- 
gerous to  the  existence  of  free  government.    The  proceedings 
of  parliament,  to  deprive  the  king  of  the  command  of  even 


116 


MILITIA. 


militia,  were  among  the  first  steps  of  the  English  Revolution : 
and  Warburton,  in  a  note  to  Clarendon,  vaunts  that  no  revo- 
lution can  be  brought  about  in  spite  of  a  bravo,  veteran  and 
well-disciplined  army,  indisposed  to  change.  So  loyal  a  mo- 
narchist aa  Blackstono  denounces  the  peril  to  liberty  from  any 
distinct  profession  of  arms;  insisting  that,  enlisted  for  short 
periods,  soldiers  should  bo  intermixed  with  the  people,  without 
separate  camp,  barricades  or  inland  fortress,  and  a  stated  num- 
ber discharged  at  intervals,  so  as  to  keep  up  constant  con- 
nexion between  them  and  the  people.  When  he  wrote,  about 
the  beginning  of  our  Revolution,  the  standing  army  of  Qreat 
Britain  was  maintained  only  to  protect  royal  possessions  on 
the  continent  of  Europe,  and  the  balance  of  continental  power ; 
liable  to  disbandment  once  a  year,  by  the  annual  mutiny  act 
for  adding  another  year  to  its  existence.  As  long  as  Rome 
was  a  great  and  growing  republic,  the  soldiers  were  the  people, 
says  Montesquieu,  until  Marius  laid  the  foundations  of  usurped 
empire  by  enlisting  the  rabble  of  Italy  into  the  army.  It  is 
supposed  that  no  state  can  maintain  more  than  one-hundredth 
part  of  its  population  in  arms  and  idleness.  Yet  experience 
teaches  that,  without  military  segregation  and  subordination, 
one  body  and  one  will,  belligerent  science  and  operations  can- 
not be  perfected.  Such  an  institution,  unknown  to  the  British 
cpnstitution,  according  to  Blackstone,  Hamilton,  in  the  Fe- 
deralist, avers  is  not  an  unconstitutional  standing  army  in  these 
United  States,  unless  kept  up  by  the  execmtive  alone,  without 
sanction  of  the  legislature. 

No  trace  of  Alfred's  supposed  plan  of  a  militia  for  England 
is  extant ;  nor  was  it  till  as  late  as  1757,  that  the  militia  of 
that  kingdom  was  established  as  since  known,  Viz.,  merely 
looal  and  defensive  troops,  seldom  liable  to  be  marched  out  of 
their  own  counties,  never  out  of  the  kingdom.  Hallam,  in  his 
Constitutional  History,  inveighing  against  standing  armies,  con- 
fesses, or  complains,  that  British  militia  have  become  unpopular 
and  burthensome  in  England,  without  diminishing  the  standing 
army,  and  serving  little  more  than  to  furnish  recruits  for  the  re- 
gular army,  and  in  France  the  magnificent  national  guard  cre- 
ated by  La  Fayette  has  been  disbanded  by  President  Bonaparte. 


glish  Revolution : 
its  that  no  revo- 
■avo,  veteran  and 
So  loyal  a  mo- 
liborty  from  any 
Bnlisted  for  short 
je  people,  without 
und  a  stated  num- 
up  constant  con- 
n  he  wrote,  about 
ig  army  of  Great 
'al  possessions  on 
iontinental  power ; 
annual  mutiny  act 
As  long  as  Rome 
8  were  the  people, 
dations  of  usurped 
I  the  army.    It  is 
iian  one-hundredth 
.    Yet  experience 
md  subordination, 
nd  operations  can- 
town  to  the  British 
ailton,  in  the  Fo- 
lding army  in  these 
tive  alone,  without 

ailitia  for  England 
that  the  militia  of 
lown,  viz.,  merely 
be  marched  out  of 
m.  Hallam,  in  his 
anding  armies,  con- 
e  become  unpopular 
ishing  the  standing 
I  recruits  for  the  re- 
national  guard  cre- 
resident  Bonaparte. 


MHITIA. 


IIT 


So  militia  have  proved  a  diflRcult  subject  in  these  United  States; 
indispensable   and  intractable,  formidable  as  suffrngann,  not 
always  as  soldiers,  often  worthless,  sometimes  invaluable,  but 
at  nil  events  the  most  expensive  troops.     The  disaffected  go- 
vernment of  Massachusetts,  as  soon  as  war  began,  at  once  sug- 
gested a  constitutional  misconstruction  to  thwart  belligerent 
operations  and  embarrass  the  federal  government  on  the  de- 
bateablo  ground  between  Stote  and  United  States  authority 
over  the  militia.    On  the  Ist  of  August,  1812,  Governor  Strong 
called  on  the  Supreme  Court  of  Massachusetts  for  their  official 
advice  whether,  first,  the  President  or  the  Governor  was  to 
judge  if  the  exigency  had  arisen  requiring  the  Governor  to 
place  the  militia  in  the  service  of  the  United  States,  at  the 
requisition  of  the  President;  and,  secondly,  whether  when 
the  exigency  is  determined,  and  the  militia  employed  accord- 
ingly, they  can  be  lawfully  commanded  by  any  but  militia 
officers,  except  the  President.    Three  of  the  judges  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  Parsons,  the  chief  justice,  called,  not  without 
reason,  from  his  great  learning  and  talents,  a  Giant  of  the 
Law,  with  two  associates,  Sewall  and  Parker,  who  afterwards 
each  in  turn  succeeded  Parsons  as  chief  justice  of  Massachu- 
setts, did  not  hesitate  to  pledge  their  characters  and  responsi- 
biUty  to  the  gross  absurdity  of  answering  both  propositions 
acceptably  to  the  disaffected  State  and  annoyingly  to  the 
federal  government. 

Connecticut  coincided  in  these  palpable  heresies,  whi-^h  were 
not  only  rejected,  but  denounced  every  where  south  and  west 
of  New  England.    When  submitted  by  a  case  of  elaborated 
pleadings  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  New  York,  in  1814,  the 
opinion  of  that  court,  delivered  by  one  of  its  ablest  and  boldest 
judges,  Spencer,  declared  that  the  President,  and  he  alone,  is 
made  the  judge  as  well  of  the  happening  of  the  eve-ts  on  which 
the  militia  may  be  called  forth,  as  of  the  numbe.,  time,  and 
destination  of  that  force.    It  would  be  monstrous,  he  added, 
to  countenance  the  construction  contended  for,  that  whether 
the  President  acted  correctly  in  making  his  requisitions  might 
be  drawn  in  question  by  every  subordinate  officer.    Ambrose 
Spencer,  then  an  associate,  afterward  chief  justice  of  the  Su- 
preme Court  of  New  York  in  its  best  days,  waa  distinguished 


I 


I  ml 


I  I 


118 


MILITIA. 


ii 


by  the  superior  strergkh  of  his  judicial  decisions.  With  sons 
in  the  army  and  navy,  bravely  serving  their  country,  ho  felt 
the  odium  as  well  as  unsoundness  of  the  Massachusetts  militia 
positions,  which  are  exposed  by  William  Ilawle  in  his  troiitiso 
on  the  federal  constitution.  Another  New  York  militia  con- 
troversy during  the  wars,  procrastinated  till  1827,  before  final 
decision  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  at  last, 
by  the  unanimous  judgment  of  that  court,  pronounced  by  Judge 
Story,  a  Massachusetts  lawyer,  put  to  rest  for  ever  the  facti(jua 
militia  objections  originating  with  disaffection  in  that  state.  Its 
constituted  authorities  suffered  part  of  the  state  to  bo  taken 
by  the  enemy  without  resistance;  and  if  more  extensive  inva- 
sion had  occurred  there,  Governor  Strong,  with  his  judicial 
advisers,  must  have  found  their  anti-federal  recalcitration  still 
more  paralysing. 

Another  militia  diflficulty,  propagated  from  the  same  quarter, 
was,  whether  they  are  liable  for  more  than  local,  sedentary 
and  defensive  or  domestic  service ;  not  to  bo  marched  from  their 
own  vicinities  —  at  all  events,  not  out  of  the  United  States. 
English  militia  would  hardly  submit  to  be  transported  beyond 
their  own  insular  bulwarks,  to  wage  continental  wars  for  llauo- 
verian  possessions,  or  the  balance  of  power.     But  neither  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  acts  of  Congress,  or  the 
nature  of  things,  suppose  the  power  to  repel  invasion,  or  to 
repress  insurrection,  to  be  without  right  to  go  from  one  State 
into  another,  or  transgress  the  riverain  or  ideal  boundaries  of 
the  United  States.    When  Washington  marched  to  suppress 
an  insurrection  in  Pennsylvania,  he  commanded  militia  from 
several  other  States,  with  their  several  Governors  at  their 
heads.     Militia  composed  the  greater  part  of  the  armies 
of  Hull  and  Harrison,  wheA  they  invaded  Canada,  and  of 
Jackson,  when  he  penetrated  into  the  Mississippi  Territory. 
The  acts  of  Congress  expressly  authorize  the  President  to  call 
out  the  militia  of  one  State  to  suppress  insurrection  in  another. 
Whenever  in  actual  service,  the  militia  are  under  the  disci- 
pline of  the  army  of  the  United  States,  their  pay  and  punish- 
ment are  the  same;  the  President  is  their  commander-in-chief; 
and  if  he  may  judge  when  it  is  necessary  co  call  them  out,  he 
can  likewise  best  judge  whether  offensive  and  invading  warfare 


MIUTIA. 


119 


sums.     With  sons 

r  country,  ho  fdt 

sachuscttH  militia 

wle  in  his  trout iso 

York  militia  con- 

1827,  before  fiiml 

etl  StutoH,  at  lii8t, 

nouncod  by  Judge 

r  ever  the  factious 

in  that  state.     Its 

state  to  bo  taken 

ore  extensive  invu- 

;,  with  his  judicial 

rocalcitratiou  btill 

»  the  same  quarter, 
in  local,  sedentary 
marched  from  their 
the  United  States. 
transported  beyond 
ital  wars  for  llauo- 
'.     But  neither  the 
f  Congress,  or  the 
opel  invasion,  or  to 
go  from  one  State 
ideal  boundaries  of 
arched  to  suppress 
landed  militia  from 
Governors  at  their 
art  of  the  armies 
d  Canada,  and  of 
ssissippi  Territory, 
ie  President  to  call 
rrection  in  another, 
e  under  the  disci- 
iir  pay  and  punish- 
)mmander-in-chief ; 
3  call  them  out,  he 
d  invading  warfare 


mny  not,  according  to  circumstances,  be  the  best  method  of 
defending  the  country. 

Ill  a  case  which  originated  during  the  war,  thotigh  not  finnlly 
determined  till  1820,  it  was  resolved,  by  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States,  that  the  power  of  militia  courts-martini 
to  punish  men  disobeying  the  President's  call  to  service  is  not 
exclusively  federal,  but  that  States  may,  by  law,  authoiise  such 
courts,  when  Congress  has  not  done  so:  and  also,  that  the 
President  may  call  on  any  officers  of  the  State  militia  for  a 
draft  of  them.  Federal  control  and  martial  law  do  not  attach 
to  militia  till  in  actual  service,  when  they  become  exclusively 
national  troops,  of  whom  the  President  is  commander-in-chief, 
as  if  part  of  the  army  of  the  United  States  for  the  period  of 
service.  The  opinion  of  the  court,  delivered  by  Judge  Wash- 
ington, together  with  gratuitous  arguments  by  Judges  Johnson 
and  Story,  are  not  without  the  judicial  diversity  inseparable 
from  political  jurisprudence ;  while  that  of  the  court,  never* 
thelcss,  harmonises  federal  with  State  authority,  as  is  always 
desirable,  affirming  the  judgment  of  the  Supreme  Court  of 
Pennsylvania,  always,  since  Penn  first  suggested  union,  studious 
of  that  national  compact.  That  court  likewise  adjudged  that  all 
men  are  bound  to  serve  in  the  militia,  if  inhabitants,  and  not  by 
law  excepted.  Some  other  adjudications  of  militia  law  by  the 
courts  of  the  United  States,  occasioned  by  the  war  of  1812, 
not  involving  constitutional  or  fundamental  political  questions, 
do  not  fall  within  the  scope  of  this  Historical  Sketch. 

On  the  7th  of  March,  1814,  the  committee  on  the  judiciary 
reported  to  the  House  of  Representatives  a  bill  prescribing  the 
mode  of  commencing,  prosecuting,  and  deciding  controversies 
between  two  or  more  States.  Soon  afterwards,  on  the  12th  of 
that  month,  the  National  Intelligencer  published  at  large  another 
important  bill,  reported  from  that  committee,  to  amend  the  ju- 
dicial system  of  the  United  States.  As  neither  of  these  bills  was 
taken  into  consideration,  it  is  superfluous,  to  notice  them  further. 

During  more  than  thirty  years  of  profound  peace,  seoureci 
by  less  than  three  of  that  war,  the  United  States  had  no  oppor- 
tujuty  of  shewing  that,  as  a  belligerent  nation,  they  concede 


120 


MKXICAN   WAR. 


i 


to  noutriiU  the  rights  which,  as  a  neutral  nation,  thoy  roquircd 
from  helligt'rentH.  At  longtli  another  war  was  provoked  and 
begun  hy  Mexico,  as  history  will  eventually  record,  rectifying 
much  European,  especially  Englinh,  and  Bonio  American  mis- 
representation on  that  subject.  The  United  States  have  never 
been  aggressors.  Both  their  foreign  wars  have  boon  defensive, 
not  uiKlertukcn  till  after  long  forbearance ;  the  Mexican  not 
less  than  the  English.  And  the  great  cause  of  freedom  and 
humanity,  vindicated  against  England,  was  further  advanced  by 
hostilities  with  Mexico.  Liberty  of  the  seas,  mitigated  warfare, 
princii)le8  of  peace,  and  rights  of  property,  vindicated  ogainst 
Great  Britain,  are  the  most  memorable,  beneficial  and  lasting 
contiucsta  of  the  Mexican  war,  not  yet  outshining,  but  eventually 
to  eclipse,  its  splendid  victories  ond  golden  aggrandizements. 

Off  the  formidable  fortress  of  St.  Juan  d'UUoa,  the  Ame- 
rican squadron,  blockading  La  Vera  Cruas,  was  overlooked  by 
lloating,  perhaps  frowning,  broadsides  of  the  navies  of  Great 
Britain,  France,  Spain,  Holland — most  of  the  maritime  powers 
of  Europe ;  whoso  consular  flags,  streaming  from  the  city,  also 
denoted  commercial  protection  to  neutral  nations.  If  those  of 
the  northern  European  naval  powers  were  not  there,  their 
sympathies  were  with  us.  An  American  army,  close  packed 
on  board  their  squadron,  was  commanded,  both  army  and  navy, 
by  lineal  martial  descendants  of  the  war  for  sea  liberties, 
wrested  from  England :  both  of  them  of  the  few  who  then,  by 
sea  and  land,  nobly  proved  that  triumph  comes  of  daring,  as 
prudence  is  providence,  and  achievement  the  child  of  discretion 
and  audacity  united.  In  the  little  squadron  which  hurried  to 
sea  the  moment  war  was  declared,  in  181.2,  fearful,  only,  that 
its  going  might  be  forbid  as  too  periloufi,  sailed  an  obscure  and 
modest  youth,  David  Conner,  soon  captured  while  conducting 
the  first  British  prize  into  an  American  port ;  who,  in  1846, 
commanded  the  squadron  operating  against  Mexico.  On  the 
deck  of  his  frigate,  "  proudly  eminent,"  stood  the  ostentatious 
young  brigadier,  Winfield  Scott,  whom  two  years  of  continual 
reverses,  in  1812-13,  only  nerved  for  further  effort ;  and  when 
the  army  seemed  incapable  of  success,  heading  other  brave 
spirits,  like  the  navy,  almost  in  spite  of  superior  orders,  he  led 


tion,  tlioy  required 
wa»  provoked  and 
y  record,  rectifying 
nio  American  niiH- 
1  States  have  never 
ttvo  boon  defensive, 
;  the  Mexican  not 
iSo  of  freedom  and 
'urthor  advanced  by 
,  mitigated  warfare, 
,  vindicated  against 
noficial  and  lasting 
riing,  but  eventually 
aggrandizements. 
d'UUoa,  the  Amo- 
was  overlook  od  by 
he  navies  of  Great 
he  maritime  powers 
;  from  the  city,  also 
itions.    If  those  of 
re  not  there,  their 
army,  close  packed 
oth  army  and  navy, 
.r  for  sea  liberties, 
le  few  who  then,  by 
somes  of  daring,  as 
le  child  of  discretion 
on  which  hurried  to 
I,  fearful,  only,  that 
tiled  an  obscure  and 
ed  while  conducting 
tort;  who,  in  1846, 
9t  Mexico.     On  the 
ood  the  ostentatious 
)  years  of  continual 
er  effort ;  and  when 
leading  other  brave 
>crior  orders,  he  led 


I 


MEXICAN  WAR.  "121 

them  all  cap,ir!soncd  in  their  most  con«picnou«  garb,  into  the 
mighty  ene.»y-«  domain,  resolved  to  break  the  laliH.n.ui  of 
llritiHl.  invincibility,  or  pcri«h  in  the  trial.  Future  history, 
real  u.hI  legcndu.y,  will  illu^imte  the  combats  of  those  Ame- 
rican  IloraHi,  by  sea  mid  land,  who  challenged  supeimr  num- 
bers to  uneuual  combats,  on  which  national  independence  and 
maritime  liberty  d.-pended.  The  drngon's  teeth  they  sowed 
bore  their  first  fruits  in  Canada,  and  their  second  m  Mexico. 

Never  have  war's  annals  celebrated  a  combined  railitiiry  and 
naval  operation  so  successfully  conducted  as  the  landu.g  of 
Scott's  twelve  thousand  soldiers  from  Conner's  s.iuadron.     JNo 
jealousy  of  corps,  no  strife  of  superiors  or  insubordmation  of 
inferiors,  scarcely  any  casualty  interfered  with  the  aO.n.rablo 
regularity  and  marvellous  facility  of  that  descent  of  the  north 
upon  the  south,  the  white  upon  the  brown  men.     Magnificent 
equatorial  sunshine  gilded  northern  arms,  inexplicably  favored 
by  southern  reticence,  as  from  a  bay  of  storms,  then  placid  as 
a  prairie,  without  molestation  or  delay,  the  army  steppe.l  from 
the  navy  upon  the  sea  of  sands  ashore;  and  seamen  emulating 
soldiers,  all  eagerly  at  once  cheered  their  commanders  to  assault 
a  place  which  it  was  supposed  would  cost  a  thou  and  slam  to 
carry  by  assault.    Wilkinson  charged  Scott,  in  1814,  with  the 
odinmoV^abutcher's  bilV'  for  his  bloody  exploits  atBridgcwator; 
who,  become  veteran,  with  scarce  any  loss  of  life  except  hostile, 
by  a  few  days'  scientific  strategy,  with  naval  co-operation,  sub- 
dued  both  the  strong  city  and  the  fortress  deemed  impregnable. 
Paris,  London,  and  St.  Petersburg,  all  the  capitals  of  the  old 
world,  whore  force  maintains  order  and  peace  is  mortgaged  to 
victory,  listened  respectfully  to  the  republican  trumpet,  at 
whoso  blast  fell  the  walls  of  Mexico.    Nor  will  the  considerate 
of  this  new,  cheap,  poorly-armed  nation,  be  insensible  to  the 
effect  of  war  as  sometimes  the  only  peace-maker.    But  if  this 
republic  remains  faithful  to  its  institutions,  its  richest  gratifica- 
tions from  hostilities  will  be  the  pacific  principles  proclaimed, 
signalised,  and  effectuated  by  those  with  England  and  with 
Mexico.    By  war  with  England  the  dominion  of  the  seas  was, 
at  least,  bcr^t  off;  in  that  with  Mexico  it  was  entirely  laid 
down.    For  the  first  time  the  golden  rule  of  peace  and  property 


^it: 


122 


MEXICAN   WAR. 


recognising  the  sea  as  tie  dominion  of  no  nation,  but  common 
to  all  alike,  was  inaugurated  by  the  American  navy  proclaiming 
it  from  their  mast-heads,  in  the  presence  of  those  of  England, 
France,  Holland,  and  Spain.  That  free  ships  make  free  goods 
was  then  reinstated,  after  long  abeyance  and  much  denial,  by 
American  vessels  of  war,  with  all  war's  rights  and  powers,  de- 
claring to  English,  French,  Spanish,  Dutch,  and  all  other  mer- 
chant-vessels, that  their  flags  protect  their  cargoes.  I  am  not 
able  to  aver,  by  the  record,  that  instructions  from  government 
diiected  our  vessels  of  war  to  acknowledge  that  free  ships  make 
free  goods.  If  not,  and  the  commanding  naval  officers  never- 
theless did  so,  as  is  positively  affirmed  by  Lieutenant  Semmes, 
in  his  instrtictive  work  on  that  war,  so  much  the  more  do  com- 
manding officers  Conner  and  Perry,  without  superior  orders, 
making  that  acknowledgment,  show  how  deeply  engraven  the 
principle  was  in  naval  understanding  by  the  war  of  1812. 
Nor  do  I  know  whether  the  English  modern  perversions  of 
the  es«tablished  regulations  of  contraband  were  expressly 
overruled  by  orders  from  our  government.  But  no  prize-court, 
or  public  sentiment  in  the  Ui^ited  States  would  have  tolerated 
attempts  to  enforce  English  usurpations  in  this  respect,  con- 
tradicted by  all  American  commercial  treaties.  As  to  blockade, 
the  letter  of  the  secretary  of  the  navy,  Mr.  Bancroft,  of  the 
13th  of  May,  1845,  was  in  terms  explicit  that  blockade  must 
be  stlict  and  absolute,  by  adequate  force,  with' due  notice  to 
neutrals,  giving  as  much  publicity  as  possible  to  the  declaration, 
and  allowing  centrals  already  in  port  twenty  days  to  leave  it ; 
and  respecting  English  mail  steamers,  to  follow  the  precedent 
set  by  the  French  in  their  recent  blockade  of  Vera  Cruz  with 
regard  to  them*  So  strong  was  the  American  naval  sentiment 
on  that  subject,  that  when  an  officer  of  the  war  of  1812,  Com- 
modore Biddle,  in  1847,  found  that  a  junior  officer  had  pro- 
claimed a  blockade  more  extensive  than  he  had  war-vessels  to 
enforce,  the  senior  at  once  rescinded  the  junior's  proclamation. 
No  search  was  attempted  but  such  as  could  not  possibly  give 
otfence.  The  British  frigate  Endymion,  one  of  the  squadron 
that  captured  Decatur  in  the  President,  in  1816,  was  the  British 
flag-ship  off  La  Vera  Cruz  in  1846-7.     Instead  of  the  inimical 


MEXICAV  WAR. 


1128 


nation,  but  common 
■ican  navy  proclaiming 
of  those  of  England, 
ships  make  free  goods 
and  much  denial,  by 
"ights  and  powers,  de- 
:ch,  and  all  other  mer- 
ir  cargoes.     I  am  not 
ions  from  government 
that  free  ships  make 
naval  officers  never- 
f  Lieutenant  Semmes, 
mch  the  more  do  com- 
hout  superior  orders, 
r  deeply  engraven  the 
by  the  war  of  1812. 
odern  perversions  of 
band   were    expressly 
.     But  no  prize-court, 
J  would  have  tolerated 
i  in  this  respect,  con- 
ities.    As  to  blockade, 
Mr.  Bancroft,  of  the 
!it  that  blockade  must 
56,  with  due  notice  to 
ible  to  the  declaration, 
snty  days  to  leave  it ; 
•  follow  the  precedent 
de  of  Vera  Cruz  with 
rican  naval  sentiment 
le  war  of  1812,  Com- 
mior  officer  had  pro- 
be had  war-vessels  to 
iunior's  proclamation, 
uld  not  possibly  give 
one  of  the  squadron 
1816,  waa  the  British 
istead  of  the  inimical 


and  uncomfortable  feelings  that  once  estranged  English  from 
American  naval  officers,  the  most  courteous  and  the  kindest 
intercourse  prevailed,  as  always  should,  among  them.  The 
British  flag  witnessed  not  the  abdication,  for  it  never  assumed, 
but  the  entire  voluntary  renunciation,  by  the  American  flag, 
of  those  predatory  practices  by  sea  which  war  ashore  disowns, 
and  which  are  always  pregnant  with  strife,  ill-blood,  hostility, 
and  spoliation.  The  American  navy  seized,  with  proud  alacrity, 
their  first  opportunity  of  practical  demonstration  that  what,  as 
neutrals,  they  require  of  belligerents,  as  belligerents  they  spon- 
taneously concede  to  neutrals.  They  did  more  in  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico  to  vindicate,  practically,  maritime  peace  and  property 
than  all  the  many  peace  societies  that  have  for  ages  in  vain 
striven  theoretically  to  endoctrinate  mankind.  In  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico,  an  American  close  sea,  they  reversed  Selden's  Mare 
Clausum  and  Woodeson's  more  modern,  but  scarcely  less  ob- 
jectionable, doctrine  that  the  sea  is  part  of  the  British  realm). 

The  Mexican  not  being  a  maritime  war,  afibrded  few  occa- 
sions by  sea-prizes  for  American  judicial  notice  of  maritime 
questions.  Only  one  prize  case  came  before  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States.  But  in  that  one,  with  Scott's  decisions, 
quoted,  his  perversions  of  blockade  and  of  commercial  residence 
were  not  sanctioned,  but  the  liberal  principles  of  modern  war 
law  unanimously  adjudicated.  The  humane  spirit  of  Marshall 
prevailed  in  a  judgment  to  which,  if  he  had  lived,  Kent  must  have 
yielded  his  fondness  for  Scott's  harsh  law.  If  Great  Britain, 
as  there  is  reason  to  hope,  contradicted  by  all  the  world  in  these 
sea-rights,  conf6rms  to  their  mitigation,  as  thus  enforced  in 
fact  and  by  law,  maritime  hostilities  must  be  much  abridged, 
with  all  their  burdensome  charges,  their  violations  of  iubfiiensive 
property  and  profitable  enterprise,  their  intolerable  abuses  and 
inflictions.  The  benign  influence  of  commercial  intercourse  will 
be  vastly  increased.  Commercial  prosperity  will  be  the  crea- 
tion of  industry  and  enterprise,  not  of  war  and  spoliation. 
Peace  will  profit  more  than  war.  Acts  of  peace  will  be  more 
glorious  than  feats  of  arms. 

Without  atiy  design  of  describing  the  Mexican  invasion,  there 


124 


MEXICAN  WAR. 


belongs  to  this  view  of  its  marine  effects  some  further  account 
of  the  improved  warfare  by  which  it  was  achieved  ashore. 

After  many  years  of  menacing  recriminations,  the  stagnating 
vis  inertise  of  bodies  politic  still  benumbed  Congress,  when 
startled  by  the  presidential  message  that  Mexico  had  drawn 
blood  by  beginning  hostilities  on  our  soil.     On  the  spur  of  that 
excitement,  after,  with  great  unanimity,  passing  the  act  de- 
claring war.  Congress  soon  relapsed  into  lethargy,  parsimony, 
and  faction,   and  with  difficulty  enacted  indispensable  pro- 
visions.    Upon  General  Taylor's  complaints  to  the  secretary 
of  war,  that  murders  aind  other  shameful  atrocities  were  com- 
mitted among  the  troops,  which  the  articles  of  war  did  not 
reach,  and  he  had  no  authority  to  punish,  the  secretary  in  vain 
called  on  Congress  for  adequate  legislation.     Nothing  was 
done.     After  Taylor,   by  his  inaugurating  victories,  broke 
the  Mexican  spirit,  and  paved  the  way  for  Scott's  still  more 
brilliant  triumphs,  one  of  his  first  general  orders  when  he  took 
command  at  Tampico  was  to  supply  our  default  in  Congress 
by  proclaiming  martial  law,  for  the  prevention  and  punishment 
of  many  crimes  and  offences  not  provided  for  by  the  rules  and 
articles  of  war  enacted  by  Congress  in  1806.    Various  homi- 
cides, theft,  rape,  and  other  offences,  desecration  of  churches^ 
cemeteries,  and  other  religious  edifices  and  fixtures,  interruption 
of  religious  ceremonies,  destruction  of  either  private  or  public 
property,  except  by  superior  orders,  were  accordingly  interdicted 
by  martial,  superadded  to  established  military  law;  and  its 
administration  enforced  with  impartial  justice  on  Americans 
and  Mexicans  alike,  by  military  courts.     General  Worth  from 
the  advance  of  the  army  informed  General  Scott  that  martial 
law,  in  that  spirit,  administered,  "took  admirably,  and  produced 
more  decided  effects  than  all  the  blows  from  Palo  Alto  to  Cerro 
Gordo."    The  English  minister  at  Washington,  Mr.  Pakenham, 
who  had  been  many  years  in  that  capacity  in  Mexico,  declared 
his  opinion  that  it  would  prove  impossible  for  the  Americail 
army  to  make  good  its  way  from  La  Vera  Cruz  to  the  City 
of  Mexico.    Baron  Geroldt,  the  Prussian  minister  at  Wash- 
ington, who  also  had  been  in  that  capacity  in  Mexico,  pro- 
nounced the  Mexican  troops  excellent  soldiers.    Which  authori- 


MEXICAN  WAK. 


125 


|ome  further  account 
ihicved  ashore, 
tions,  the  stagnating 
•ed  Congress,  when 
Mexico  had  drawn 
On  the  spur  of  that 
passing  the  act  dc- 
lethargy,  parsimony, 
indispensable  pro- 
its  to  the  secretary 
atrocities  were  cora- 
cles of  war  did  not 
the  secretary  in  vain 
ition.     Nothing  was 
ing  victories,  broke 
"or  Scott's  still  more 
orders  when  he  took 
default  in  Congress 
ition  and  punishment 
for  by  the  rules  and 
806.     Various  homi- 
ecration  of  churchesj 
fixtures,  interruption 
ther  private  or  public 
Bcordingly  interdicted 
lilitary  law;  and  its 
ustice  on  Americans 
General  Worth  from 
il  Scott  that  martial 
lirably,  and  produced 
m  Palo  Alto  to  Cerro 
gton,  Mr.  Pakenham, 
■  in  Mexico,  declared 
le  for  the  American 
ra  Cruz  to  the  City 
1  minister  at  Wash- 
lity  in  Mexico,  pro- 
ers.    Which  authori- 


tative doubts  of  American  success  are  not  mentioned  to  disparage 
Mexican  arms,  or  exalt  their  reversal.  Vix  ea  nostra  voco  u:ay  be 
said  of  Scott  and  Taylor's  victories,  when  dwelling  on  the  much 
greater  t]:iumph9  of  humanity,  of  property,  of  religious  and 
political  liberty,  which  attended  the  march  of  the  American 
nrmics.  Numerous  trials  by  their  courts-martial  were  pub- 
lished, and  are  in  print,  exhibiting  an  administration  of  justice 
not  surpassed  by  that  of  civil  tribunals.  Accused  Mexicans 
and  Americans  were  tried  and  acquitted,  or  condemned,  fined, 
imprisoned  and  executed  with  undeniable  impartiality.  Pro- 
perty was  held  sacred.  Churches  were  inviolate.  That  only  and 
best  police  of  all  American  government,  a  free  press,  accompanied 
the  army,  every  where  publishing  $ill  transactions.  No  Ameri- 
can officer  pillaged  or  spoliated  with  impunity.  No  Mexican 
justly  complained  without  redress.  Booty  was  an  unknowa 
military  acquisition.  The  invasion  of  Mexico,  called  also  New 
Spain,  by  one  hundred  thousand  American  troops,  produced  no 
Mexican  complaints  of  war,  but  of  defeats.  By  French  inva- 
sion and  Spanish  and  English  defence  of  Old  Spain,  horrible 
rapine,  assassinations,  and  atrocities  of  all  sorts  perpetrated  in 
dreadful  conflict,  contrasted  with  American  humanised  hostilities 
in  Mexico,  seem  to  be  scarcely  acts  of  the  same  mankind. 

So  forbearing  was  the  method  of  'warfare  in  Mexico,  while 
waged  with  n^ver-failing  victories,  large  hostile  occupations  of 
territory  and  occasional  assessments  of  considerable  f'^rced 
contributions  for  the  American  army,  yet  with  plunder  so  rare, 
supplies  so  punctually  and  fairly  paid  for,  religion  and  property, 
both  public  and  private,  so  uniformly  respected,  that  Mexico, 
not  undergoing  the  tisual  hardships  of  invasion,  feeling  the 
burdens  of  her  own  government  and  the  distress  of  her  popu- 
lation BO  much  harder  to  bear  than  the  inflictions  of  such  con- 
quelrors,  there  was  reason  to  apprehend,  preferred  such  war  to' 
ordinary  peace,  and  would  protract  the  contest  as  in  amelioration; 
It  became,  thereupon,  a  serious  question  for  the  American  go- 
vernment, how  to  conduct  so  as  to  abridge  the  war ;  and  for  the 
first  time  in  the  ^nnals  of  hostilities,  relinquish,  instead  of  en- 
larging, conquered  territory.  While  war  was  waged  with  com- 
plete success  on  terms  of  forbearance  unknown  in  European  war- 


126 


MEXICAN   WAR. 


faro,  an  original  and  pacific  modification  of  hostilities  was  further- 
more introduced  by  the  president's  (Polk)  instructions  of  the  23d 
of  March,  and  the  secretary  of  the  treasury's  (Walker)  order 
of  the  30th  of  March,  1847.  Predicating  the  concjueror'a 
unquestionable  right  to  levy  contributions  on  enemy's  property 
for  defraying  belligerent  expenses,  to  establish  provisional  civil 
government,  and  prescribe  terms  on  which  commerce  might  be 
permitted  with  and  in  the  enemy's  possessions,  that  generally 
much  abused,  and  merely  military  power,  was  regulated  so  as 
to  supply  the  conquering  troops  with  funds,  without  arbitrary 
or  burdensome  contributions  levied  on  the  vanquished.  All 
nations,  instead  of  being  forcibly  excluded,  or  sfduced  by  ex- 
ceptional clandestine  licenses,  were  openly  invited,  English, 
French,  Spanish,  and  other  neutrals,  to  trade  with  Mexico, 
while  occupied  by  American  hostile  forces ;  paying  a  fair  im- 
post on  their  importations,  which  was  collected  by  naval  and 
military  American  officers,  and  applied  to  the  support  of  their 
troops.  That  original  and  admirable  modification  of  belligerent 
power  completed  the  humane  and  exemplary  hostilities  by  which 
this  country  conquered  peace,  and  with  it  large  acquisitions  of 
territory;  which,  great  as  they  are,  might  and  would  have 
been  much  greater  but  for  the  spirit  of  moderation  which 
actuated  the  American  government. 

As  a  member  of  the  select  committee  m  Congress,  charged 
with  a  report  on  the  subject  of  that  novel  fiscal  belligerent  im- 
provement, I  dissented  from  the  Bxecutive^  deeming  the  Presi- 
dent aione  authorized  to  enforce  the  imposts  laid  on  Mexico; 
because  I  consider  that  the  ckose  in  the  ConBtitution,  providing 
that  Congress  is  "  to  make  rules  concerning  captures  on  land  and 
water,"  confers  distinct  powers  not  merely  executive,  but  to  be 
executed  by  an  act  of  Congress,  approved  by  the  President. 
With  that  exception,  in  which  I  diflfer  from  many  better  able 
to  judge,  the  power  appeared  to  me  in  excellent  keeping  with 
the  whole  warfare  waged.  And  as  Sk  member  of  Congress, 
sharing  my  humble  portion  of  the  labors,  the  risks  and  respon- 
bilities  of  both  the  British  and  the  Mexican  wars,  I  crave  leave 
to  add  to  this  Historical  Sketch  of  the  first,  with  some  reference 
to  the  last,  that  I  have  never  felt  reason  to  regret  either  war. 


"^^sSmrn^^ 


MEXICAN  WAR. 


127 


liostilities  was  further- 

structions  of  the  23d 

lury'a  (Walker)  order 

ting  the  coiKiueror's 

on  enemy's  property 

■bliah  provisional  civil 

commerce  might  be 

isions,  that  generally 

was  regulated  so  as 

ids,  without  arbitrary 

;he  vanquished.     All 

ed,  or  sr^duced  by  ex- 

nly  invited,  English, 

>  trade  with  Mexico, 

es ;  paying  a  fair  im- 

)llected  by  naval  and 

)  the  support  of  their 

ification  of  belligerent 

ry  hostilities  by  which 

f;  large  acquisitions  of 
ight  and  would  have 
of  moderation  which 

I  in  Congress,  charged 
il  fiscal  belligerent  im- 
ve^  deeming  the  Presi- 
posts  laid  on  Mexico; 
[UonetitiUion,  providing 
ig  captures  on  land  and 
ly  executive,  but  to  be 
^ed  by  the  President, 
■cm  many  better  able 
sxcellent  keeping  with 
member  of  Congi'ess, 

the  risks  and  respon- 
iu.  wars,  I  crave  leave 
t,  with  some  reference 

to  regret  either  war. 


Frequent,  protracted,  ambitious  war  is  national  calamity.  Such 
war  is  inconsistent,  if  not  incompatible  with  our  popular  insti- 
tutions, of  which  peace  is  the  vital  element.  But,  unless 
biassed  by  the  interest  I  felt  in  the  two  mentioned,  they  were 
both  beneficial  to  the  patriotism,  to  the  Union,  the  republic- 
anism, and,  altogether,  the  progressive  development  of  this,  it 
must  be  confessed,  however,  yet  experimental  empire.  Still, 
whatever  be  its  duration  or  its  fate,  this  American  Republic 
has  waged  wars  for  rights  and  upon  principles  which  neither 
Napoleon,  Wellington  nor  Nelson  ever  practised,  or  indeed  con- 
ceived. In  no  development  of  humanity  has  beneficial  pro- 
gress been  more  signal  than  by  this  coimtry  in  the  rules,  prac- 
tices and  doctrines  of  that  period  of  belligerent  excitement, 
when  all  rules  and  doctrines  are  apt  to  be  disregarded. 


CHAPTER  III. 

FRBNOH  CONSULAR  REPUBLIC. 

1799-1804. 

Tendency  of  the  French  Revolution  to  representative  Government — French 
in  America — Reciprocal  Influences  of  American  and  French  Revolutions 
— Lonaparte'a  Arrival  from  Egypt  and  irregular  Election  as  Chief  Ma- 
gistrate— Consulate — His  Personal  Habits,  Temper,  Appearance,  Man- 
ners — Temperance — Economy — Religion  —  Politics — Family — Letitia 
Raroolino,  Mother  of  the  Qonapartes — Arrighi — Cardinal  Fesch — Elisa 
Bacchiochi^Her  Dauj^hter  Camarata — Pauline— Caroline — Achilles  and 
Lucien  Mufat — Joseph's  Wife  and  Family— Bonaparte's  first  Marriage — 
Josephine— Hortensia  and  Eugene  Beauhamoia — Lucien  Braapart^— His 
Family — Louis — Jerome — Joseph — Treaty  with  the  United  States^ 
Treaty  of  Amiens — Cornwallis — Consular  Ciovemment— War  by  England 
— Royalist  Plots-^Countd'Artois— Pichegru — Moreau — George  Cadoudal 
— Duke  of  Enghein — His  Execution — ^End  of  the  Republic  and  beginning 
of  the  Empire. 

Since  the  English  Revolution  of  168S,  and  religious  reforma- 
tion, free  institutions,  recognized  as  part  of  ifoitish  government, 


1^ 


188  FREXCn   REPUBLIC. 

traditional  and  predominant  in  the  United  States  before  their 
independence,  have  been  constantly  progressive  in  most  of  Eu- 
rope, especially  in  France.     The  French  Revolution  of  1789, 
following  the  American  of  1770,  after  sixty  years'  travail,  is  not, 
perhaps,  yet  at  an  end.     Kings,  monarchs,  tribunes,  directors, 
and  emperors,  h^ve  been  expelled ;  aristocracy  has  been  extir- 
pated, and  equality  established.     But  liberty,  tranquillity  and 
republicanism,  as  liberty  exists  in  England,  tranquillity  and 
republicanism  in  America,  seem  to  be  still  impracticable,  if  not 
inconceivable,  in  that  highly  civilized  and  superior  country,  so 
long  giving  impressions  to  others ;  which  is  not  surprising  when 
the  prepossessions  of  a  thousand  years  are  to  be  uprooted. 
Years  are  of  small  account  in  the  annals  of  nations,  which  tell 
by  centuries.    But  for  more  than  the  last  half  century,  the 
French  have  been  habituated  to  popular  establishments;  oftener 
than  any  other  country  in  the  world,  not  excepting  this,  have 
chosen  chief  magistrates  by  absolutely  universal  suffrage ;  and  in 
the  attainment  of  equality,  which  is  one  great  element  of  free- 
dom, they  are  a  free  people  —  much  freer  than  the  English,  or 
even  the  Americans.    In  accomplishing  that  great  emancipation, 
their  dictator-emperor  was  a  principal  agent.     For  heroes  and 
sages,  Napoleon  was  well  aware,  are  instruments  of  overruling 
Providence  to  bring  about  unlooked-for  results;  unconscious 
destroyers  of  what  they  labor  to  create ;  and  creators  of  what 
they  endeavor  to  destroy.    French  monarchs,  Bourbons  and 
Bonapartes,  are  a  necessary  part  of  the  means  to  reform  and 
meliorate,  by  forcibly  destroying  venerable  prejudices  and  in- 
veterate habits,  and  introducing  equality  with  liberty  among  the 
most  influential  people  of  Europe.    Both  time  and  force  were 
indispensable ;  time,  the  greatest  of  all  innovators,  and  surest, 
if  not  the  only  sure;  and  the  force  of  reaction  against  des- 
potism when  re-established,  as  by  Napoleon  and  Charles  X.,  as 
well  as  resistance  to  it  when  inherited,  though  mitigated,by  Louis 
XVI.    The  French,  deemed  uncommonly  impressionable  and 
inconstant,  are  still  amazingly  the  same  identical  people  de- 
scribed by  Caesar,  when  he  overran  Gaul  two  thousand  years 
ago.    Napoleon  called  himself  executor  of  the  will  of  the  au- 
thors of  the  French  Revolution,  with  whom  th©  establishment 


%  L. 


PHENCII   REPUBLIC. 


129 


States  before  their 
jssive  in  most  of  Eu- 
Revolution  of  1780, 
years'  travail,  is  not, 
1,  tribunes,  directors, 
5racy  has  been  extir- 
rty,  tranquillity  and 
nd,  tranquillity  and 
impracticable,  if  not 
superior  country,  so 
not  surprising  when 
are  to  be  uprooted. 
of  nations,  which  tell 
ist  half  century,  the 
itablishments;  oftener 
excepting  this,  have 
ersal  suffrage ;  and  in 
reat  element  of  free- 
than  the  English,  or 
it  great  emancipation, 
mt.     For  heroes  and 
uments  of  overruling 
results ;  unconscious 
and  creators  of  what 
larchs,  Bourbons  and 
means  to  reform  and 
e  prejudices  and  in- 
ith  liberty  among  the 
time  and  force  were 
novators,  and  surest, 
reaction  against  des- 
n  and  Charles  X.,  as 
gh  mitigated,by  Louis 
'  impressionable  and 
identical  peq)le  de- 
two  thousand  years 
f  the  will  of  the  au- 
m  the  establishment 


of  equality  began,  which  he  completed,  and  of  liberty,  which  he 
labored  to  destroy,  or  at  least  put  off.  Louis  XVIII.  was 
obliged  to  concede  many  free  institutions,  which  Charles  X. 
was  expelled  for  attempting  to  overthrow.  And  Louis  Philippe 
was  dethroned  by  a  republic,  which,  however  imperfectly,  had 
been  sixty  years  inchoate. 

There  are  intelligent,  virtuous  and  religious  men  in  all  coun- 
tries, who  deny  that  liberty  and  equality,  freedom  of  the  press, 
universal  education  and  suffrage,  and  ofher  mostly  considered 
advantages  of  republican  or  representative  government,  are 
meliorations  of  the  condition  of  mankind.  Notwithstanding 
Napoleon's  much-vaunted  prediction,  that  men  would  soon  be 
Cossack  or  republican,  the  present  century  witnessed  Russian 
conquerors  in  the  capital  of  France  less  destructive  or  bar- 
barous than  French  in  that  of  Russia.  Still,  as  a  fact,  it  is 
indisputable  that,  since  the  American  and  French  revolutions, 
there  are  more  liberty  and  equality,  greater  diffusion  of  pro- 
perty and  education,  less  privilege,  the  poor  are  richer,  the  rich 
are  less  so,  all  government  is  milder  and  more  popular,  than 
before ;  and  the  universal  tendency,  American,  European, 
Asiatic,  and  African,  is  to  still  further  progress  in  those  ways. 
Whether  beneficial  or  not,  the  progress  is  undeniable,  and  pro- 
bably irresistible. 

This  chapter,  then,  proposes  American  views  of  European 
and  universal  progress,  if  not  originated,  at  least  much  accele- 
rated, and  best  exemplified,  by  America ;  of  which  progress  kings 
and  emperors  have  all  been  agents,  the  most  puissant  and  effectual 
of  all.  Franklm,  Adams,  Jefferson  and  Jay,  conspicuous  leaders 
in  American  progress,  both  learned  and  taught  it  in  Europe. 
Lafayette,  Louis  Philippe,  Yolney,  Talleyrand,  Chateaublriand, 
Joseph  Bonaparte,  and  other  less  conspicuous,  yet  distinguished 
French,  as  late  as  Tocqueviile  and  President  Bonaparte,  en- 
larged European  free  thoughts  by  personal  communion  with 
American  actuality.  The  most  formidable  of  despots,  with 
all  his  heart  and  might,  not  only  extirpated  privilege  and  cor- 
roborated equality,  but  provoked  and  promoted  liberty  by 
equality,  and,  by  reaction  against  his  own  tyranny,  disparaged 
monarchy.    By  bolstering  three  brothers  and  three  sisters  ou 

Vol.  IIL— 9 


* 


130 


FRENCH   REVOLUTION. 


tottering  tlironcs,  creating  bastard  aristocracy  by  spawning 
nobles  without  privileges,  tlio  only  sure  support  of  nobility, 
iind  lit  lust  by  divorcing  a  plebeian  French  wife,  representing 
))oj)ular  sovereignty,  in  order  to  marry  a  foreign  princess  born 
to  divine  right,  thus  rejecting  tho  corner-stone  of  his  monarchy, 
Napoleon  brought  contempt,  debility  and  insecurity  on  royal 
and  noble  establishments.  Tho  crown  which,  by  a  snatch, 
emblematic  of  his  empire,  ho  placed  on  hia  own  head,  ho  en- 
vironed by  eight  more  crowns,  inconsistent  with  all  examples, 
which,  by  force  of  arms,  ho  put  on  tho  heads  of  his  own  house- 
hold ; — a  Spanish  crown  on  the  head  of  hia  brother  Joseph,  a 
Dutch  one  on  that  of  his  brother  Louis,  a  German  on  that  of  his 
brother  Jerome,  a  Neapolitan  on  one  sister's  head,  a  Tuscan  on 
another  sister's,  an  Italian  viceroyalty  on  a  step-son,  a  Baden 
ducal  crown  on  a  wife's  cousin,  and  tho  only  brother  who  would 
not  submit  to  wear  a  crown,  he  drove  into  exile  in  an  enemy's 
country.  Nine  crowned  heads  in  one  family,  born  to  poverty 
and  educated  by  charity,  not  oidy  declared  but  anxiously  de- 
signed to  be  developments  of  the  revolutionary  principle  of  pro- 
gress, could  hardly  fail  to  promote  that  democratic  emancipation 
from  royalty  which  is  the  great  characteristic  of  this  ago.  In- 
vaded Spain  Avas  freed  by  it  from  ecclesiastical  and  political 
abuses.  All  Spanish  America  revolted  from  royal  colonial  to 
iroc  government.  Incomparably  the  greatest  and  wisest  hero, 
and  by  no  means  one  of  the  worst  men  of  modern  times,  who,  by 
such  infatuated  furtherance  of  revolution,  laid  republican  repre- 
i^entative  foundations  broad  and  deep,  ascribed,  in  the  agonies 
and  bitter  repentance  of  downfall,  imprisonment,  and  lingering 
death,  his  ruin  to  the  Spanish  invasion  and  Austrian  marriage, 
to  noble  and  royal  connexions,  crowns,  coronets  and  decorations, 
which,  he  said,  concealed  with  flowers  the  abyss  into  which  ho 
fell.  His  royal  French  predecessor,  and  his  three  roy&l  French 
successors,  the  Bourbons,  by  errors  as  egregious  and  fatal  as 
those  of  Emperor  Bonapturte's,  helped  him  to  alienate  mankind 
from  monarchy,  and  turn  their  minds  to  representative  republi- 
canism, as  more  rational  and  respectable.  If,  after  sixty  years 
of  revolution,  should  such  be  the  result,  no  reformers  will  have 
contributed  so  much  to  it  as  iconoclastic  monarchs.    By  repre- 


».^:v 


(Hi' 


TRENCn    REVOLUTION. 


131 


icracy  by  spawning 
support  of  nobility, 
:h  wife,  representing 
oreign  princess  born 
ane  of  his  monarchy, 
insecurity  on  royal 
which,  by  a  snatch, 
bis  own  head,  ho  en- 
nt  with  all  examples, 
ids  of  his  own  house- 
hia  brother  Joseph,  a 
Torman  on  that  of  his 
r'a  head,  a  Tuscan  on 
1  a  step-son,  a  Baden 
ily  brother  who  would 
,0  exile  in  an  enemy's 
nily,  born  to  poverty 
■ed  but  anxiously  de- 
mary  principle  of  pro- 
nocratic  emancipation 
■istic  of  this  age.     In- 
siastical  and  political 
from  royal  colonial  to 
atest  and  wisest  hero, 
modern  times,  who,  by 
laid  republican  repre- 
3cribed,  in  the  agonies 
onment,  and  Imgering 
nd  Austrian  marriage, 
ronets  and  decorations, 
le  abyss  into  which  ho 
his  three  royal  French 
egregious  and  fatal  as 
,m  to  alienate  mankind 
representative  republi- 
.     If,  after  sixty  years 
no  reformers  will  have 
monarchs.    By  repre- 


sentative government,  I  andeistand  that  which  is  not  ruled  by 
monarchs  by  divine  right,  but  by  popular  suffrage.   A  monarchy, 
like  those  of  Belgium  and  Brazil,  and  perhaps  E'   '  'nd,  may  bo 
freer  in  its  institutions  than  a  republic.     The  Ro.  .an  Empire 
was  a  republic  with  emperors.     A  republican  chief  rnagistrato 
mny  be  more  powerful  and  more  absolute  th.in  a  king.     But 
where  the  people  are  sovereign,  and  not  the  king,  except  as 
representing  the  people,  that  may  be  deemed  representative 
and  popular  govenment.     In  that  view  of  the  subject,  Great 
Britain,  Spain,  Portugal,  Sardinia,  Belgium,  Prussia,  and  some 
of  the  German  kingdoms,  are  r'.presentative,  though  without 
elective  chief  magistrates.     In  France,  suffrage  is  really  uni- 
versal; and  however  arbitrary  the  government  may  be,  it  is  not 
absolute  by  divine  right,  as  before  the  American  and  French 
Revolutions.    Americans  are  apt  to  think  that  revolution  does 
nothing,  when  it  dethrones  a  king,  unless  it  establishes  a  demo- 
cratic republic  in  his  stead.    Whereas  such  kingly  governments, 
as  several  estabUshed  within  the  last  sixty  years,  are  both  repre- 
scntative  and  free,  though  not  democratic. 

Avoiding  the  beaten  track;  historical  and  biographical,  of  the 
many  writers  who  have  described  these  events  and  persoiiages 
in  their  European  aspects,  my  purpose  is  to  present  their  Ame- 
rican connexions  and  influences.    French  royal  bterposition  in 
the  American  revolution  is  familiar  knowledge ;  and  American 
personal  agency  in  that  of  France.    But  French  princes  and 
personages  coming  to  or  going  from  America,  and  performing  im- 
portant parts  in  France,  may  be  shown  in  American  lights,  and 
developed  with  repubUcan  edification.    Larochefoucauld,  Louis 
Philippe,  Talleyrand,  Chateaubriand,  Hyde  de  NieuviUe,  and 
other  eminent  royalists;  Volney,  Brissot,  La  Fayette,  and 
Moreau,  repubUcans;  Joseph  Bonaparte,  with  several  more  of 
his  famUy,  besides  Grouchy,  Clausel,  Real,  Regnault,  sons  of 
Ney,  of  Lannes,  and  of  Fouch^,  outcasts,  in  America,  of  the 
French  En^)ire,  recorrmg  from  Marbois,  in  1779,  to  Tocque- 
ville,  in  1832,  supply  French  incidents  and  characters  for 
American  history,  on  which,  though  the  last  chapter  cannot 
perhaps  be  given,  yet  several  prior  ones  abound  with  American 
instruction. 


182 


FUENCn  REVOLUTION. 


Napoleon's  invasion  of  Spain,  and  attempt  to  geat  liiH  brother 
Joseph  on  the  Spaniuh  throne,  {hy  its  trannatLntic  reactionH  as 
much  American  a«  European,)  were  events  in  full  progress 
during  our  war  of  1812.  Napoleon's  invasion  of  Russia  that 
year,  was  not  only  simultaneous  with  our  war,  but  by  many 
American!^,  and  nearly  all  Englishmen,  our  resistance  of  Eng- 
land was  said  to  bo  the  diroct  and  time-serving  offspring  of  his 
attack  of  Russia.  Ilydo  do  Nicuville,  in  1818,  from  New 
Jersey,  engaged  Moreau  to  embark  for  tho  north  of  Europe, 
there,  in  Russian  service  and  uniform — English  pay  and  cause 
—  to  take  up  arms  against  Nopoloon  and  Franco.  Tho  first 
subjugation  of  France,  and  abdication  of  tho  emperor,  in  April, 
1814,  took  place  in  tho  midst  of  our  contest,  his  martial  star 
waning  just  as  ours  radiated.  His  final  overthrow  and  abdica- 
tion, in  Juno  1815,  occurred  before  our  hnstilitios  ceased  by  tho 
treaty  of  Ghent.  His  selection  of  this  country  for  his  residence, 
abortive  attempt  to  come  here,  surronde)*'  to  Admiral  Hotham, 
just  from  our  coast,  and  transportation  ♦,o  St.  Helena,  in  cus- 
tody of  Admiral  Cockburn,  infamous  in  American  hostiJitics,  uro 
hardly  foreign  to  our  annals.  His  brother  Joseph  lived  five- 
and-twcnty  years  among  us,  frequented  by  eminent  Frenchmen, 
at  his  residence  iu  Now  Jersey.  Mexico  tendered,  in  New 
Jersey,  to  him  who  had  declined  the  crown  of  Lombardy,  and 
woro  the  crowns  of  Nap^os  n.nd  of  Spain,  a  fourth  and  an  Ame- 
rican crown.  La  Fayetto  .here  proffered  Joseph  Bonaparte  his 
co-operation  to  dethrone  Louis  XVIII.  Thence  Lallcmand 
wont  to  found  a  nation  in  Texas ;  Grouchy  and  Glausel  to  plant 
vineyards  in  Alabama.  Thence,  when  La  Fayette  made  Louis 
Philippe  king,  Joseph  protested,  and  sent  ono  of  Fouchd's  sons 
to  Vienna,  to  bring  forth  the  young  Napoleon.  In  those  «. ,  onts 
America  is  concerned,  and  was  engaged,  whose  truths  remain 
to  be  made  known  with  American  independence,  in  their  Euro- 
pean consequences  and  universal  moral.  And  Joseph  Bona- 
parte's intercourse,  while  in  England,  with  his  brothers  Lucien 
and  Jerome,  and  with  his  nephew,  now  president  of  tho  French 
Republic,  and  with  deveral  of  the  prominent  French  then  striving 
to  restore  the  empire,  since  conspicuous  republican  representa- 
tives, belong  altogether  to  the  same  narrative. 


t  to  scat  hitf  brother 
atLntic  reactions  as 
its  in  full  progresH 
sion  of  Russia  thut 
•  war,  but  by  many 
r  resistance  of  Eng- 
ving  offspring  of  his 
n  1818,  from  New 
10  north  of  Europe, 
iglish  pay  and  cause 
I  Franco.     The  first 
lio  emperor,  in  April, 
est,  his  martial  star 
iTorthrow  and  abdica- 
jtilities  ceased  by  the 
ktry  for  his  residence, 
to  Admiral  Ilotham, 
)  St.  Helena,  in  cus- 
lerican  hostilities,  uro 
3r  Joseph  lived  five- 
eminent  Frenchmen, 
so  tendered,  in  New 
m  of  Lombardy,  and 
1  fourth  and  an  Ame- 
Toseph  Bonaparto  his 

Thence  Lallcmand 
f  and  Glausel  to  plant 
I  Fayette  made  Louis 
one  of  Fouchd's  sons 
leon.  In  these  «. ,  oats 
,  whose  truths  remain 
idence,  in  their  Euro- 

And  Joseph  Bona- 
;h  his  brothers  Lucien 
•esidcnt  of  the  French 
it  French  then  striving 
republican  representa- 
rrative. 


FUENCn   REVOHTTIO?!.  VP 

For  some  of  thrso  di«cloMire»  mine  are  occidcntly  poi«uVmr 
advantngps.    Of  the  Spanish  American  revolutions,  except  tluit 
of  Mexico,  T  am  aware  of  no  complete  history,  and  my  liinitod 
information  is  mostly  derived  from  books  or  other  publications. 
Hut  of  the  Spanish  invasion,  its  antecedents,  accompaniments, 
and  conseciuenccs ;  of  the  advent,  government,  real  character, 
abdications,  overthrow  of,  and  of  the  family  of  Napoleon,  I  am 
better  informed,  by  fivo-and-twenty  yeors'  intimacy  with  Joseph 
Bonaparte,  than  any  other  who  has  written  in  English  concern- 
ing  t!iom.     Frenchmen,  if  acquainted  with  the  realities  known  to 
mo,  could  hardly  publish  them  without  partiality,  nor  English- 
men without  prejudice.    My  source  of  information  being  Bona- 
parte's most  intimate    and   confidential  brother,   cannot  be 
entirely  free  from  bias,  neither  mine  or  his;  for,  as  Nap.deon 
vas  a  man  exceedingly  fascinating,  so  Joseph  was  very  winning. 
Yet  I  doom  it  a  great  American  qualification  for  these  dis- 
closures to  bo  free  from  that  awe  of  sovereigns,  and  deference 
for  personages,  which  in  Europe  are  traditional  impressions  that 
can  hardly  be  got  rid  of.     From  Joseph  Bonaparte's  familiar 
and  confidential  personal  intercourse;  from  his  library,  con- 
taining all  the  modern  memoirs  and  other  French  historical 
works,  constantly  explained  by  him  and  margined  with  notes  m 
his  writing;  from,  therefore,  the  highest,  though  they  may  be 
biassed,  sources  of  information,  I  derive  my  materials. 

A  French  republic  had  survived  dreadful  intestine  commo- 
tions and  foreign  wars  during  seven  or  eight  years,  when,  in 
1799,  during  our  contest  with  France.  England  united  Russia 
with  Austria  in  another  coalition  against  Republican  France. 
SouvarofF  drove  the  French  from  Bonaparte's  conquests  m 
Italy ;  an  English  and  Russian  army  undertook  to  reconquer 
Holland.     On  his  way  through  Switzeriand  to  France,  Souva- 
roff  was  defeated  by  Massena,  at  Zurich,  the  19th  of  September ; 
and  on  the  24th  of  that  month  the  Duke  of  York  was  still  more 
completely  worsted  by  Brune,  in  Holknd.    Notwithstandmg 
that  revival  of  French  affaurs,  the  plural  executive,  by  a  qmn- 
tuple  directory,  proved  inefficient  and  unsatisfactory,  one  of 
the  five  directors,  Barras,  a  handsome,  pompous,  plausible, 
vapid,  worthless  nobleman,  sold  himself  to  Louis  XVIII.,  who 


184 


BOXAPARTB. 


was  not  without  reason  to  o.xpcet  tho  rcntorntlon  of  what  ho 
alwn}'!*  culled  and  cuhHidorod  hi$  throiio;  wlu-n,  on  the  14th  of 
Octoltor,  171>'.*,  Bonaparto  most  unexpectedly  returned  from 
Egypt.  Never  to  muke  or  force  an  opportunity  wivh  one  of 
his  nxiouis ;  but  when  thoy  prenent  theuiHolvcH,  iuHtantly  to 
seize  nnd  inuke  the  most  of  them.  After  u  voyngu  iind 
CdUU])0  from  ciipturo  ut  sea,  by  incredible  chances,  his  urrivul  in 
Franco,  just  then,  wus  one  of  those  timely  strokes  of  fortune 
that  seldom  occur.  A  few  months,  either  sooner  or  later,  ho 
might  have  been  tried  by  court  martial  for  leaving  Egypt,  and 
utterly  disgraced.  But  just  exactly  when  it  took  place,  the 
occasion  was  supremely  propitious.  Accustomed  to  bo  ruled  by 
Bomo  heroic  master,  Mirabcuu,  Robespierre,  or  Danton,  in  tho 
tribune,  Dumouriez,  La  Fayette,  or  Moreau,  in  arms,  the  French 
hailed  Bonaparto,  with  enthusiastic  welcome,  as  their  chief. 
Still,  although  discontented  with  their  rulers,  tho  nation  was 
republican.  Aristocracy  insists  that  Franco  requires  or  pre- 
fers a  monarch.  A  strong  executive  and  government  they 
admire  and  require.  But  during  thirteen  years,  from  1790  to 
1803,  they  wore  used  to  tho  forms,  terms,  and  some  of  the 
Bubstanco  of  republicanism.  As  republicans  they  fell  in  love 
with  Bonaparte,  and  choae  him  at  all  events ;  but  not  for  a 
king,  or  with  royal  attributes.  Multitudinous  attachment  to  a 
person,  sometimes  blindly  and  inexplicably  conceived,  manifests 
itself  like  irresistible  sexual  love  for  an  individual,  enrapturing 
whole  communities  as  it  does  one  or  two  of  them.  Bona- 
parte was  so  popular  that  leaders  were  constrained  to  follow 
the  populaco  in  not  an  irrational  or  vulgar  attachment,  much 
less  sectional  or  merely  metropolitan.  The  health  laws,  in 
rigorous  force  against  Egypt,  that  land  of  the  plague,  were, 
by  common  consent,  suspended  for  his  landing  at  Frcju3 ;  his 
journey  thence  to  Paris  was  a  contmual  ovation ;  his  arrival  at 
the  capital,  the  16th  of  October,  1799,  transported  that  city 
with  joy.  Sedate  and  thoughtful  men  were  intoxicated  with 
delight.  Of  the  five  directors  three,  Barras,  Sieyus,  and  Ducos, 
resigned  to  make  room  for  him  as  chief  magistrate.  Sieyes, 
who,  PS  Joseph  Bonaparte  has  told  mo,  and  most  men  agreed, 
was  noi  only  a  highly  intelligent,  but  an  unconunonly  firm  and 


BONAPARTE. 


135 


itoration  of  what  ho 

lu-n,  on  the  14tli  of 

Itfdly  rotiinicil  from 

mrtuiiity  wuii  oiii'  of 

iiHulvi'H,  iiiHtniitly  to 

ftor   u  voyngu  and 

;haiicefl,  \m  urrivul  iit 

\\y  Htrokvs  of  fortune 

|r  sooner  or  later,  he 

»r  leaving  Egypt,  and 

m  it  took  pluco,  the 

Htomcd  to  bo  ruled  by 

Tr,  or  Danton,  in  the 

u,  in  aruiN,  the  French 

come,  as  their  chief. 

ulcrs,  tho  nation  was 

anco  rcriuires  or  pro- 

ind  government  they 

n  years,  from  1790  to 

'ms,  and  some  of  the 

icana  they  fell  in  love 

Bvents;  but  not  for  a 

[linoua  attuchmcnt  to  a 

ly  conceived,  manifests 

ndividual,  enrapturing 

two  of  them.     Bona- 

conetrained  to  follow 

Igar  attachment,  much 

Tho  health  luws,  in 

I  of  the  plague,  wore, 

landing  at  Frejua ;  his 

ovation ;  his  arrival  at 

transported  that  city 

were  intoxicated  with 

pas,  Sieyes,  and  Ducos, 

■  magistrate.     Sieyes, 

and  most  men  agreed, 

uncommonly  firm  and 


rpnolute  rppublicfin,  witli  Diu-tis,  unotlicr  mpmbcr  of  the  Direc- 
tory, eorictTtod  with  llnniipiirto  the  nieaHures  for  lii.s  cU'vation 
to  thi-  eliicf  niiigiHtraiy.  Tho  only  two,  a  minority  of  the  five 
dircctorn,  Moulin  and  Gohior,  who  did  not  join  in  the  move- 
ment, were  inipriHonod  in  tlieir  ofliciu!  residence,  the  Luxcni- 
liour^'  piilftce,  where  Moreau,  with  detauhmentH  of  Holdiers,  coii- 
doHci'iidt'd  to  confine  them.  To  further  Itonaparte'it  elevation, 
La  Fayette,  not  long  before  liberated  by  Iloiinparte'H  t>r»t 
treaty  (Canipo  Forniio)  with  Austria,  from  his  long  inipriHon- 
nient  at  (Jlmutz,  appeared  gratified  with  his  promotion ;  und 
till  hirt  chief  magistracy  Was  prolonged  from  ono  year  to  ten, 
continued  on  fiiondly  terms  with  him.  Even  then,  when  ho 
publicly  gave  a  qualified  voto  against  tho  change,  he  wrote  to 
Bonn  parte  in  strong  terms  of  gratitude  and  admiration,  but 
reipiiring  that  liberty  should  be  guarantied  before  he  would 
consent  to  a  Consulate  for  life.  Still,  ns  it  was,  ho  voted  for 
Napoleon  Bonar urto  as  tho  fittest  for  tho  place.  Tho  noblo 
and  winnirtg  Talleyrand,  republican  secretary  of  state  for  foreign 
affairs,  with  his  infnlliblo  prescience  of  forthcoming  power,  set 
politicians  and  fashionable  circles  tho  example  of  political  and 
hospitnblo  worship  of  tho  rising  sun,  in  whoso  beams  nearly  all 
tho  loading  civil  and  military  men,  together  with  tho  whole 
crowd  of  waiters  on  power,  and  seekers  of  fortune,  prostrated 
themselves  in  emulous  adoration.  Talleyrand,  a  citizen  of  tho 
United  States,  and  of  tho  State  of  Pennsylvania,  and  Moreau, 
an  American  denizen,  were  among  the  principal  promoters  of 
Bonaparte  from  military  to  political  chieftainship,  as  La  Fay- 
ette, another  American  citizen,  was,  with  Talleyrand,  a  chief 
ngent  in  effecting  his  downfall.  More  than  any  individual 
contribution,  however,  American  principles  of  freedom  were 
operative  in  his  establishment,  then  professed  and  practised 
by  him,  as  by  royal  appeals  to  the  people  of  Germany  and  tho 
other  countries,  roused  and  combined  for  his  overthrow,  in  1814, 
those  principles  were  more  efiectual  than  arms  in  overcoming  him. 
In  the  power  of  popularity,  in  all  but  denomination  and  form, 
Bonaparte  was  master  in  1799.  So  universal,  instantaneous, 
vehement,  and  authoritative  was  pubfio  attachment  to  him,  that 
the  government  had  hardly  any  option  but  to  float  with  the 


1^f 


ft'! 


r. 


J.  f-Wti 


i 


1            1 

rijW 

pp>k 

l(i 

^JhMiiiTr 

»*. 

136 


BONAPARTE. 


current  which  it  would  have  been  vain  to  endeavor  to  withstand. 
Nor  was  the  favor  either  merely  military  or  metropolitan,  much 
less  pldjcian,  but  the  sentiment  of  all  classes  and  the  whole  na- 
tion, so  strong  as  to  be  irresistible.  The  executive  directory,  the 
ministry,  many  members  of  the  legislative  bodies,  the  scientific, 
the  aristocratic,  the  people,  all  leaped  together  to  embrace  Bo- 
naparte, concerted  and  hurried  what  may  almost  be  called  his 
election  rather  than  usurpation,  for  it  was  the  ardent  and  spon- 
taneous desire  of  nearly  all  France. 

The  legislative  bodies,  however,  the  Ancients  and  the  Council 
of  Five  Hundred,  as  svell  as  Sieyes  and  others  of  the  Execu- 
tive, were  not  only  republican,  but  contained  many  of  the  most 
radical  revolutionists,  nearly  all  opposed  to  royalty,  especially 
to  a  Bourbon  king,  devoted  to  the  reforms  introduced  by  tho 
revolution,  and  who  would  have  never  submitted  to  Bonaparte 
as  a  monarch  by  any  title,  or  with  monarchical  attributes.    Lu- 
cien,  an  inflexible  democrat  of  many  years'  standing,  was  presi- 
dent of  the  Council  of  Five  Hundred,  of  which  Joseph  was  also 
a  member,  then  of  declared  republican  sentiments,  and  during 
all  his  life,  even  as  king,  constantly  opposed  to  many  royal  and 
aristocratical  establishments,  which  he  sincerely  disliked  and 
abolished  in  Naples  and  Spain.     To  overcome  the  resistance 
of  the  legislative  bodies  to  unconstitutional  or  anti-r''i.-i>licau 
change,   Joseph   performed  his   part   to  make   Napoleon  a 
republican  chief  magistrate,  by  those  conciliatory  means  which 
Avere  Joseph's  uniform  and  natural  predilections  in  all  stations 
and  citcumstances.     Lucien  executed  his  part  of  the  same  de- 
si  f'nftith  the  bold  decision  that  never  failed  him.     Napoleon 
performing  his  part  with  irresolution,  nearly  defeated  the  whole 
arrangement.    It  may  be  that  then,  and  even  before  liis  return 
from  iTgypt,  he  contemplated  a  crown  for  his  brows.    He  was 
not  a  democratic  republican,  if  republican  at  all ;  but,  disgusted 
with  the  revolutionary  excesses,  perhaps  deemed  a  monarch, 
necessary  to  France.     Joseph's  sentiments  were  extremely 
liberal.     Lucien  was  certainly  inimical  to  monarchy ;  and  Na- 
poleon, if  he  ambitioned  a  throne,  was  obliged  to  disclaim  and 
oppose  divine  right  to  it,  because  popular  sovereignty  was  his 
only  Btepping-stone.     Representative  government,  in   some 


BONAPARTE. 


181 


nJcavor  to  witliataiul. 
)r  metropolitan,  much 
8e3  and  the  whole  na- 
cccutive  directory,  the 
!  bodies,  the  scientific, 
;ether  to  embrace  Bo- 
j  almost  be  called  his 
the  ardent  and  spon- 

cients  and  the  Council 
others  of  the  Execu- 
ned  many  of  the  most 
to  royalty,  especially 
■ms  introduced  by  tho 
bmitted  to  Bonaparte 
shical  attributes.    Lu- 
■s'  standing,  was  presi- 
which  Joseph  was  also 
entiments,  and  during 
sed  to  many  royal  and 
sincerely  disliked  and 
rercome  the  resistance 
)nal  or  anti-r'"i>«i>lican 
to  make   Napoleon   a 
iciliatory  means  which 
ilections  in  all  stations 
8  part  of  the  same  de- 
Failed  him.     Napoleon 
irly  defeated  the  whole 
even  before  lus  return 
ar  his  brows.    He  was 
n  at  all ;  but,  disgusted 
ps  deemed  a  monarch 
ments  were  extremely 
to  monarchy ;  and  Nar 
obliged  to  disclaim  and 
ar  sovereignty  was  hig 
government,  in   some 


form,  probably  monarchical  reformed  and  defined  by  a  written 
constitution,  was  indispensable  to  his  elevation,  whether  re- 
publican or  monarchical. 

Within  three  weeks  after  Napoleon's  arrival  from  Egypt, 
the  movement  waa  contrived  and. effected.     On  tho  10th  of 
November,  1199,  the  Council  of  Ancients,  by  rcsohition,  m 
order  to  avoid  the  disturbance  of  mobs,  clubs,  and  populace  of 
a  large  city,  directed  tho  seat  of  government  to  bo  transferred 
from  Paris  to  St.  Cloud,  a  village  five  miles  off,  where  there  is 
a  public  building  since  become  famous  for  many  of  the  most 
important  of  Bonaparte's  transactions.     The  removal  was  di- 
rected to  take  place  under  the  command  of  General  Bonaparte, 
at  whose  disposal  tho  garrison  of  Paris,  the  regular  troops  of 
that  military  district,  and  the  national  guards,  were  all  placed 
for  that  purpose.     Thus  empowered,  both  ho  and  the  Ancients 
posted  up  denunciations  of  the  directorial  government,  and  took 
measures  for  the  change  of  administration  next  day,  which  was 
accomplished  without  bloodshed,  but  not  without  some  military 
force,  considerable  opposition,  and  difficulty.   When  Fouch^,  the 
minister  of  police,  proposed  strong  measures  of  control  for 
public  tranquilUty,  Bonaparte  overruled  them.     "  What  do  we 
want  with  repression,"  said  he,  "when  we  have  the  public  wiU 
with  us,  and  no  object  but  public  good?"    When  Sieyes  pro- 
posed to  arrest  some  forty,  denounced  as  demagogues,  members 
of  the  clubs,  Bonaparte  objected.     "No,"  said  he,  "I  have 
sworn  to  protect  the  national  representation,  and  have  no  fear 
of  such  feeble  assailants."     The  leaders  of  every  party  coin- 
cided in  him  as  their  fittest  choice.     The  alternative  between 
anarchy  and  order,  he  attached  himself  to  the  party  of 
moderate  rcpubUcans,  and  as  their  choice  changed  the  govern- 
ment. •      •  •    J    i. 
As  soon  as  the  Council  of  Five  Hundred  were  organised  at 
St  Cloud,  several  members  in  succession  rapidly  mounted  the 
tribune,  and  vehemently  protested  against  the  removal  of  the 
seat  of  government  from  Paris.     Angry  discussion  arose.     It 
was  insisted  that  every  member  should  renew  his  oath  to  the 
constitution,  which  was  resolved  by  acclamation.     Each  mem- 
ber, therefore,  took  the  oath,  adding  that  he  would  oppose  the 


k'  ^kHk 


r- 


188 


BONAPARTE. 


establishment  of  tyranny.     They  wore  proceeding  to  elect  a 
director  in  Barras's  place,  whosft  resignation  •was  handed  to 
Liicien  in  the  chair,  when  the  hall-door  opened,  and  a  body  of 
soldiers  entered,  who  stationed  themselves  about  the  entrance, 
while  Bonaparte  mounted  the  tribune.     For  any  soldier  of  the 
Republic  to  enter  the  hall  of  legislation,  without  leave,  was  as 
unlawful  in  France  as  it  would  be  in  America  or  England. 
"Outlaw!  dictator!  down  with  him !"  resounded  from  all  parts 
of  the  hall.     Bonaparte  turned  pale,  seemed  stupefied,  paused, 
disconcerted  and  alarmed,  took  the  arm  of  an  officer,  and  slowly 
withdrew,  —  calling  however  on  the  soldiers,  as  he  passed  out, 
to  crush  whoever  called  him  an  outlaw.     So  denounced,  his 
career  began  and  ended.     French  republicans  applied  to  him, 
in  1799,  the  same  stigma  by  which  allied  sovereigns  raised 
all  Europe  against  him  in  1S15— outlaw.     Irresolution,  which 
at  Fpntainebleau  in  1814,  and  at  Paris  in  1815,  ensured  and 
hastened  his  fall,   endangered  his  rise  in  1799.     He  was 
not  an  iron-nerved  man.      Lucien  and   Si^yes   at  both  his 
outset  and  his  end  showed  more  resolution  than  Napoleon, 
as  I  have  heard  Joseph  say,  in  effect,  respecting  the  last 
abdication.     And  I  have  heard  Moreau  several  times  speak 
with  strong  contempt  of  Bonaparte's  courage ;  of  which,  though 
there  can  be  no  doubt,  yet  it  probably  was  not  of  that  adaman- 
tine, or  as  some  would  say,  apathetic  kind,  which  nothing  could 
disturb,  —  such  as,  probably,  Moreau's  was.    Joseph  told  me 
that  the  first  time  he  ever  saw  Marshal  Suchet,  then  a  captain, 
he  was  running  away  pale  and  frightened.    Nelson  was  not  a 
man  of  imperturbable  courage,  nor  was  Frederick  the  Great. 
It  is  said  that  the  Emperor  Alexander,  at  the  battle  of  Auster- 
litz,  was  ludicrously  alarmed.     A  member  of  Joseph's  royal 
family  in  Spain,  told  me  that  Soult  was  nervous  in  battle  and 
danger,   and   Sebaatiani,  a  bold   dragoon,   (since    marshal,) 
absolutely  timorous.     Lucien  sat  perfectly  collected  and  un- 
daunted in  the  president's  chair;  and,  as  soon  as  Napoleon 
was    gone,   attempted   to   palliate   his    intrusion.     But   the 
Council,  not  appeased,  were  about  ordering  Napoleon  to  their 
bar  for  censure,  when  Lucien  sent  him  notice,  and  that  they 
two  must  have  a  conference,  but  that  he  did  not  like  to  leave 


i!^n(,i^wr'j^,?f.>i^w,,ipi'*(i.'J'.' 


BOITAPARTK. 


189 


n'oceetling  to  elect  a 
ation  was  handed  to 
pencd,  and  a  body  of 
8  about  the  entrance, 
'or  any  soldier  of  the 
without  leave,  was  as 
America  or  England, 
lounded  from  all  parts 
mcd  stupefied,  paused, 
an  officer,  and  slowly 
iers,  as  he  passed  out, 
So  denounced,  his 
dicans  applied  to  him, 
lied  sovereigns  raised 
Irresolution,  which 
in  1815,  ensured  and 
b  in  1799.     He  was 
Si^yes   at  both  his 
lution  than  Napoleon, 
:,  respecting  the  last 
u  several  times  speak 
rage ;  of  which,  though 
as  not  of  that  adaman- 
id,  which  nothing  could 
was.    Joseph  told  me 
Suchet,  then  a  captain, 
od.    Nelson  was  not  a 
I  Frederick  the  Great. 
it  the  battle  of  Auster- 
iber  of  Joseph's  royal 
nervous  in  battle  and 
oon,   (since    marshal,) 
ctly  collected  and  an- 
as soon  as  Napoleon 
intrusion.     But   the 
ring  Napoleon  to  their 
notice,  and  that  they 
I  did  not  like  to  leave 


the  presidency  while  the  Council  were  so  much  irritated  against 
his  brother.  Napoleon  then  ordered  troops  into  the  hall  to  escort 
Lucien  out,  who,  with  admirable  self-possession,  saying  that  it 
did  not  become  him  to  preside  and  put  questions  implicating 
his  brother,  calmly  took  off  his  official  robe,  laid  it  down  on 
the  chair,  and  left  the  hall ;  in  the  castle  court  mounted  a  horse, 
and  from  the  saddle  harangued  the  troops ;  as  presiding  officer 
and  as  citizen,  calling  on  them  and  all  bystanders  to  expel  those 
members  of  the  Five  Hundred  who  refused,  as  legislators,  to 
obey  the  lawful  commander.  "Long  live  the  Republic  !"  was 
Lucien's  exordium.  Thus  authorised  and  urged,  the  soldiers 
again  marched  into  the  hall,  headed  by  Le  Clerc,  the  husband 
of  Pauline  Bonaparte,  drums  beating  the  charge,  and  by  force 
expelled  the  members,  who  were  debating  as  the  troops  entered ; 
but  Lo  Clerc,  by  beat  of  drum,  drowned  all  vociferation,  and 
to  the  letter,  amidst  arms  the  law  was  silenced.  Members  re- 
monstrated and  resisted,  but  were  subdued,  and  without  actual 
force  beyond  intimidation,  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  gra- 
dually removed  from  their  seats. 

The  Council  of  Ancients,  after  some  delay  and  excitement, 
officially  informed  that  four  of  the  directors  had  resigned,  and 
that  the  fifth  was  confined  by  order  of  General  Bonaparte,  were 
debating  at  the  moment  when  he  appeared  at  their  door. 
Several  members  inviting  him  to  the  tribune,  he  addressed  the 
body  from  it ;  with  animation,  thus  encouraged,  denouncing  the 
governi-aent.  Then  turning  to  the  troops  stationed  about  the 
entrance,  he  called  on  them  to  crush  whoever  dared  to  pro- 
nounce their  general  an  outlaw ;  and,  again  speaking  to  the 
Chamber,  said  he  would  leave  them  to  determine  what  to  do, 
and  that  their  orders  he  would  execute.  Debate,  resumed 
as  soon  as  he  was  gone,  lasted  till  several  members  an- 
nounced that  the  Council  of  Five  Hundred  was  dissolved,  most 
of  whom  had  returned  to  Paris.  About  fifty  remained,  who 
reorganised  as  the  Council ;  and  that  evening,  in  concert  with 
the  Ancients,  sitting  all  night,  enacted  a  provisional  executive 
commission,  consisting  of  Si^yes,  Ducos,  and  Bonaparte,  de- 
nominated Consuls  of  the  Republic,  invested  with  dictatorial 
powers,  and  charged  to  establish  order  in  the  administration. 


140 


BONAPARTE. 


tranquillity  within  and  peace  abroad.  Both  legislative  bodies 
then  adjourned  till  the  20th  of  February,  1800;  for  three 
months  surrendering  the  government  to  the  Consuls,  of  whom 
Bonaparte  forthwith  became  chief. 

Just  thirty  years  of  age,  in  the  last  five  or  six  of  them 
Bonaparte  bounded  from  victory  to  victory,  with  miraculotis 
fortune,  to  the  pinnacle  of  fame  and  power,  with  scarce  a  blot 
on  his  bright  and  brilliant  glory;  honest,  chaste,  modest, 
temperate,  disinterested,  studious,  and  exemplary  as  a  man ; 
magnificent  in  heroism:  though  not  a  tnan  of  fashion,  with 
what  commonly  passes  for  elegance  of  manners,  yet,  by  su- 
perior talents,  information,  and  amiable  anxiety  to  please,  the 
true  essence  of  politeness,  fascinating  as  a  gentleman,  and 
commanding  as  a  governor.  It  cannot  be  said  that  ho  at- 
tained chief-magistracy  without  secret  preconcert  and  circum- 
vention. Yet  nearly  all  the  best  men  of  France  supported 
him,  whose  union  with  the  great  body  of  the  people  for  his 
elevation  cannot  be  called  conspiracy,  or  his  election  mere 
usurpation.  The  forms  of  national  suffrage  did  not  indeed 
precede,  sanction,  and  recommend  it ;  but  there  was  infinitely 
less  fraud  or  force  than  in  the  great  British  revolution,  which 
placed  William  III.  on  the  throne,  or  the  prior  convulsions 
which  deposed  Charles,  inaugurated  Cromwell,  and  then  re- 
stored another  Stuart.  Nor  in  Bonaparte's  election  to  chief- 
magistracy  \^as  there  the  least  allusion  to  monarchy,  except 
to  disown  it.  Napoleon,  Joseph,  and  Lucien,  with  all  their 
adherents,  constantly  proclaimed  republicanism.  To  exclude 
the  Bourbons  was  an  avowed  and  favorite,  nearly  unanimous, 
object.  Their  royalty  had  hardly  any  supporters  left  in  France 
till  Bonaparte's  politic  moderation  brought  them  back.  Re- 
publicans like  La  Fayette  were  rare — they  are  so  always. 
But  there  was  a  leaven  in  the  mass,  like  the  apostles  who 
introduced  Christianity,  or  the  propagators  of  free  trade  in 
England,  and  in  this  country,  a  small,  pertiiidcioos  band  of 
invincible  teachers  constantly  acting  on  the  people,  by  whom 
public  sentiment  was  originated  and  eventually  regulated.  The 
people  were  taught,  and,  however  ignorant,  the  peasantry 
learned  that  they  ought  to  be  represented  in  government. 


.'.  ■™*vT^?"^>*(^p*^^^■W^iff*SlP!lp^ 


BONAPARTE. 


141 


r  ■■ 


)th  legislative  bodies 

iry,  1800;  for  throe 

Consuls,  of  whom 

five  or  six  of  them 
ry,  with  miraculous 
',  with  scarce  a  blot 
est,   chaste,  modest, 
ixemplary  as  a  man; 
an  of  fashion,  with 
anners,  yet,  by  su- 
anxiety  to  please,  the 
as  a  gentleman,  and 
;  be  said  that  he  at- 
econcert  and  circum- 
of  France  supported 
of  the  people  for  hia 
or  his  election  mere 
firage  did  not  indeed 
it  there  was  infinitely 
itish  revolution,  which 
the  prior  convulsions 
•omwell,  and  then  re- 
nte's election  to  chief- 
1  to  monarchy,  except 
Lucien,  with  all  their 
licanism.    To  exclude 
ite,  nearly  unanimous, 
pporters  left  in  France 
ight  them  back.    Be- 
-they  are  so  always, 
like  the  apostles  who 
itors  of  free  trade  in 
pertiL<tcioas  band  of 
the  people,  by  whom 
tually  regulated.    The 
lorant,  the  peasantry 
i  in  government. 


All  French  histories,  biographies,  and  recollections  of  that 
period  concur  in  the  unquestionable  existence  of  numerous  re- 
publicans, imbued  with  the  principles  of  1789.  Free  govern- 
ment, .  whether  the  chief-magistrate  should  be  hereditary  or 
elective,  a  tribune,  or  place  where  orators  may  lawfully  incul- 
cate liberty,  with  a  free  press  to  maintain  it,  no  privileged  class, 
but  official  preferment  open  to  all,  were  principles  inherited 
by  Bonaparte  from  the  revolution,  which  he  pledged  himself  to 
perpetuate.  V/ithout  Voltaire,  Montesquieu,  and  other  pen- 
men, to  proclaim  what  he  and  the  sworibmen  established,  it 
never  would  have  been.  Whether  pen  and  sword  combined 
have  succeeded  in  finally  altogether  uprooting  mediaeval  prepos- 
sessions, may  yet  be  disp.  cd.  But  that  representative  go- 
vernment and  popular  sovereignty  have  made  progress  since 
1776  in  this  country,  and  1789  in  that,  is  unquestionable. 
The  end  may  not  be  yet;  and  may  never  be  democratic  in 
Europe.  But  representative  and  popular  it  is  already ;  and 
in  that  reform  Bonaparte,  whether  willing,  accidental,  or 
averse,  was  immensely  instrumental. 

Three  years  afterwards,  in  the  autumn  of  1802, 1  saw  Bona- 
parte, then  Consul  for  life,  with  authority  to  appoint  his  suc- 
cessor, which  advance  on  monarchy  he  had  already  reached. 
By  the  treaty  of  Amiens,  in  March  1801,  England,  with  all 
the  rest  of  the  world,  recognised  in  his  person  not  a  king  or 
emperor  by  title,  but  a  French  ruler  with  great  power  and  at- 
tributes. Paris  was  full  of  English ;  their  handsome  ambas- 
sador Lord  Whitworth,  with  his  wife,  the  Duchess  of  Dorset, 
Fox,  Erskine,  Lord  Henry  Petty,  since  Marquis  of  Lans- 
downe,  with  his  Swiss  tutor  Dumont,  the  intimate  of  Jeremy 
Bentham  and  Romilly,  Alexander  Baring,  after  r  ^.s  Lord 
Ashburton,  with  his  American  wife  and  her  father,  ct-Senator 
of  the  United  States,  William  Bingham,  and  other  distin- 
guished persons,  whqm  I  met,  and  Joseph  Bonaparte,  at  the 
house  of  the  American  minister,  Bobert  R.  Livingston.  Like 
most  American  ministers  in  France,  Mr.  Livingston  far  exceeded 
his  salary  in  sustaining  elegant  hospitality.  Mr.  Bingham,  too, 
lived  elegantly  and  hospitably;  and  Franklin's  grandson, 
Temple  Franklin,  on  a  smaller  scale,  kept  a  gay  and  handsome 


142 


LONAPAUTE. 


liomo.  Rufus  King,  tho  Americun  minister  in  England,  with 
whom  I  went  from  London  to  Paris,  did  not  care  to  bo  presented 
nt  the  Consular  court ;  and  even  if  he  had  been,  I  was  not 
within  the  regulations  established  for  that  honor ;  so  that  I  saw 
the  First  Consul  onlj  at  hia  reviews  and  the  opera,  and  my 
description  of  him,  partly  from  personal  observation,  must  bo 
made  up  chiefly  from  that  of  others.  The  small  bronze,  full- 
length  statue  of  General  Bonaparte,  bequeathed  to  mc  by  Jo- 
soph  Bonaparte's  will,  is  a  good  likeness  of  Napoleon's  person 
as  I  saw  him,  thin  and  pallid,  with  a  mild  and  languid  Italian 
expression.  It  has  the  queue  which  he  wore  in  Italy,  and  I 
believe  Egypt,  with  large  locks  of  hair  over  the  cars,  instead 
of  the  chesnut  crop  which,  as  I  stood  near  him  in  the  Tuillories, 
I  saw  him  brush  up  with  one  hand  while  he  held  .his  hat  in  the 
other.  His  personal  appearance  then  was  perhaps  most  re- 
markable for  its  extreme  dissimilitude  to  his  colossal  character : 
not  only  uncommonly  small,  but  lookmg  still  more  diminutive 
and  young,  owing  to  a  smooth,  almost  beardless,  and  unpre- 
tending countenance,  without  any  thing  martial  or  imposing 
in  his  air  or  manner.  lie  looked,  I  thought,  like  a  modest 
midshipman.  His  height  was  but  five  feet  two  inches,  French 
measure,  equal  to  five  feet  seven  inches  English  or  American. 
Between  Bonaparte  as  I  saw  him,  slender,  pale,  and  small,  and 
the  Emperor  Napoleon,  grown  fat  and  stout,  there  must  have 
been  considerable  difiierence  of  appearance.  But  as  the  bones, 
limbs,  features,  and  structure  remained  the  same,  in  describing 
him,  mostly  from  Abel  Hugo's  and  Meneval's  accounts,  whose 
opportunities  were  the  best,  almost  as  good  as  Joseph  Bona- 
parte's, who  presented  them  to  me  as  perfectly  trustworthy, 
I  shall  not  distinguish  between  the  slender  Consul  and  the  cor- 
pulent Emperor.  Handling  a  ramrod  at  the  siege  of  Toulon, 
he  caught  from  it,  as  was  supposed,  an  itch  which  became,  ten 
years  afterwards,  very  di£5cult  to  cure.  Being  extremely  neat 
and  cleanly,  perhaps  to  counteract  that  distress  of  the  skin 
he  used  himself  to  excessive  hot  bathing,  generally  in  perfumed 
water,  which,  or  something  else,  tended  to  make  him  much 
fatter  than  either  of  his  brothers  or  sisters ;  in  fact,  the  only 
fat  member  of  the  family,  though  Joseph  grew  round  and 


BONAPARTE. 


143 


tor  ill  England,  with 

•t  care  to  bo  proscntcd 

lad  been,  I  was  not 

lionor ;  so  that  I  saw 

nd  the  opera,  and  my 

observation,  must  bo 

10  small  bronze,  fiiU- 

ueathed  to  mo  by  Jo- 

of  Napoleon's  person 

d  and  languid  Italian 

wore  in  Italy,  and  I 

over  the  cars,  instead 

r  him  in  the  Tuillories, 

ho  held  .his  hat  in  the 

was  perhaps  most  ro- 

his  colossal  character: 

;  still  more  diminutive 

beardless,  and  unpre- 

ig  martial  or  imposing 

thought,  like  a  modest 

'eet  two  inches,  French 

English  or  American. 

er,  pale,  and  small,  and 

stout,  there  must  have 

ice.    But  as  the  bones, 

the  same,  in  describing 

aeval's  accounts,  whose 

good  OS  Joseph  Bona- 

perfectly  trustworthy, 

der  Consul  and  the  cor- 

at  the  siege  of  Toulon, 

itch  which  became,  ten 

Being  extremely  neat 

at  distress  of  the  skin 

I,  generally  in  perfumed 

ed  to  make  him  much 

iters ;  in  fact,  the  only 

oseph  grew  round  and 


plump,  rendering  the  resemblance  between  him  and  the  em- 
peror very  striking.  Malevolence  falsely  imputed  many  dis- 
eases to  Napoleon ;  but  ho  enjoyed  robust  and  almost  uiiin- 
tcrnipted  health.  Ho  was  said  by  many  to  be  a  profupc 
BiiulT-takcr,  which  was  not  the  case.  The  story  of  his  having 
a  side-pocket  for  snuif,  is  a  mere  fable.  lie  took  no  stimulants 
at  all,  and  preferred  the  simplest  diet.  If  he  ever  carried 
snuff  in  his  pocket,  it  must  have  been  when  he  was  with  tho 
army  and  anxious.  At  home,  tho  officers  of  his  guard,  tho 
aid-de-camp  on  duty,  his  first  valct-de-chambre,  carried  well- 
stored  snuff-boxes,  in  which  he  put  his  fingers;  and  ho  had 
one  himself,  besides  several  that  were  in  his  various  apartments : 
all  of  which  gave  the  impression  of  his  being  much  of  a  suuff- 
tiikcr,  when  he  merely  fingered,  smelt,  and  threw  it  away.  He 
used  tho  finest  white  cambric  pocket-handkerchief,  wore  a  white 
cassimcre  vest  and  small-clothes,  and  sometimes  soiled  them  with 
snuff,  as  occasionally  he  made  black  pencil  marks  on  them. 
Broad  shoulders  and  tho  development  of  his  breast  indicated 
a  strong  constitution ;  which  was  proved  by  his  undergoing  tho 
severest  fatigue  and  privation  of  all  kinds,  at  all  times,  in  all 
places;  walking,  riding,  writing,  studying,  labor  both  bodily 
and  mental,  vigils,  exposure,  hardships,  and  every  variety  of 
climate.  He  passed  nearly  the  whole  night  preceding  the 
battle  of  Jena  holding  light  to  help  the  men  dragging  cannon 
out  of  a  deep  ravine,  in  which  it  was  jammed.  When  tho 
French  army  in  Spain,  under  Soult,  began  its  march  after 
Moore,  of  a  stormy  day  in  February,  snow,  sleot,  and  rain 
driving  with  a  piercing  wind  in  their  faces,  tho  emperor  walked 
with  the  first  platoon,  in  order  to  set  the  men  an  example  of  cheer- 
ful endurance.  During  most  of  his  life,  he  appeared  equally 
insensible  to  futigne  and  indifferent  to  weather,  walked  or  rode 
any  distance  or  time,  without  rest,  in  all  seasons,  and  then  im- 
mediately dictated  state  papers,  letters,  or  other  public  articles, 
during  m^ny  hours  more,  without  rest  or  refreshment.  Preli- 
minary to  the  battle  of  Wagram,  he  was  sixty  consecutive  hours, 
almost  the  whole  time  on  horseback,  riding  incredible  distances 
uu  relays  of  horses  to  superintend  the  preparations.  And 
Marshal  Grouchy  told  me  that  when  the  tired  emperor  was 


144 


BONAPARTE. 


satisfied,  from  the  combinations  und  manoeuvres,  that  the  battle 
was  gained, — though  the  conflict  was  still  furiounly  racing, — 
he  dismounted,  threw  himself  on  the  ground,  fell  asleep  instantly, 
and  slept  soundly  under  a  shower  of  balls,  while  a  body-guurd, 
of  which  the  command  was  given  to  General  Grouchy,  protected 
hia  rest.  Once  seeing  some  office  ra  seeking  shelter  from  a 
heavy  shower  of  rain,  to  mark  his  contempt  for  effeminacy  ho 
stationed  himself  under  the  spout  cf  a  house,  where  the  water 
poured  down  on  him.  In  the  Polish  campaigns  ho  boro  the 
severe  winter,  with  what  he  called  the  new  element  of  mud, 
sleeping  in  out-houses,  without  sufficient  clothing,  and  submitting 
to  other  discomforts,  not  only  uncomplainingly,  but  gaily  and 
ostentatiously.  Though  extremely  nice  in  his  dress,  ho  disap- 
proved  of  all  foppery  and  extravagance  of  costume.  Every 
morning  ho  flesh-brushed  his  breast  and  arms,  and  his  valet 
rubbed  severely  liia  back  and  shoulders.  Till  1808  he  was 
shaved ;  after  that  time,  when  he  changed  his  valet,  he  always 
shaved  himself,  washed  in  a  largo  silver  basin  like  a  tub,  and 
sponged  his  hair  with  Cologne  water.  He  changed  hia  flannel 
jacket,  white  cassimere  vest  and  pantaloons,  every  day.  His 
dress  was  always  the  same,  green  or  blue  regimentals.  His 
imperial  allowance  of  sixty  thousand  francs  (twelve  thousand 
dollars),  he  reduced  to  twenty  thousand  francs,  (two  thousand 
dollars,)  for  the  toilet  and  clothing.  With  twelve  hundred 
francs  (two  hundred  and  fifty  dollars)  a  year,  and  a  horse,  he 
used  to  say,  he  had  no  need  of  any  more.  He  was  fond 
of  boasting  of  his  rigid  economy,  when  the  English  drove  his 
family  from  theur  property  in  Corsica,  and  dwelt  wiUi  great 
satisfaction  on  the  privations  he  underwent  to  avoid  debt,  while 
from  his  pay  he  educated  his  brother  Louis.  He  was  always 
an  economist,  though  never  covetous;  constantly  exhorted  his 
officers,  when  loading  them  with  money,  "  not  to  plunder,  and 
I'll  make  it  up  to  you  more  than  if  you  did.  In  private  be 
saving  and  even  parsimonious ;  but  magnificent  in  public," — 
which  was  his  own  system  in  dress,  at  table,  and  in  his  whole 
household  avoiding  extravagance  and  show,  except  in  public 
representation.  He  had  no  fixed  hours  for  either  business, 
meals,  or  sleep ;  but  in  general  entered  bis  cabinet  at  seven 


■.'-ILU^M^AAitt^^  A 


uvrcs,  that  the  battle 

1  fiiriouBly  raffing, — 

1,  fell  uslcop  inattmtly. 

Is,  vhilo  a  body-guurd, 

al  Grouchy,  protected 

eking  shelter  from  a 

mpt  for  cfTeminacy  ho 

ouse,  where  the  water 

mpaigns  ho  boro  the 

new  clement  of  mud, 

othing,  and  submitting 

iningly,  but  gaily  and 

in  his  dress,  ho  disap- 

e  of  costume.     Every 

id  arms,  and  hia  valet 

s.     Till  1808  he  was 

ed  his  valet,  he  always 

basin  like  a  tub,  and 

[lo  changed  his  flannel 

loons,  every  day.     His 

)lue  regimentals.     His 

[rancs  (twelve  thousand 

[  francs,  (two  thousand 

With  twelve  hundred 

a  year,  and  a  horse,  he 

more.      He  was  fond 

t  the  English  drove  his 

and  dwelt  with  great 

rent  to  avoid  debt,  while 

[<ouls.     He  was  always 

constantly  exhorted  his 

f,  "  not  to  plunder,  and 

)u  did.     In  private  be 

ignificent  in  public," — 

table,  and  in  his  whole 

show,  except  in  public 

irs  for  either  business, 

d  his  cabinet  at  seven 


I 


BOX A PARTI. 


145 


o'clock,  dressed  for  the  whole  day  in  his  invariable  costume, 
white  cnssimcro  vest  and  breeches,  and  green  chasttcur  coat,  ex- 
cept on  Sundays  and  reception  days,  when  ho  wore  a  blue  coat 
with  white  lapclles,  a  colonel's  epaulets,  with  the  decorations 
of  the  Logic  ."  Honor  and  iron  crown  at  his  button-hole,  the 
badge  of  the  Legion  of  Honor  and  the  broad  riband  under  his 
coat.  He  always  wore  white  silk  stockings  and  oval  gold 
buckles  in  his  shoes,  except  when  he  changed  them  for  boots 
lined  with  silk ;  and  in  order  to  save  time,  would  not  change  his 
stockings.  At  nine  o'clock  he  received  the  officers  of  his  im- 
mediate service,  and  then  persons  having  a  right  by  the  dignity 
of  their  stations,  to  personal  interviews  with  him.  At  ten  ho 
breakfasted  in  a  small  parlor  adjoining  his  cabinet  Breakfast 
seldom  lasted  more  than  ten  minutes,  though  he  prolonged  it 
as  ho  liked ;  and  during  that  meal  received  scientific  und  lite- 
rary men,  or  artists,  with  whom  he  loved  to  chat.  After  break- 
fast followed  business  with  ministers  and  other  public  affairs. 
Six  o'clock  was  his  dinner  hour,  but  he  never  kept  it  punctually ; 
neglecting  it  if  engaged  in  any  important  business.  Ho  dined 
alone  with  the  empress,  except  Wednesdays,  when  the  ministers 
were  invited,  and  on  Sunday  there  was  always  a  family  dinner. 
Napoleon  ate  none  but  the  simplest  food ;  drank  no  wine  but 
Chambertin,  and  that  always  well  watered ;  never  any  kind  of 
spirituous  liquor.  One  of  the  coffee-cups  he  commonly  used 
is  in  my  family;  of  plain  Italian  china  and  fashion,  with 
nothing  about  it  remarkable  but  the  reminiscence.  It  was  one 
of  a  number  of  articles  familiarly  used  by  Napoleon,  which 
were  divided  by  his  family  among  themselves,  after  his  death, 
and  presented  to  me  by  Joseph's  testamentary  executor.  There 
is  a  small  pocket  volume  of  Napoleon's  maxims,  all  of  which 
are  instructive,  and  some  excellent :  one  is  that  whoever  dines 
eats  too  much ;  the  moral  of  which  is,  that  instead  of  the  mo- 
derate meal  of  simple  food  that  satisfies  nature,  luxm'ioua 
dinners  provoke  excess  and  disease.   -^ 

His  Italian  and  Egyptian  attachments  long  continued ; 
though  he  had  never  been  in  Italy  till  he  went  as  commander 
of  the  army,  and  could  speak  nonj3  of  the  language  but  the 
very  little  he  picked  up  in  his/  campaigns.     Our  Italians  and 

Vol.  IIL— 10  / 


!! 


14a 


BONAPARTE. 


our  Ejrypt'mns  ho  u«c(l  to  cnll  the  officers  who  had  servod  witli 
him  in  thoHC  countricH.  Long  after  ho  rotiirn«»l  from  Egypt 
ho  nto  pillaii  and  dates,  and  admired  many  Egyptian  customH. 
Once  at  R  dinner  he  gave  there  to  u  number  of  tho  principal 
men,  ho  anked  ono  of  them  to  tell  him  wliat  ho  (tho  uhcik)  pcr- 
cf  ived  most  remarkable  in  the  French  mode  of  eating.  "  Why," 
piiid  the  Egyptian,  "your  drinking  when  yov  cat."  That  in, 
to  [)ri)Voke  appetite  for  food  by  drink  when  eating,  wn»  contrary 
to  their  system  of  diet  and  health,  which  satitificd  hunger  and 
tliirst  each  by  itself,  never  the  two  together,  provoking  eatiny 
to  cxces!)  by  drinking  with  it. 

I  never  Haw,  I  may  add,  a  person  —  not  even  a  lady  —  more 
abstemious  of  drink  than  Joseph  Bonaparte,  who  always  took  a 
littlo  wine  both  at  breakfast  and  dinner,  but  very  little,  and 
that  littlo  even  champagne  diluted  with  water.  But  he  ate 
heartily,  and,  as  I  thought,  of  meat  excessively,  in  proportion 
to  what  ho  drank.  According  to  my  notion,  it  would  have 
been  more  wholesome  for  him,  and  others  I  have  known  like 
him  in  that  respect,  to  eat  less  meat  and  drink  more  wine. 
At  Jouoph's  always  excellent  table,  there  was  no  such  variety 
or  luxury  of  liquors  as  is  not  uncommon  at  many  tables ; 
Madeira,  Sauternc,  and  Champagne  the  principal,  if  not  the 
only,  wines.  Napoleon  took  one  cup  of  ooiTee  at  breakfast, 
and  one  in  tho  drawing-room  after  dinner.  Joseph  learned  in 
this  country  to  prefer  tea ;  rising  with  the  dawn,  and,  after  his 
morning  dram  of  a  cup  of  green  tea,  going  out  with  his  hatchet 
and  workmen,  planting,  grubbing,  pruning,  and  superintending 
work  in  the  open  air  till  between  ten  and  eleven,  when  he  went 
in  to  breakfast.  Without  the  day-light  cup  of  imperial  tea,  he 
said  that  he  should  be  cross ;  and  spending  several  hours  a  day 
out  of  doors  in  our  dry  atmosphere,  he  told  me,  had  cured  him 
of  rheumatism,  with  which  he  suffered  in.  the  damper  European 
climate.  After  dinner,  at  Joseph's,  sometimes  he  read  aloud 
irom  some  dramatic  author,  or  there  was  a  game  of  sards,  but 
more  generally  of  billiards.  Of  the  long  summer  evenings  a 
drive  through  his  grounds,  sometimes  a  walk  to  the  Belviderc 
on  the  Delaware.  After  dinner,  and  an  hour  or  so  in  the 
drawing-room,  the  Emperor  usually  received  his  librar"  a  with 


';      'I'. 


'''""iirariiil 


who  had  served  with 
I  retiiriiod  from  Epypt 
Iny  Egyptian  cuMtoms. 
|inl)cr  ot'  tho  priiiuipiil 
jitat  ho  (tho  Hhcik)  per- 
Ido  of  eating.  "  Wliy," 
pn  yov  cat."  Tliiit  in, 
jn  eating,  was  contrary 
bh  Batitificd  hunger  and 
sthor,  provoking  catiny 

[iot  even  a  lady  —  more 

arte,  who  always  took  a 

er,  hut  very  little,  and 

th  water.     But  he  ate 

ccssively,  in  proportion 

notion,  it  would  have 

lers  I  have  known  like 

and  drink  more  wine. 

Bre  was  no  such  variety 

mmon  at  many  tables; 

ihe  principal,  if  not  the 

I  of  coffee  at  breakfast, 

incr.     Joseph  learned  in 

the  dawn,  and,  after  his 

oing  out  with  his  hatchet 

ning,  and  superintending 

.nd  eleven,  when  he  went 

it  cup  of  imperial  tea,  he 

ding  several  hours  a  day 

)  told  me,  had  cured  him 

in  the  damper  European 

ometimes  he  read  aloud 

as  a  game  of  sards,  but 

ong  Summer  evenings  a 

a  walk  to  the  Belvidere 

I  an  hour  or  so  in  the 

ceived  his  librar"  a  with 


BOXAPARTB. 


147 


specimens  of  new  books,  of  wliii-li  he  chime  two  or  three  to  look 
over,  throwing  the  rest  on  the  floor,  and  sonietimefl  into  the 
fire-plttce,  if  ho  did  not  like  them.  When  travelling,  or  in 
campaign,  he  took  a  portable  library  with  him,  compoHcd  of 
boxes  in  compartments,  containing  minittturo  editions  of  select 
workri  in  history,  belles  lettres,  and  science.  Not  finding  all 
that  he  wanted,  ho  sketched,  while  at  the  castle  of  Marrac,  on 
the  border  of  Spain,  before  ho  returned  from  that  country  in 
1H08,  and  at  Sohoenbrun,  near  Vienna,  in  1800,  the  outline  of  a 
travelling  library,  which  ho  intended  to  take  with  him  when- 
ever ho  left  home.  Tho  Emperor  sometimes  worked  the  whole 
evening.  At  ton  o'clock  ho  gave  his  orders  for  the  next  day, 
and  retired  for  the  night.  When  there  was  any  pressing  busi- 
ness he  got  up  at  one  or  two  o'clock  at  night  and  had  his  sec- 
retary called.  Every  week  he  went  hare-hunting  or  partridge- 
shooting,  not  so  much  from  fondness  for  tho  sport  as  for 
exorcise.  Towards  the  latter  part  of  his  reign  there  wcro  stag 
hunts  of  the  imperial  court,  in  which  he  took  part ;  but  rather, 
probably,  because  it  was  deemed  royal  amusement  than  from 
much  enjoyment  of  it.  He  seldom  went  to  the  theatre,  but 
often  had  plays  performed  at  the  various  palaces  which  he  in- 
habited, much  according  to  the  royal  routine  established  before 
the  revolution.  The  imperial  household  expenses  were  regulated 
with  the  same  close  attention  as  those  of  the  Empire ;  and  the 
domestic  budget  settled  every  year,  when  the  Emperor  himself 
presided  at  the  family  council,  and  scrupulously  reviewed  every 
item.  Without  requiring  parsimony,  he  reproved  waste  and  negli- 
gence, and  insisted  on  economy ;  in  all  of  which  he  was  seconded 
by  Duroo,  who  superintended  the  minutest  details.  The  public 
treasury  furnished  twenty-five  millions  of  francs  (15,000,000) 
a  year  for  the  imperial  civil  list,  which  the  crown  demesnes  in- 
creased to  thirty  or  thirty-one  millions  of  francs,  (about 
$6,000,000).  Building  and  furnishirg  were  the  two  heaviest 
charges :  building  cost  about  three  millions  of  francs  ($600,000) 
a  year ;  furnishing,  about  one  million  eight  hundred  thousand 
francs  ($360,000) ;  the  military  household,  eight  hundred  thou- 
sand francs  ($160,000) ;  ladies  of  the  palace,  chamberlains,  libra- 
ries, playing-cards,  clerks,  messengers,  and  wnges,  nearly  twelve 


I 


IM 


BONArAHTR. 


hundred  thouKniid  francit  (9240,000).  Muflio  for  tho  chapel, 
tbu  nitiirtiiiuntH,  and  the  theatrcH,  ooHt  nonr  nine  hundred  thou- 
■und  fruncH,  (nay  $180,000);  the  Ein|)oror'H  toilet  twtMity 
thuUHnnd  francs,  ($4000);  tliut  of  tho  EmproHst,  with  her  Htrung- 
box,  six  hundred  tbounand  frii  .ch,  ($120,000),  From  tho  wliolo 
civil  liiit  tho  Emperor,  by  economy  and  good  order,  saved  thir- 
teen or  fourteen  millions  of  francs  a  ycor,  ($2,000,000  and 
more);  so  that,  after  maintaining  as  magnificent  a  court  ns 
any  in  Europe,  ho  laid  up  ono  hundred  millions  of  fruncH, 
($20,000,000,)  part  of  which,  accumulated  in  gold  in  tho  cellar  of 
the  TuillcrioH,  was  tho  remnant  and  ono  of  tho  first  spoils  seized 
upon  by  tho  Bourbon  monarchs  as  soon  as  thoy  returned,  poor, 
rapacious,  and  as  shamelessly  regardless  of  tho  rights,  comforts, 
and  property  of  tho  Bonapartes  as  the  Emperor  Napoleon  had 
been  magnanimously  careful  and  generous  rospccting  theirs. 

Probably  of  no  one  that  over  lived  have  so  many  likenesses 
been  taken  as  of  Nupoleon,  on  canvass,  in  marble,  ivory,  and  on 
other  substances ;  which  generally  bear  some  resemblance  of 
feature  and  form ;  but  it  was  extremely  difficult  to  portray  or 
delineate  Napoleon's  look.  Its  mobility  was  boyond  the  roach 
of  imitation ;  corresponding  with  the  rapidity  of  his  ideas ;  like 
lightning  starting  from  his  grey  and  searching  eyes,  as  if  with 
a  distinct  glance  for  every  thoiight.  His  prominent  skull, 
superb  high  forehead,  long,  pallid,  thoughtful  face,  might  bo 
depicted;  but  not  his  characteristic  aspect.  His  arms  hung 
'vrell  from  his  shoulders;  his  legs  were  well  formed;  thighs 
round ;  his  hands  and  feet  small  and  handsome,  with  plump, 
tapering  fingers,  of  which  he  occasionally  seemed  a  little  vain. 
His  nose  was  aquiline,  straight,  and  well  placed ;  teeth  good, 
though  during  his  unwholesome  confinement  at  St.  Helena,  as 
was  also  the  case  with  his  brother's  near  Philadelphia,  the  gums 
required  frequent  bleeding.  Tho  curve  of  Napoleon's  lip  was 
finely  marked,  and  his  chin  slightly  protainent.  Without  color 
in  his  face,  which  was  quite  pallid,  his  skin  was  perfectly  clear. 
His  head  was  large,  and  neck  rather  short.  With  a  graceful 
sweep  of  the  whole  visage,  regularity  of  features,  and  fullness 
of  shoulders,  his  bust  was  altogether  noble,  and  his  step  digni- 
fied.   His  common  look  was  calm ;  when  I  saw  him,  mild  if 


ludio  for  the  chapel. 

ar  nine  hundred  Uiou- 

puror'H    toilet   twenty 

proMs,  with  her  Htrong- 

00).     From  the  wliolo 

oud  orihir,  Baved  tliir- 

ear,  (02,000,000  und 

nagniiiccnt  a  rourt  M 

ed  millions  of  frunoH, 

d  in  gold  in  tho  cellar  of 

of  tho  finit  HpoiU  seized 

as  thoy  returned,  poor, 

of  tho  rights,  oonifurts, 

Emperor  Napoleon  had 

)U8  rospecting  theirs. 

[iv(>  80  many  likenesses 

n  marble,  ivory,  and  on 

r  some  rcsamblanco  of 

y  difficult  to  portray  or 

y  was  beyond  the  roach 

,pidity  of  his  ideas ;  like 

oarching  eyes,  as  if  vrith 

His  prominent  skull, 

loughtful  face,  might  be 

ispoct.     His  arms  hung 

ire  'well  formed;  thighs 

handsome,  with  plump, 

ally  seemed  a  little  vain. 

irell  placed;  teeth  good, 

lement  at  St.  Helena,  as 

tr  Philadelphia,  the  gums 

e  of  Napoleon's  lip  was 

otainent.     Without  color 

akin  was  perfectly  clear. 

short.     With  a  graceful 

of  features,  and  fullness 

loble,  and  his  step  digni- 

\rhen  I  saw  him,  mild  if 


BONAPARTC. 


uo 


not  meek,  without  the  slij^htoHl  sign  of  fierconpss  or  HPverity. 
Iliri  sniilu  wiM  singularly  gracious  and  rngagin;;,  and  wlu-ri  ho 
Htiidi«Ml  to  please,  no  man  cuuld  he  morn  captivatiii)r.  His 
nuturil  nHcendunt  was  such,  that  before  ho  bceaino  a  nioiiarch 
or  cotiHul,  persons  convorHing  with  him  felt  and  acknowledged 
his  superiority  by  circling  round  oml  yielding  him  tho  word,  aa 
is  UMual  with  subjects  to  princeM.  When  excited  hia  nostrils 
diluted,  there  was  a  movement  of  the  foreliead  between  Km 
eyebrows,  and  his  tone  becomo  extremely  authoritative.  Ac- 
customed too,  as  ho  was,  to  military  command  from  an  early 
age,  liiH  language  was  at  times  abrupt  and  overbearing.  But 
tho  longer  ho  lived,  the  calmer  ho  grow ;  and  ho  was  very  lively, 
with  a  loud  and  bantering  laugh,  when  relaxed  to  good  humour. 
As  his  capacity  fbr  labor  was  extraordinary,  so  his  porforra- 
unccM,  physical  and  mental,  were  immcnbe ;  his  diligence,  vigils, 
and  exploits  in  civil  as  well  as  military  transactions.  At  school 
ho  was  more  industrious  and  distinguished  than  most  other  boys  ; 
although  of  his  boyhood  ho  baid  himself  that  there  was  nothing 
remarkable,  except  inquisitivoncss  and  obstinacy.  But  that 
doc"  not  do  him  justice.  Modest,  studious,  dutiful,  affectionate, 
yet  lively,  sometimes  petulant  and  teasing ;  his  authority  over 
men  never  became  more  absolute  than  that  of  his  mother  was  over 
him  in  childhood.  His  great-uncle,  tho  arch-deacon  of  Ajaeoio, 
who  became  head  of  tho  family  when  Napoleon's  father  dio<1, 
had  likewise  great  influence  over  Napoleon,  who  was  always 
his  fond  and  rovereQtial  nephew.  At  ten  years  of  age  put  to 
school  in  France,  though  he  first  bore  arms  as  a  soldier  re- 
sisting tho  English  in  Corsica,  yet  his  habits,  youthful  im- 
pressions, and  patriotic  attachments  were  entirely  French. 
L>istingui3hed  at  his  examination,  it  was  in  mathematics  that  ho 
particularly  excelled.  Quiet,  polite,  grateful,  tolerable  in  his- 
tory apd  geography,  feeble  in  Latin  and  the  elegant  accom- 
plishments, were  the  merits  certified  by  hi^  superior  when  Na<' 
poleon  left  the  military  academy.  Lieutenant  and  Captain 
Bonaparte  ^va8  oqo  ef  the  most  exemplary  young  men  of  his 
time :  not  addicted  to  any  of  tho  usual  vices  or  follies  of  young 
officers ;  no  gambling,  quarrelling,  duelling,  or  dissipation  uf 
any  kind  discredited  his  first  years  in  the  army.     His  morals 


150 


BONAPARTE. 


i 


^     ''■ 

!'>'iH 

■] 

were  as  pure  aa  his  talents  were  sdporior  and  his  temper  amiable. 
That  such  undeniable  youth  should  ripen  to  the  wicked  ma- 
turity so  profusely  imputed  to  him,  seems  contrary  to  nature. 
At  school,  he  was  a  favorite  with  his  school-fellows,  and  in  their 
choice  of  boys  to  preside  at  sports,  or  on  other  occasions,  Na- 
poleon was  mostly  elected.  In  the  army,  he  was  as  generally 
esteemed.  Ilis  popularity,  as  commander,  with  the  solditrs  is 
Avell  known ;  his  uniform  and  cordial  kindness,  attention  to 
their  wants  and  comforts,  and  studying  their  welfare  more  than 
that  of  oflScers.  Yet  at  school,  and  in  all  military  grades,  he  was 
a  strict  disciplinarian,  never  courted  favor  by  unworthy  or  un- 
manly condescension ;  but,  throughout  his  whole  life,  was  autho- 
ritative, direct,  simple,  systematic,  kind  and  considerate.  Jo- 
seph, at  college,  excelled  in  belles  lettres  as  Napoleon  did  in  the 
mathematics.  From  the  time  the  latter  entered  the  army,  as 
second  lieutenant,  to  the  last  moments  of  his  busy  life,  his  con- 
tributions to  literature,  by  various  treatises,  histories,  letters, 
proclamations,  down  to  newspaper  paragraphs,  fill  volumes  from 
his  pen.  Yet  he  almost  lost  the  power  of  handwriting  —  of 
writing  and  spelling  correctly,  he  became  quite  incapable.  Not 
only  were  his  written  words  illegible,  but  ill-spelt,  and  his  sen- 
tences incomplete,  from  want  of  words.  In  his  ordinary  writing, 
half  the  words  wanted  their  proper  letters,  and  many  of  his 
sentences  wanted  indispensable  words.  When  about  to  marry 
the  Austrian  princess,  and  a  letter,  in  his  own  hand-writing,  to 
the  Emperor  of  Austria,  was  the  necessary  ceremonial,  it  Avould 
have  been  impossible  for  his  future  father-in-law  to  read  Napo- 
leon's letter,  if  it  had  not  been  corrected  by  altering  many 
letters,  and  adding  several  words.  So,  too,  notwithstanding 
his  knowledge  of  mathematics,  and  capability  of  severe,  close 
study,  his  arithmetic  was  or  became  so  faulty,  that  he  could 
not  add  up  accurately  the  smallest  sum,  and  his  errors  always 
tended  to  increase  the  total  beyond  the  reality.  He  would  mis- 
take and  magnify  the  simplest  column  in  addition.  He  never 
sat  still,  but  walked  about  as  he  dictated ;  and  then,  in  a  sort 
of  nervous  ^emotion,  it  was  his  habit,  with  a  twist  or  jerk  of  the 
arm,  to  twitch  at  his  coat-sleeve.  Nor  could  he  bear  interrup- 
tion, repetition  or  delay,  but  his  amanuensis  must  write  as 


.  —  ,:  j^"*-'-! 


and  his  temper  amiable, 
pen  to  the  wicked  ma- 
ms contrary  to  nature. 
ool-fellow8,  and  in  their 
other  occasions,  Na- 
y,  he  was  as  generally 
der,  with  the  soldiers  is 
kindness,  attention  to 
their  welfare  more  than 
11  military  grades,  he  was 
avor  by  unworthy  or  un- 
his  whole  life,  was  autho- 
id  and  considerate.     Jo- 
es as  Napoleon  did  in  the 
ter  entered  the  army,  as 
1  of  his  bosy  life,  his  con- 
eatises,  histories,  letters, 
agraphs,  fill  volumes  from 
wcr  of  handwriting  —  of 
me  quite  incapable.    Not 
but  ill-spelt,  and  his  sen- 
.   In  his  ordinary  writing, 
letters,  and  many  of  his 
i.     When  about  to  marry 
I  his  own  hand-writing,  to 
(ssary  ceremonial,  it  would 
ither-in-law  to  read  Napo- 
•rected  by  altering  many 
So,  too,  notwithstanding 
capability  of  severe,  close 
(  so  faulty,  that  he  could 
mi,  and  his  errors  always 
e  reality.    Hd  would  mis- 
n  in  addition.     He  never 
ated ;  and  then,  in  a  sort 
nrith  a  twist  or  jerk  of  the 
or  could  he  bear  interrup- 
manuensis  must  write  as 


BONAPARTE. 


151 


rapidly  as  the  dictator  spoke ;  whose  respite  was  not  to  leave 
off  dictating,  but  merely  change  the  subject  and  the  scribe ; 
and  lie  would  keep  several  at  work,  all  at  once,  on  different 
topics. 

In  much  of  this  minute  detail  of  an  extraordinary  man,  the 
least  observing  may  perceive  Napoleon's  resemblance  to  thou- 
sands of  other  men  in  no  way  remarkable.  Still,  his  talent 
for  labor,  and  appreciation  of  time,  were  uncommon ;  for  no 
one  valued  it  more,  or  employed  it  more  assiduously.  At 
school  and  college,  in  garrison  or  imp,  the  cabinet,  every- 
where, even  in  the  bath,  he  was  never  idle,  but  always  studying 
to  advance  the  renown  by  which  he  filled  the  world.  News- 
papers and  pamphlets  were  read  to  him  while  bathing.  Ex- 
ploit was  constantly  either  his  enjoyment  or  his  study.  Though 
Lis  regular  life  and  temperate  diet  rendered  him  a  good  sleeper, 
and  during  the  earlier  stages  of  his  consular  and  imperial 
career,  he  usually  slept  soundly  seven  hours  of  the  twenty- 
four,  yet  rest  was  not  his  recreation,  but  he  took  it  as  he  did 
food  and  exercise,  not  as  an  enjoyment,  but  to  enable  him  to 
renew  labor.  Feasting  was  not  his  entertainment,  and  slumber 
only  relaxation ;  so  that  when  fifty  years  of  age,  he  had  done 
more  than  the  work  of  a  long  life,  not  only  in  arms,  but  in 
literature  and  legislation.  Nearly  six  hundred  unpublished 
and  most  confidential  letters,  to  his  brother  Joseph,  written  with 
heart  in  hand,  calculated  to  throw  the  truest  light  on  Napoleon's 
real  character,  sentiments  and  purposes,  and  dispel  clouds  of 
prejudices,  with  difficulty  concealed  by  Joseph  in  Europe,  and 
brought  to  this  country  for  safe  keeping,  were,  after  his  death, 
by  my  mstrumentality,  deposited  in  the  United  States  Mint  at 
Philadelphia,  as  a  place  of  security;  and  after  four  years'  safe 
keeping  there,  on  the  23d  of  October,  1849,  in  my  presence, 
surrendered  by  Joseph's  testamentary  executor  to  his  grandson 
Joseph,  then  twenty-five  years  of  age,  according  to  his  grand- 
father's will ;  which  bequeaths  to  that  grandson  those  precious 
developments,  together  with  other  unpublished  manuscripts ; 
among  them  part  of  Joseph's  life,  dictated  by  himself,  and  the 
republican  Marshal  Jourdan's  Memoirs,  written  by  himself. 
These  perfectly  unreserved  and  brotherly  confidential  letters, 


I 


,f 


168 


BOH  A  PARTE. 


B^' 


several  himdred  in  Napoleon's  own  liandAvriting,  written  before 
he  became  great,  will  demonstrate  his  real  sentiments  and  cha- 
racter, when  too  young  for  dissembling,  and  quite  unreserved 
with  his  correspondent.  Joseph  relied  upon  them  to  prove 
what  he  always  said,  and  often  told  me,  that  Napoleon  was  a 
man  of  warm  attachments,  tender  feelings,  and  honest  purposes. 
Napoleon  had  some  ear  for  music,  and  could  turn  a  tune : 
Meneval  gives  the  chorus  of  a  love-ditty  which  he  often  sang. 
But  lie  was  not  as  fond  of  poetry,  which  he  sometimes  called 
holloio  science,  aS  if  one  of  the  exact  sciences.  He  held  medi- 
cine in  disesteem,  and  often  joked  Corvisant  on  its  imperfections. 
History,  politics,,  tactics,  mathematics,  chemistry,  astronomy, 
and  his  owa,  but  by  no  means  modern,  notions  of  political  eco- 
nomy, he  preferred  to  poetical,  dramatic,  or  romantic  literature. 
And  while  he  liked  the  conversation  of  Talma  and  others  of 
that  sort,  yet  Monge,  Cuvier,  Haiiy,  BerthoUet,  Laplace,  and 
those  called  philosophers,  were  his  especial  favorites ; — science 
rather  than  literature.  He  was  not  fond  of  cards,  chess,  or 
any  other  game,  at  none  of  which  he  excelled;  but, at  his 
evening  parties,  preferred  walking  about,  and  chatting  with 
various  persons,  in  which  he  shone  to  great  advantage.  By 
saying  that  if  Oorneille  lived  in  his  reign,  he  would  have  made 
him  a  minister  and  a  prince,  he  did  not  so  much  refer  to 
poetical  as  philosophical  superiority,  Corneille's  profound 
knowledge  of  men,  government,  and  human  nature.  As  a 
young  man,  however,  Napoleou  had  thoroughly  read  and  Was 
charmed  with  Rousseau,  whose  bold  originality  captivated  most 
of  the  young  of  his  time.  When  a  youth,  Napoleon  wrote  a 
history  of  Corsica,  to  which  land  of  his  nativity  he  was 
warmly  attached ;  and  Raynal,  when  there  could  be  no  motive 
for  flattery,  recommended  the  work  to  Mirabeau.  Young 
Bonaparte's  Supper  at  Beaucaire  is  extant ;  and  his  Essay  on 
the  Art  of  Happiness  was  saved  by  Talleyrand's  adulation 
from  Napoleon's  attempt  to  destroy  it,  as  unworthy  of  preser- 
vation. If  Napoleon  had  not  distinguished  himself  as  a  sol' 
dier,  he  would  have  done  so  as  an  author,  poet,  orator,  or 
mathematician;  somehow  or  other :  for  he  was  potent  with  both 
tongue  and  pen,  as  weU  aa  sword.     His  conversation  was 


BONAPARTE. 


153 


[writing,  Trritten  before 
lal  sentiments  and  cha- 
and  quite  unreserved 
upon  them  to  prove 
I,  that  Napoleon  was  a 
[3,  and  honest  purposes, 
nd  could  turn  a  tune : 
;y  which  he  often  sang, 
[ch  he  sometimes  called 
liences.     He  held  medi- 
ant on  its  impicrfections. 
,  chemistry,  astronomy, 
notions  of  political  eco- 
B,  or  romantic  literature. 
f  Talma  and  others  of 
BerthoUet,  Laplace,  and 
jcial  favorites ; — science 
fond  of  cards,  chess,  or 
le  excelled;  but  .at  his 
3out,  and  chatting  with 
)  great  advantage.     By 
gn,  he  would  have  made 
I  not  80  much  refer  to 
y,   Corneille's   profound 
human  nature.     As  a 
ihoroughly  read  and  Was 
iginality  captivated  most 
routh,  Napoleon  wrote  a 
of  his  nativity  he  was 
there  could  be  no  motive 
to  Mirabeau.     Young 
xtant ;  and  his  Essay  (m 
^  Talleyrand's  adulation 
,  as  unworthy  of  preser- 
;uished  himself  as  a  sol- 
author,  poet,  orator,  or 
he  was  potent  with  both 
His  cony^rsation  was 


highly  instructive,  and  he  was  one  of  the  most  eloquent  men  ; 
of  modern  times.     His  orders  of  the  day,  proclamations,  bul-  ; 
letins,  speeches,  addresses,  and  answers  to  addresses,  all  his  j 
writings,  from  his  first  appearance  in  Italy  to  his  last  will  and 
testament  at  St.  Helena,  many  of  his  sudden  sayings,  his 
maxims,  sarcasms,  witticisms,  and  unpremeditated  observations,   I 
breathe  ah  abrupt,  vivifying,  concentrated  and  peculiar  spirit, 
poetical  and  imaginative,  logical  and  argumentative,  fervid  and 
forcible.     Like  most  of  the  French  republicans  or  revolu- 
tionists, he  was  much  addicted  to  Roman  and  Grecia,n  illustra- 
tions and  allusions.     Ossian  was  a  favorite  book  with  him. 
He  named  Bernadotte's  son,  the  present  king  of  Sweden,  to 
whom  ho  stood  god-father,  Oscar ;  and  his  sister  Pauline  Le- 
clerc's  son,  Dermide.     Beranger,  the  first  of  modern  French 
lyrical  poets,  an  inflexible  Bonapartist,  says  that  Napoleon  was 
a  great  poet.     Talma  considered  him  a  great  dramatist.     Ma- 
dame Catalan!  did  not  like  and  would  not  sing  for  him.     But 
most  of  the  great  actors,  singers,  poets,  and  men  of  letters, 
admired  the  Emperor,  whom  they  never  failed  to  find  a  muni- 
ficent protector. 

His  judgment  and  learning,  common  sense  and  shrewdness, 
were  not  led  astray,  however,  or  obscured  by  imagination. 
His  master  mind  was  displayed  to  the  greatest  advantage  in 
the  science  of  civil  government,  by  the  laborious  discussion, 
enactment  and  promulgation  of  a  code  of  laws,  called  some- 
times the  Napoleon,  at  others  the  Civil  Code.  At  every 
meeting  of  the  ablest  jurisconsults  and  publicists  convened  for 
that  purpose,  he  never  failed  to  attend,  to  take  an  earnest  and 
active  part,  being  the  chief  suggeetor  and  constant  debater  of 
every  proposition;  tolerating,  inviting  and  encouraging  the 
utmost  freedom  of  debate,  and  listening  with  candor  to  every 
argument;  Napoleon  was  a 'free  talker,  never  wrapt  up  in 
mysterious  taciturnity,^  or  disclosed  by  oracular  intimations. 
Yet  he  was  a  listener,  too,  which  is. a  rare  talent,  and  could 
keep  his  decision  suspended  till  he  heard  all  that  might  be  said 
on  all  sides.  Deliberations  on  the  code  lasted,  mostly,  five  or 
six  hours  a-day,  which  is  longer  than  an  American  judicial, 
much  longer  than  a  legislative  daily  session.    Not  only  would 


164 


BONAPARTE. 


the  Emperor,  all  that  time,  take  his  part  in  the,  council,  but 
often  keep  some  of  the  counsellors  to  dine  with  him,  during  and 
after  dinner  renewing  the.  subject,  and  analysing  it  in  every 
way.  In  those  grave,  sometimes  technical  and  complicated 
questions,  the  astonishing  versatility  of  his  genius,  and  extent 
of  his  attainments  for  civil  as  well  as  military  government,  the 
quickness  and  clearness  with  which  b©  saw  and  seized  the  very 
point  in  question,  in  matters  he  had  not  been  educated  to,  and 
might  well  have  been  uninformed  of,  his  superior  knowledge 
of  men  and  things,  were  wonderfully  apparent.  If  the  suppres- 
sion of  Napoleon's  despotism  was  beneficial  or  necessary  for  man- 
kind, still  many  lasting  monuments  of  hia  liberal  reforms  and 
wise  improvements  remain  in  laws,  institutions  and  territorial 
changes.  Compared  with  any  legitimate  monarch,  and  most  of 
their  ministers,  the  advantage  of  such  a  ruler  is  obvious,  to 
found  or  renew  a  state,  over  those  nearly  always  ruling  with- 
out practical  education  and  common  information,  if  born  to 
command.  Not  only  is  Napoleon's  superior  intelligence,  dili- 
gence, and  providence  striking  when  compared  with  Louis 
XVIII.,  Charles  X.,  or  even  Louis  Philippe,  but  his  aptitude 
for  imbibing  information  from  those  about  him,  sm-pas^ed 
theirs.  The  great  in  every  station,  royal,  noble,  and  official, 
from  that  alembic  distil  much  of  their  knowledge.  Biit  in- 
structed by  conversation  without  reading,  they  get  the  essence 
of  learning  only  when  they  relish  it  more  than  frivolous  or  sen- 
sual amusements.  It  was,  however,  not  in  the  council-chamber 
that  the  Emperor's  chief  excellence  appeared;  but  in  the  field, 
to  which  he  was  educated  and  excited  by  perhaps  excessive 
thirst  for  military  glory  and  intoxicating  success.  He  ^  often 
told  his  brother  Joseph  how  great  a  mistake  it  was  to  ascribe 
the  beginning  of  his  elevation  to  the  siege  of  Toulon,  where  his 
military  superiority  was  first  acknowledged.  "Not  at  all," 
said  he,  "  no  such  thing.  Marmont  or  any  other  brave  artillery 
officer  would  have  done  as  well  as  I  did  at  Toulon,  where  the 
stupid  commander  did  not  even  understand  the  common  range 
of  cannon-shot.  My  career  and  elevation  began  at  the  church 
of  St.  Roque,  in  4he  battle  of  the  Sections,  to  which  Barras 
appointed  me.    There  I  began  to  command,  and  thencefor-' 


|;i|ii!: 


BONAPARTE. 


156 


rt  in  the,  council,  but 
0  with  him,  during  and 
analysing  it  in  every 
nical  and  complicated 
his  genius,  and  extent 
ilitary  government,  the 
aw  and  seized  the  very 
been  educated  to,  and  * 
is  superior  knowledge 
larcnt.     If  the  suppres- 
ial  or  necessary  for  man- 
his  liberal  reforms  and 
ttitutions  and  territorial 
e  monarch,  and  most  of 
h  a  ruler  is  obvious,  to 
irly  always  ruling  with- 
information,  if  born  to 
iperior  intelligence,  dili- 
p  compared  with  Louis 
kiilippe,  but  his  aptitude 
I   about  him,   surpassed 
oyal,  noble,  and  ofBcial, 
sir  knowledge.     But  in« 
ing,  they  get  the  essence 
re  than  frivolous  or  «en- 
it  in  the  council-chamber 
peared;  but  in  the  field, 
>d  by  perhaps  excessive 
ting  success.    He 'often 
listake  it  was  to  ascribe 
ege  of  Toulon,  where  his 
edged.     "Not  at  all," 
any  other  ^rave  artillery 
id  at  Toulon,  where  the 
tand  tht  common  range 
;io,n  began  at  the  church 
ictions,  to  which  Barras 
mmaad,  and  thencefor<' 


ward  went  upwards."  True,  but  that  first  of  the  victories 
won  by  him,  in  October  1795,  was  over  his  own  countrymen, 
and  by  considerable  bloodshed.  His  elevation,  four  years 
afterwards,  to  chief-magistracy  was  also,  at  least,  not  without 
military  coercion,  though  bloodless:  inaugurations  of  his 
greatness,  therefore,  ominous  of  its  catastrophe ;  effected 
by  the  sword,  which  unmade  as  it  made  him.  General 
Bernard  described  to  me  Napoleon  at  Waterloo  with  French 
enthusiastic  admiration  of  his  amazing  self-possession  and 
cheerfulness,  superhuman  composure  and  resource  in  the 
crisis  of  the  fatal  moment  when  apprised  of  the  second  and 
final  overwhelming  irruption  of  the  Prussians  under  Blucher. 
"He  was,"  said  Bernard,  "a  god  in  battle."  Unlike  Blucher 
and  many  other  successful  great  warriors,  but  like  his  great 
English  conqueror  at  that  battle.  Napoleon's  courage  was 
always  united  with  great  discretion.  Not  so  cold  as  Welling- 
ton's, Napoleon's  discretion  was  never-failing.  One  of  King 
Joseph's  family,  present  at  the  battle  of  Vittoria,  told  me  that 
but  for  Wellington's  extreme  circumspection  there,  the  total 
destruction  of  Joseph's  force  under  Marshal  Jourdan  was  in- 
evitable. All  Napoleon's  battles  were  planned  with  the  utmost 
forecast  and  provision  against  every  contingency,  and  fought 
with  great;  fertility  of  resource  in  emergencies.  But  when  all 
that  prudence  could  devise  was  done,  he  calmly  left  the  result 
to  circumstances,  or  what  may  be  ca.llcd  fortune,  which  was  a 
reason  why  he  was  called  a  fatalist ;  for  he  never  relied  on  any 
individual,  or  undertook  himself,  to  overcome  events.  All  he 
could  do,  be  said,  was  to  make  the  most  of  them.  Joseph  more 
than  once  told  me  that  he  perceived  in  this  co  ntry  more  vene- 
ration for  individual  opinion  than  elsewhere.  "  That  was  not 
the  Emperor's  way,"  he  said;  "he  cared  little  for  any  one 
man's  opinion ;  but  governed  himself  by  that  of  a  mass  of  men 
and  course  of  events,  never  undertaking  to  make  events,  or 
being  governed  by  any  but  his  own  judgment."  He  was  a 
professed  time-server,  and  believer  in  masses. 

Yet  in  his  selectioni  of  official  instruments  he  was  highly  judi- 
cious and  fortupate ;  preferring  men  of  business  to  courtiers  or 
flatterora.    For  many  years,  affectionate,  amiable,  and  inclined 


W 


m 


166 


BONAPABTB. 


-i 


to  gratify  others :  till  ho  was  circumvented  and  mittled  by  wives, 
sisters,  and  nobles,  led  into  temptation  and  spoiled  by  fortune, 
his  instruments  were  remarkable  foi;  their  ;idaptation  to  their 
respective  places  and  uses  ; — such  as  Masscna^  whom  ho  consi- 
dered the  very  first  military  man,  Miirat,  Lannes,  Berthier, 
none  of  them  men  of  talents  except  for  the  particular  purpose 
to  which  their  master  applied  them.  When  Joseph  remonstr&ted 
with  Napoleon  against  the  plundering  or  other  misconduct  of 
some  of  his  generals  in  Spain,  which  the  Emperor  detested  as 
much  as  Joseph,  he  declined  noverthelesa  to  censxiro  them; 
"for."  said  he,  "in  their  line  they  are  inestimable.  How  can 
I  condemn  Masscna,  who  in  battle  is  as  good  as  I  am  ?"  When- 
ever a  man  had  a  genius  for  any  thing,  Napoleon  developed 
and  encouraged  that  peculiar  talent. 

His  own  probity  was  as  strict  and  infallible  as  his  ambition 
was  inordinate,  if  not  unscrupulous.  Of  the  twin  predominating 
passions  of  mankind,  avarice  and  ambition,  in  him  ambition 
seemed  to  absorb  avarice  entirely.  In  all  matters  of  property 
there  was  no  justcr  or  more  exemplary  person,  economical,  yet 
generous  but  exact  in  all  expenditures ;  his  living  as  a  poor 
soldier,  his  honschold  as  a  great  Emperor,  his  government, 
all  his  expenses,  private  and  public,  regulated  by  the  wisest 
and  most  admirable  economy, — not  parsimony,  but  economy  in 
its  best  acceptation.  After  having  had  the  spoils  of  Italy  and 
Egypt  at  his  command,  with  largo  military  chests  from  a  weak 
and  revolutionary  government,  Paris  crowded  with  the  rich 
trophies  of  his  conquests,  many  of  his  officers  enriched  by  theif 
plunder,  and  even  his  commissaries  by  speculations'  on  the 
public  treasure,  the  young  commander-in-chief  returned  home 
not  much  richer  than  he  left  it.  When  boundless  wealth  was  in 
bis  lap,  and  he  gave  it  away  to  all  around  him  with  splendid 
profusion,  not  only  was  his  own  establishment,  and  especially 
his  personal  part  of  it,  moderate,  but  his  face  was  set  with 
severe  indignation  against  all  plunderers,  speculators,  maraud- 
ers, and  pilferers.  Collated  with  the  eight  hundred  thousand 
sterling  of  British  debt,  half  of  it  created  to  put  him  down,  it 
is  one  of  the  miracles  of  Napoleon,  that  he  waged  all  his  enor- 
mous wars  without  contracting  a  debt  or  borrowing  a  cent, 


tl  and  mblcd  by  wives, 

id  spoiled  by  fortune, 

ir  iidaptatioQ  to  their 

.88CDa>  whom  ho  consi- 

at,  Lanncs,  Berthier, 

the  particular  purpose 

n  Joseph  remonstriited 

other  misconduct  of 

e  Emperor  detested  as 

less  to  censure  them ; 

inestimable.     How  can 

;oodasIam?"   When- 

g,  Napoleon  developed 

ifallible  as  his  ambition 

'the  twin  predominating 

)ition,  in  him  ambition 

all  matters  of  property 

person,  economical,  yet 

»3 ;  his  living  as  a  poor 

iperor,  his  government, 

regulated  by  the  wisest 

rsimony,  but  economy  in 

d  the  spoils  of  Italy  and 

itary  chests  from  a  weak 

crowded  with  the  rich 

officers  enriched  by  theif 

by  speculations'  on  the 

r-in-chief  returned  home 

L  boundless  wealth  was  in 

round  him  .with  splendid 

tlishment,  and  especially 

it  his  face  was  set  with 

ns,  speculators,  maraud- 

eight  himdred  thousand 

lated  to  put  him  down,  it 

ftt  he  waged  all  his  enor* 

!)t  or  borrowing  a  cent, 


BONAPARTE. 


16T 


vitliout  discounting  a  note  or  using  one  not  forthwith  convort- 
ible  into  coin ;  and  when  expelled  from  the  throne,  left  in  the 
collars  of  his  palace  a  largo  sum,  many  millions  in  cash  econo- 
mised from  family  show  for  public  service.  The  imperial  budget 
of  France,  when  he  ruled  fifty  millions  of  subjects,  was  little 
more  than  half  of  the  royal  budget  when  Louis  Philippe  reigneil 
over  thirty-four  millions.  The  standard  of  probity  was  as 
much  higher  in  Napoleon's  time.  Some  years  of  peace  were 
purchased  by  Louis  XVIII.  and  Charles  X.  contracting  debts 
+0  pay  foreign  governments  for  conquering,  and  theu*  troops 
'i'  <■  ying  France,  and  to  reimburse  restored  nobles  for 
their  cf  i  confiscated,  becaua;  ■. ;  ■  deserted  and  made  war 
on  their  country.  Those  debts  are  the  crushing  inheritance 
and  greatest  difficulty  of  republicanised  France,  which  Napo- 
leon left  at  least  partly  free  and  altogether  clear  of  debt.  Al- 
though it  may  be  said  that  he  supported  Franco  by  the  con- 
quests which  England,  by  successive  coalitions,  forced  him  to 
make ;  yet  the  abundance,  regularity,  and  management  of  the 
national  income  and  expenditures  in  hia  time,  without  an  idea 
of  what  is  now  recognised  as  the  science  of  political  economy, 
without  paper-money  and  without  debt,  is  a  monument  as 
amazing  as  his  code  of  laws. 

Napoleon's  morals  were  exemplary.  At  school  a  dutiful, 
good  boy ;  in  early  manhood  a  studious,  modest,  imobtrusive 
youth,  excellent  son,  brother,  friend,  stranger  to  excesses  and 
irregularities,  and  little  given  to  what  are  ardently  pursued  by 
most  young  men  as  the  pleasures  of  the  world.  When  he  re- 
turned to  France,  thii:ty  years  of  age,  to  be  raised  to  the  head  of 
the  government  by  nearly  universal  acclaim,  contrary  to  common 
English  traduction  and  American  belief,  he  may  bb  said  to  have 
scarcely  ever  been  guilty  of  an  immoral  action.  His  promotion 
to  chief-'magistracy  was  followed  by  acts  of  substantial  and 
generous  kindness  to  all  who  had  the  least  right  to  his  remem- 
brance. I  have  heard  Joseph  very  often  say  that  Napoleon 
was  kind,  compassionate,  and  tender-hearted ;  and  that  Joseph 
used  to  tell  him,  "  You  take  more  pains  to  seem  severe  and 
rough  than  most  men  do  to  appear  amiable  and  kind." 
Although  authority  and  sycophancy  constrained  the  Emperor 


" 


-iggpsi 


;^ 


168 


nOXAPAUTE. 


to  assume  unben'ling  and  ropul^ivo  mnnners,  yot  rarely  was 
appeal  in  vain  to  hia  gonoroHity  as  general,  consul,  (.r  emperor. 
Compared  with  the  Hangiiinary  roigns  of  the  restored  Uourbona, 
and  with  their  treatment  of  him,  his  deportment  to  all,  in- 
cluding thero,  is  radiant  with  benignity ;  though  the  Bourbonti 
have  been  regiHtered,  by  flattering  history,  as  mild  monarchs, 
however  weak.  Placable  and  forgiving,  Napoleon  was  never 
cruel.  IIo  detested  quarrels  and  duels,  avoided  when  liable  to 
them,  strongly  discountenanced  and  punished  when  above  them. 
Constant  kindness  to  his  soldiers  was  one  of  his  principal  holds 
on  their  never-failing  affection.  His  generosity  to  the  van- 
quished was  equally  signal ;  to  Mack,  after  his  surrender  of 
Ulm ;  to  Melas,  after  his  defeat  at  Marengo ;  and  to  the  Em- 
perors of  Austria  and  Ilussia,  after  their  overthrow,  and  Alex- 
ander's prevarication  at  Austerlitz.  His  pardon  of  the  Prus- 
sian prince  of  Hatzfeld  is  one  of  the  noblest  instances  history 
records  of  magnanimous  forgiveness.  >Tor  was  Napoleon 
subject  to  the  degrading  infirmity  of  envy.  He  deeply  de- 
plored Kleber's  death,  though  his  personal  enemy ;  cordially 
rejoiced  in  Moreau's  victory  of  Hohenlinden^  though  hia 
greatest  rival;  and,  on  the  field  of  Wagram,  signalized  his 
reconciliation  with  Macdonald,  another  eminent  opponent. 
Bernadotte,  always  his  antagonist,  Napoleon  treated  with  con- 
stant kindness  —  partly,  it  is  true,  through  Joseph's  interven- 
tion. As  soon  08  he  was  established  in  the  Consulate,  he  made 
provision  for  his  former  humble  friends,  the  housekeeper  and 
her  husband,  where  he  was  at  school,  by  transporting  tliem  to 
his  own  residence ;  and  got  his  most  intimate  schoolmate 
recalled  from  exile  to  be  appointed  his  private  secretary; 
Fauvelet,  who,  after  living  several  years  in  his  family,  and  being 
discharged  for  {fraudulent  misconduct,  though  without  hdrsh- 
ness,  sold  himself  to  the  royalists,  helped  them  to  calumnies  pub- 
lished in  his  name,  not  even  written  by  him,  against  his  bene- 
factor, as  Memoirs  of  Bourrienne.  Monstrous  ambition,  a^d 
tremendous  downfal,  have  given  color  to  the  vast  detraction  to 
which  Napoleon  was  subjected.  And  it  will  be  some  time  before 
the  truth  can  be  gradually  established.  But  it  has  been  in 
continual  progress  of  emancipation  since  his  fall ;  and  posterity 


■*»n.»!tei^fl>ii| 


nnnors,  yet  rarely  was 
ml,  connul,  (.r  emperor, 
tlio  restored  Uourbona, 
deportment  to  all,  in- 
though  the  Bourbons 
ory,  as  mild  monurchs, 
g,  Napoleon  was  never 
avoided  when  liable  to 
ished  when  above  them, 
ao  of  his  principal  holds 
generosity  to  the  van- 
after  his  surrender  of 
irengo ;  and  to  the  Em- 
3ir  overthrow,  ond  Alex- 
Ilis  pardon  of  the  Prus- 
noblest  instances  history 
>Tor  was  Napoleon 
envy.     He  deeply  dc- 
rsonal  enemy;  cordially 
ohenlinden^   though    his 
Wagram,  signalized  his 
^her  eminent    opponent, 
apoleon  treated  with  con- 
irough  Joseph's  interven- 
in  the  Consulate,  he  made 
ads,  the  housekeeper  and 
by  transporting  tliem  to 
lost  intimate  schoolmate 
1  his  private  secretary; 
rs  in  his  family,  and  being 
t,  though  without  h&rsh- 
ed  them  to  calumnies  pub- 
by  him,  against  his  bene- 
Monstrous  ambition,  a|id 
r  to  the  vast  detraction  to 
it  will  be  some  time  before 
led.     But  it  has  been  in 
ice  his  fall ;  and  posterity 


BONAPARTE. 


159 


will  recognize  him,  not  only  as  a  great,  but  likowis",  in  miiny 
roHpoctH,  a  good  man,  excelling  in  private  and  doniostic  virtncH. 
Napolcon'H  morals  were  not  only  exemplary,  but  Hiii^'ular,  coin- 
pnrL'il  with  contemporary  monarehs  like  Charles  X.  of  Franco, 
Charles  IV.  of  Spain,  and  George  IV.  of  England,  depraved 
and  (liHsolute  men,  more  oilioua  and  despicable  when  compiired 
with  liim  as  individuals  than  as  monarehs.  Even  the  most 
b''nevolent  and  brilliant  of  the  monarehs  of  his  age,  the  Em- 
peror Alexander,  was  a  man  of  much  less  domestic  virtue,  or 
personal  decorum,  than  Napoleon,  and  quite  as  rapacious  of 
extensive  empire.  Marshal  Grouchy  told  me  that,  at  Tilsit, 
the  Emperor  Alexander  honored  him,  one  day,  with  a  long 
interview  and  free  conversation ;  in  the  course  of  which  the 
Emperor  said  that  people  must  not  insist  on  the  same  standard 
of  morality  for  monarehs  as  for  other  men,  which  hia  imperial 
majesty  pronounced  impracticable.  Napoleon,  apart  from 
rabid  ambition,  was  a  model  of  domestic,  particularly  matri- 
monial virtues,  far  exceeding  most  of  not  only  the  royalty,  but 
the  aristocracy  of  Europe.  The  most  pertinacious  and  effectual 
French  authors  of  his  overthrow  were  Talleyrand,  Fouch^, 
Madome  de  Stael,  and  La  Fayette.  Compared  with  either 
Talleyrand  or  Fouoh<5,  the  purity  of  Napoleon's  character, 
public  or  private,  will  hardly  be  denied.  He  was  a  much 
chaster  man  than  Madame  de  Stael  was  a  wi/man.  She  and 
La  Fayette  were  indebted  to  him  for  kindnesses  such  as  could 
hardly  be  compensated.  Nor  were  all  the  evils  of  his  unde- 
niable despotism  so  injurious  to  France  as  the  Bourbon  resto- 
ration, of  which  La  Fayette  and  De  Stael  were  chief  contrivers. 
Accepted,  as  George  IV.  and  Charles  X.  were  by  England 
and  France,  as  respectively  the  first  gentlemen  of  those  king- 
doms, Napoleon,  in  all  the  fascinations  of  manners,  politeness, 
and  study  to  please,  was  much  more  of  a  gentleman  than  either 
of  them.  Louis  Philippe's  father,  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  Charles 
•X.,  when  Count  of  Artois,  and  George  IV.,  as  Prince  of  Wales, 
contemporaries,  were,  together,  three  of  the  most  dissolute  young 
men,  not  long  before  Lieutenant,  and  for  several  years  Captain, 
then  Major  Bonaparte,  not  remarkable,  because  unknown,  was 
constant  in  virtuous  and  irreproachable  deportment.    Madame 


I 


f 


160 


BONAPAJITE. 


,       ■JI'll 


do  Stael  Hnccrs  at  his  want  of  liigli-lncil  poliMli.  Riit  IiIh  su- 
perior wit  »tiie  never  for/Mvc.  l'\'w  iinUvi<ln!il»,  probably  no 
uno,  liud  more  infliuMice  in  luxlorniinin;;  and  discrediting  the 
Empire  of  Nupoluon  tlinn  ii  woman  who  uiudo  luvt*  to  him,  and 
then  took  vengeuuco  hcciiiwe  ho  treated  her  courtship  not  only 
repulsively,  but  contoniptuoualy.  When  ho  returned  fiom  E^ypt, 
there  were  but  two  feuialuH  who  hud  any  power  over  the  young 
con(iueror  of  thirty.  They  were  his  wife  and  his  motlier. 
(J(*ncral  Bonaparte  was  a  chaste,  faithful,  fond  husband  and  son, 
on  whom  all  the  feminine  attractions  and  temptations  of  Paris 
were  thrown  away: — dresHod  simply,  lived  domestically,  and 
unosteptatiously  avoiding  all  female  connexions  beyond  his  own 
family.  The  cclebrntcd  Ncckar's  highly  accomplishe<l  daughter, 
French  wife  of  the  Swedish  ambassador,  Madame  dc  Stael,  ex- 
tremely ugly,  witty,  fashionable  and  free,  with  amazing  talentfi 
and  unbridled  love  of  display,  of  distinction,  of  money,  and  of 
men,  went  to  work  to  subdue  Bonaparte  as  soon  as  he  returned 
from  Egypt  to  Paris,  immense  in  heroic  renown,  and  innocent 
of  all  love  but  for  h's  family.  Whenever  Madame  do  Stael 
fell  in  with  him,  in  public  or  private,  she  spared  no  expenditure 
of  language,  looks,  airs,  graces,  and  enticements,  to  fascinate 
his  intimacy,  brilliant  as  she  was  in  conversation  on  almost 
any  subject.  She  kept  op,  also,  a  continual  fire  of  notes  to 
Madame  Bonaparte,  who  would  hand  them  to  her  husband, 
and  say,  "  Here,  my  friend,  is  a  billetdoux,  addressed  to  me, 
but  intended  fpr  you."  At  length,  at  a  party  of  Talleyrand's, 
Madame  de  Stael  made  her  most  desperate  onset,  which  Bona- 
parte repelled  and  defeated,  after  the  sharpest  encounter  of 
both  their  masterly  wits.  Publicly  rejected,  she  vowed  ven- 
geance. Her  vioient  retaliation  induced  him  afterwards,  un^ 
wisely  and  unfortunately,  to  banish  her  from  Paris  to  Switzer- 
land, w  here,  for  more  than  ton  years  of  solitary  exile,  she  brooded 
and  matured  the  revenge,  to  which  few  persons,  not  all  the 
French  royalists  combined,  contributed  more  acrimonious  dis-' 
paragement.  His  sarcastic  wit  made  many  more  bitter  enemies 
than  that  formidable  woman.  To  lie  like  a  bulletin,  was  common 
English  and  American  mention  of  his  military  despatches.  Most 
such  documents  misrepresent ;  but  hia  not  more  than  others. 


I'oil  polish.     Rut  liifl  BU- 

|inlivi<liiiil»,  probably  no 

i;^  and  ili«creditiiij;  the 

0  niado  low  to  hitn,  and 

il  her  courtHhip  not  only 

ho  returned  fiom  Ej^ypt, 

\y  power  over  the  young 

a  wife  and  his  inot!ier. 

il,  fond  husband  and  sen, 

nd  temptations  of  Paris 

lived  domostically,  and 

iinoxions  beyond  his  own 

y  accompliBhe<l  daughter, 

)r,  Madame  dc  Staol,  cx- 

roc,  with  amazing  talent,<> 

iction,  of  money,  and  of 

te  as  soon  as  ho  returned 

>io  renown,  und  innocent 

mever  Madame  do  Stael 

ihe  spared  no  expenditure 

cntiocments,  to  fascinate 

1  conversation  on  almost 

;ontinual  fire  of  notes  to 

id  them  to  her  husband, 

etdoux,  addressed  to  me, 

t  a  party  of  Talleyrand's, 

perate  onset,  which  Bona- 

10  sharpest  encounter  of 

rejected,  she  vowed  ven- 

iuced  him  afterwards,  nn>' 

ler  from  Paris  to  Switzer- 

■  solitary  exile,  she  brooded 

few  persons,  not  all  the 

ted  more  acrimonioos  dis-' 

many  more  bitter  enemies 

ike  a  bulletin,  was  common 

military  despatches.   Most 

lis  not  more  than  others. 


IlONAl'AtlTE. 


n;i 


Nor  was  t)io  falM-liood  imputed  to  thorn  «o  detrimental  to  liiin 
as  the  contumelious  tone  in  which  they  often  dealt  with  the 
ooiitemptiblo  monarchH,  princes  and  nobles,  whom,  not  content 
with  vanquishing,  ho  sometimes  ridiculed;  who,  though  they 
must  submit  to  his  victories,  could  not  boar  his  sarcaHuiM.  If 
I  am  not  mistaken,  Madamu  do  Stael,  when  ho  returned  from 
Elliti,  and  allowed  her  claim  on  the  Bourbon  government  for 
money,  espoused  his  caueo,  and  prevailed  on  her  Swiss  com- 
patriot, Benjamin  Constant,  to  join  him. 

Among  the  innumerable  calumnies  spent  on  Bonaparte,  it 
wax  Huid,  and  long  believed  by  many,  that  ho  had  no  religion. 
Scott,  and  other  writers  of  his  life,  published,  as  a  fact,  that 
he  embraced  Islamism,  which  was  a  mere  fabrication.  IIo  did 
no  more  in  iSgypt  than  respectfully  ottend  at  the  religious 
exercises  of  the  Mussulmans,  which  gratified  them,  and  tran- 
ijuillizcd  the  country,  whoso  creed  it  was  as  much  his  duty  as 
his  policy  to  tolerate,  as  is  done  by  all  conquerors  in  countries 
they  subdue.  Although  not  what  can  bo  called  devout,  Bona- 
parte was  a  sincere  Roman  Catholic ;  as  every  one,  he  said, 
ought  to  bo  of  his  father's  religion,  and  considered  religion 
indispensable  to  good  government.  In  the  beginning  of  the 
French  Revolution,  most  of  its  supporters  were  careless  of 
religious  observances,  and  inimical  to  clerical  rule.  Deism  was 
a  common  part  of  republicanism  when  it  began  in  France. 
Voltaire,  Montesquieu,  Rousseau,  and  other  modern  reformers, 
inculcated,  not  only  emancipation  from  the  authority  of  priests, 
but  treated  much  of  the  creed  of  Christianity  with  contempt 
and  ridiculo ;  and  ridicule  is  heavier  condemnation  in  France 
than  elsewhere.  Bonaparte's  marriage  with  Josephine  was  by 
merely  civil  contract,  without  any  religious  sanction.  La 
Fayette,  and  many  other  respectable  republicans,  could  hardly 
be  deemed  Christians;  nor  Franklin  vOr  Jefibrson,  though  per- 
haps not  mere  theists,  like  Paine.  ^ Stephen  Girard's  interdict 
of  all  clergymen,  by  his  will,  fron^  the  seminary  he  founded  for 
children,  interdicted  not  only  froih  its  government,  but  precincts, 
came  of  that  same  French  ^ersion  to  priestcraft,  which  con- 
demned it  as  part  of  roya)  and  aristocratical  abuses.  Loading 
free-thinkers,  from  aversion  to  fanaticism,  went  over  to  infidelity. 

Vol.  IIL— 11 


I 


■<J 


ajj^ 


maP^ 


iuiu' 


162 


DOXAPARTK. 


lioiiupnrto,  n  Roman  Catholic  and  a  royatmt,  was  liberal  in  liiit 
religion  a8  in  liiit  politics,  llo  would  have  had  tho  |M-ieMtH 
iiiarriu*!,  convcnta  and  monaHtvricM  aboliHhed,  tim  popo  Htripped 
of  temporal,  hut  Huatained  by  incruaHod  vcclcniaHtical  power. 
Ho  waM,  in  IHOO,  what  largo  numbers  of  pioiiH  persons,  with 
tho  Po|)o,  Pius  IX.,  at  their  head,  wore  in  1841)  of  opinion  that 
religion  docs  not  sufibr  by  toleration  greater  than  it  has  ever  en- 
joyed in  moHt  countries  of  Christendom.  Ho  would  have  sepa- 
rated  church  from  state,  but  without  destroying  tho  church ;  or, 
as  ho  believed,  an<l  we  Americans  think,  has  boon  shown  in  thid 
country,  without  diminishing  its  power  or  usofulnosa.  In  fact, 
to  some  considerable  extent.  Napoleon  was  a  protestant,  as 
many  of  tho  leading  men  of  Franco,  in  his  time,  were  modern 
Janscnists.  Still  ho  was  poDOtrated  with  tho  importance  of 
religion,  reverently  convinced  of  tho  existence  and  providence 
of  God ;  and  in  that  belief,  not  only  religious,  but  of  tho  Ro- 
man Catholic  religion.  Tho  great  body  of  the  French  people 
being  inflexible  Roman  Catholics,  he  could  not  inculcate  any 
change  so  obnoxious  as  protestantism,  without  distracting  the 
country.  All  he  could  do,  was  to  favor  liberality  and  establish 
toleration.  He  therefore  restored,  but  reformed  catholicity ; 
separating,  as  far  as  was  prudent,  spiritual  from  temporal, 
and  healing  the  angry  divisions  which  tho  ropublio  left  in  the 
church.  That  great  result,  with  its  powerful  tendency  to  Eu- 
ropean peace,  quelling  religious  discord,  the  cause  of  so  much 
calamity,  it  was  one  of  the  first  acta  of  his  government  suc- 
cessfully to  bring  about.  But  Italy,  almost  a  French  province, 
uud  Spain,  a  neighbouring,  close  ally,  were  entirely  Roman 
Catholic,  like  the  largo  majority  of  France.  The  concordat 
arranged  -with  the  Pope  was,  therefore,  all  that  was  peaceably 
practicable ;  and  oven  to  that  many  of  the  military  were  op- 
posed, and  the  republicans.  Idealogues,  as  Bonaparte  termed  i 
dissentients  from  his  measures,  comprising  most  of  the  repub- 
licans, condemned  all  accommodation  with  the  Pope  and  the 
priesthood,  as  introducing  foreign  influence  and  power  in  a| 
country  in  which  tolerance  and  equality  of  worship  were  esta- 
blished. When  religion  is  mixed  with  politics,  the  conse-l 
■quonces  are,  we  Americans  think,  pernicious.    Bonaparte  didj 


■r^T!mi^wj^,ifr*^ 


I 


nOKAPAnTK. 


m] 


val'iMt,  WM  lihorul  in  lim 
hiivo  had  tho  pricMtM 
iithvil,  tlit^  popo  Htri|i|)iHl 
ud  vccleniuHticttl  puwcr. 
of  pioiiH  pcrsoDH,  with 
in  184t)  of  opiiiiim  that 
ator  than  it  haa  uver  en- 
IIo  would  havu  Hupu- 
latroying  tho  church ;  or, 
haa  boon  shown  in  thin 
or  uscfulnou.     In  fact, 
on  was  a  protoHtaiit,  as 
in  his  time,  wore  modern 
with  tho  importance  of 
cxiatenco  and  providence 
religious,  but  of  tho  Ro- 
)dy  of  the  French  people 
)  could  not  inculcate  any 
m,  without  distracting  tho 
iror  liberality  and  establish 
but  reformed  catholicity ; 
spiritual  from  temporal, 
ch  tho  republic  left  in  the 
I  powerful  tendency  to  Eu- 
:ord,  the  cause  of  so  much 
its  of  his  government  sue- 
almost  a  French  province, 
illy,  were  entirely  Roman 
f  France.     The  concordat 
ore,  all  that  was  peaceably 
y  of  the  military  were  op- 
gues,  as  Bonaparte  termed 
iprising  most  of  the  rcpub- 
on  with  the  Pope  and  the 
influence  and  power  in  a 
ality  of  worship  were  esta- 
with  politics,  the  conse- 
ternicious.     Bonaparte  did 


the  boKt  ho  couM ;  and  hiH  conduct  proved  psicifying  and  trau- 
riuillixing.  After  Win  imperial  downfall,  proteNtants  were  fiilnely 
denounced  and  punisheil,  by  intolcrnnt  Roman  Oatliolie  adiie- 
rentH  of  tho  royal  restoration,  as  atheists ;  and  republiciiiiH  un- 
truly stigtnatiitod  as  jacobins.  La  Fayette,  and  his  small  party 
of  republicans  inimical  to  Bonaparte,  soon  undeceived  as  to 
nmiibon  government,  began  then  to  style  themselves  Liberals, 
and  iii'tcrwards  Independents,  whom  the  royalists  calumniated  as 
oppoHed  to  all  religion  and  authority.  In  fact,  the  diflcronce  of 
external  religious  observance  is  so  great  between  different  Chris- 
tian communities,  that  what,  in  parts  of  America,  or  Scotland, 
would  be  deemed  impious,  is  common,  in  tho  manner  of  keeping 
Sunday,  and  many  other  things,  in  France.  One  ( .'  the  first 
of  tho  many  English  customs  it  'roduoed  in  Fran<!0  by  tho 
Bourbons,  on  their  restoration,  was  borsc-racing  on  Sunday. 
A  member  of  Congress  who  mossed  with  mo  in  1814,  socmud 
to  have  no  public  object  so  near  his  heart,  coi  iidered  none  oT- 
his  public  duties  so  important,  as  prohibiting  ..le  transp  tatiou 
of  tho  mail  on  Sundays.  I  road  him  a  Paris  news  .  ic^  ac- 
count of  the  attendance  of  tho  whole  royal  family,  ai  o  ti'emely 
devout,  at  the  first  horse-race  there,  which  *ook  place  on  Sun- 
day. So  of  Napoleon's  religion,  persons  o<  otb  >r  countries  a:iu 
creeds  aro  not  impartial,  and  hardly  competent,  judges ;  and 
when,  like  Walter  Hcott,  they  write  history  blinded  by  national 
superadded  to  religious  prejudices,  their  accounts  are  entitled 
to  no  credit.  Joseph  Bonaparte  waa  not  a  devout  man ;  many 
in  this  country  would  deem  him  irreligicns,  for  there  was  no 
difference  poroeptible  in  his  house  between  Sunday  and  Satur- 
day or  Monday.  AH  days  were  alike  as  to  any  religious  cere- 
monies or  obsorvancea,  though  as  king  of  Naples  and  Spain  he 
respected  and  kiept  all  their  religious  ceremonies.  But  I  have 
heard  him  laugh  at  the  noisy  preaching  at  a  neighboring  con- 
venticle in  Jersey ;  and  he  oi'l  me  that  Napoleon  sometimes 
joked  at  Louis  Bonaparte'.,  '''.'outness.  In  one  of  Napoleon's 
most  aQxioa(>  letters  to  Joseph  in  1818,  when  Joseph's  corres- 
pondence urged  the  Emperor  to  make  peace,  Napoleon's  angry 
reply  was,  "You  need  not  preach  peace  to  me."  Yet  they 
were  both  of  tho  religion  of  their  father,  and  much  attached 


BB 


ii 


i  i.  I 


i  1 1 ' 


164 


BONAPARTE. 


to  their  uncle,  the  last  of  the  Corsican  Bonapartes,  the  vene- 
rable and  pious  Archdeacon  of  Ajaccio.  On  Joseph's  estate 
in  New  Jersey  he  had  a  portion  set  apart,  and  consecrated  by- 
religious  ceremonies,  for  his  burial-ground,  in  case  he  died  in 
America ;  and  dying  anywhere  he  Moxdd  desire  the  consolation 
of  religion.  Napoleon  was  even  charged  with  superstition,  by 
some  of  those  who,  with  as  little  reason,  accused  him  of  infi- 
delity. What  was  called  superstition  in  him,  was  deep  and 
awful  assurance  of  God's  mysterious  omnipotence.  At  the  oc- 
currence of  remarkable  incidents,  either  good  or  bad,  he  habi- 
tually often  crossed  himself.  All  his  conversation,  public 
harangues,  papers,  and  other  such  manifestations,  Vefer  fre- 
quently to  that  power  which  controls  human  combinations 
and  events.  The  ringing  of  chui-ch  bells  affected  him  with 
reverential  solemnity.  He  asked  for  and  took  the  sacraments 
of  his  church  on  his  death-bed,  and  not  as  repentant  of  the 
infidelity  or  sins  which  his  enemies  most  commonly  imputed  to 
him :  but,  surrounded  as  he  was  by  cruel  jailors,  who  watched 
to  detect  and  expose  any  weakness;  none  such  was  caught  or 
recorded.  There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  Napoleon  lived 
and  died  a  much  sincorer  believer  of  the  Christian  religion 
than  many  of  those  who  calumniated  him  as  an  infidel  and  a 
Turk.  Few  men  ever  felt  more  deeply  the  influence  of  virtue 
in  others.  A  virtuous  person  never  failed  to  awe  him.  When- 
ever confronted  with  what  he  called  a  virginal  heart,  it  over- 
came all  the  stoicisms  which  his  position  required  him  to  affect. 
He  used  to  say  that  his  religious  reforms  would  never  go  be- 
yond the  four  propositions  of  Bossuet.  Iqborn  sense  ofl 
religious  obligation  was  part  of  his  nature.  "All  creeds,"  he 
said,  "  might  be  substantially  good ;  but  no  man  should  deser  j 
his  father's."  Religion,  he  uniformly  insisted,  is  c  'sential  to 
morality.  He  could  not  comprehend  how  any  one  can  b^ 
virtuous  without  religion.  Irreligion  he  always  reprobatec 
Two  French  tendencies  of  his  time  were  extremely  odious  tl 
him,  duelling  and  contempt  of  religion.  "That  man,"  he  saicj 
"  cannot  be  a  good  citizen  who  saps  the  foundation  of  religior 
and  there  is  no  more  hideous  spectacle  than  an  old  man  dyinl 
like  a  dog,  with  no  hope  of  resurrection."     I  have  heaij 


BONAPARTE. 


165 


m  Bonapartos,  the  vone- 

-!cio.     On  Joseph's  estate 

)art,  and  consecrated  by 

round,  in  case  he  died  in 

_iuld  desire  the  consolation 

rged  with  superstition,  by 

ason,  accused  him  of  infi- 

on  in  him,  was  deep  and 

omnipotence.     At  the  oc- 

ther  good  or  bad,  he  habi- 

his    conversation,   public 

manifestations,  Vefer  fre- 

;rol8   human  combinations 

ih  bells  aflfected  him  with 

)r  and  took  the  sacraments 

d  not  as  repentant  of  the 

most  commonly  imputed  to 

cruel  jailors,  who  watched 

8,  none  such  was  caught  or 

doubt  that  Napoleon  lived 

r  of  the  Christian  religion 

^ed  him  as  an  infidel  and  a 

eply  the  influence  of  virtue 

r  failed  to  awe  him.    Whcn- 

jd  a  virginal  heart,  it  over- 

dtion  required  him  to  affect. 

reforms  would  never  go  be- 

Jossuet.     Ii^born  sense  of 

3  nature.    "All  creeds,"  he 

;  but  no  man  should  desert 

rmly  insisted,  is  c  sential  to 

hend  how  any  one  can  be 

yion  he  always  reprobated. 

le  were  extremely  odious  to 

;ion.     "That  man,"  he  said, 

»s  the  foundation  of  religion : 

stacle  than  an  old  man  dying 

surrection."     I  have  heard 


from  good  authority,  a  royalist  of  Bourbon  attachments,  that 
the  Emperor  Avas  sensible  that  he  had  not  done  enough  for 
religion,  and  intended  to  do  more. 

In  the  fatal  and  deplorable  mistake  of  his  second  marriage, 
it  was  his  respect  for  perhaps  the  worldly  influence  of  religion 
that  determined  his  selection  of  the  Austrian  princess,  which 
was  so  great  a  cause  of  his  ruin.  A  Russian  or  a  Saxon  princes?, 
both  of  which  were  in  his  option,  and  contemplated,  involved 
the  dangerous  attempt  of  estabKshing  on  the  French  throne  a 
monarch's  consort  not  of  the  Roman  Catholic  religion ;  which 
Joseph  Bonaparte  always  and  often  mentioned  as  the  chief 
reason  for  choosing  the  Austrian  princess.  Napoleon  would 
not  give  umbrage  to  his  Roman  Catholic  subjects,  particularly 
the  old  nobility,  nearly  all  of  whom  were  of  that  faith,  and  to 
other  entirely  Roman  Catholic  countries,  Italy,  Spain,  and 
others.  Piety  may  have  had  less  part  in  this  consideration 
than  policy.  But  apprehension  that  a  wife  of  the  Greek 
church,  or  the  Lutheran,  would  be  offensive  to  most  of  tho 
Roman  Catholic  people  of  France,  Italy,  and  Spain,  decided, 
so  Joseph  said.  Napoleon's  choice  of  the  Austrian  Empress. 

When  he  coveted  a  crown,  it  was  indispensable  that  it  must 
be  by  popular  consent,  without  divine  right ;  as  when  he  restored 
the  church  it  was  reformed.  But  he  never  had,  probably,  so 
much  republican  conviction  as  to  believe  that  a  French  republic 
could  stand  erect  and  powerful  in  the  midst  of  surrounding 
monarchies.  His  enemies  charge  him  with  gross  inconsistency 
in  that  respect.  The  probability  is  that  he  was  always  a  mon- 
archist. Wheh  married  to  an  Emperor's  daughter,  and  his 
imperial  father-in-law,  to  relieve  his  own  apprehension  of  de- 
gradation, said  to  Napoleon,  "  The  Bonapartes  have  been 
sovereigns,  I  know,  for  I  have  had  their  titles  examined," 
Napoleon  smiled,  and  replied  that  he  would  rather  be  the  Ro- 
dolph  of  Hapsburg  of  his  family,  than  born  to  Empire.  And 
when,  during  the  Consulate,  obviously  striving  for  a  crown, 
sycophants  hunted  up  a  pedigree  for  him,  he  seemed  to  treat 
the  design  with  contempt,  S9.ying  that  his  nobility  dated  from 
the  victory  of  Montenotte.  Still  he  was  proud  of  his  noble 
descent,  and  felt  that  his  was  blue  blood,  as  the  Italians  call 


166 


BONAPARTE. 


that  of  their  nobility.     His  parents,  both  father  and  mother, 
were  of  that  caste ;   and  when  his  father,  impoverished  by 
Corsican  troubles,  applied  for  permission  to  get  Joseph  and 
Napoleon  educated  at  royal  expense  in  France,  he  made  the 
required  proof  by  adequate  testimoiuals  of  his  nobility.     The 
Bonaparte  family  were  of  the  old  Italian  nobility,  princes  of 
Truviso,  allied  to  some  of  the  noblest  families,  distinguished 
in  arms,  in  literature,  and  the  church.    When,  expelled  from 
Italy,  they  took  refuge  in  Corsica,  their  family  alliances  there 
were  also  noble.     They  were  likewise  of  the  Ghibelline  party, 
opposed  to  the  Guelphs.     Napoleon's  blood  was,  therefore, 
always  inimical  to  the  royal  bouse  of  Hanover,  by  whose 
English  ministers  he  was  overcome  and  his  family  cast  down 
from  the  thrones  on  which  he  seated  them.     Son  of  a  Cor- 
sicr.n  noble,  the  Emperor  was  educated  in  France  by  royal 
bounty.     His  ^earliest   impressions  were,  therefore,  entirely 
aristocratic;   and  next  to  filial  affection  he  must  have  felt 
grateful  reverence  for  his  royal  benefactors.     His  aversion  to 
those  French  revolutionists  who  condemned  their  king  to  death 
was  constant  and  irreconcilable.    Joseph  often  told  me  that  the 
Emperor's  opinion  was  that  the  conventionalists  were  incom- 
petent judges,  and  had  i\o  right  to  sit  in  judgment  on  theu'  king. 
When  about  to  invest  the  first  savings  of  his  military  pay  in 
the  purchase  of  real  estate,  his  orders  to  his  agent  were  not  to 
risk  the  sum  in  national  domain,  as  confiscated  property  was 
called.     He  said  at  St.  Helena,  that  he  was  of  a  noble  fami 
fallen  into  obscurity.     Those  who  voted  the  king's  execution 
he  called  assassins.     The  property  of  princes  and  nobles  con 
fiscated  for  emigration,  he  considered  held  illegally.     He  often 
said,  jestingly,  to  Cambaceres,  "  if  the  Bourbons  return  I  sha 
escape,  but  you  will  be  hanged."    When  he  married  Josephine, 
her    social   superiority  and   noble   connexions,  were   object; 
with  him.    Not  only  was  her  social  position  so  much  bettc: 
than  his  as  to  render  her  hand  advaucement  for  him,  but  sh< 
had  some  fortune,  while,  except  his  pay,  he  had  nothing  a 
all.     It  is  a  fact,  therefore,  which  has  been  paraded  and  mis 
represented  by  many  of  his  biographers,  that  a  few  days  befor 
their  marriage,  one  morning  when  sl^e  was  abed  in  her  chambei 


BONAPARTE. 


167 


both  father  and  mother, 
father,  impoverished  by 
iision  to  get  Joseph  and 
in  France,  he  made  the 
aU  oi  his  nobility.     The 
alian  nobility,  princes  of 
st  families,  distinguished 
X,    When,  expelled  from 
leir  family  alliances  there 
of  the  Ghibelline  party, 
n's  blood  was,  therefore, 
of  Hanover,  by  whose 
and  his  family  cast  down 
ed  them.     Son  of  a  Cor- 
catcd  in  France  by  royal 
were,  therefore,  entirely 
'ection  he  must  have  felt 
lefactors.     His  aversion  to 
demued  their  king  to  death 
oseph  often  told  me  that  the 
)nventionali8t8  were  incom- 
it  in  judgment  on  then*  king, 
ings  of  his  military  pay  in 
ers  to  his  agent  were  not  to 
IS  confiscated  property  was 
it  he  was  of  a  noble  family 
voted  the  king's  execution, 
of  princes  and  nobles  con- 
ed held  illegally.     He  often 
the  Bourbons  return  I  shall 
Wlien  he  married  Josephine, 
e   connexions,  were   objects 
lial  position  so  much  better 
ivajicement  for  him,  but  she 
his  pay,  he  had  nothing  at 
has  becri  paraded  and  mis- 
phers,  that  a  few  days  before 
sl^e  was  abed  in  her  chfimber, 


with  her  future  husband  and  several  other  persons  in  the  room, 
Raguideau,  the  notary  she  had  employed  to  draw  the  marriage 
articles,  coming  in,  they  all  left  the  room  except  the  future 
husband,  who  withdrew  to  the  window,  white  the  notary  placed 
himself  at  her  bedside.  After  despatching  their  business,  Ma- 
dame Beauharnaia  asked  her  notary  what  was  generally  said 
of  her  second  marriage.  Raguideau  honestly  answered  that  it 
was  not  well  thought  of,  to  marry  a  man  several  years  younger 
than  herself,  a  mere  soldier  without  fortune,  nothing  in  the 
world  but  his  sword  and  regimentals,  whom  she  would  have  to 
support,  who  might  be  killed  in  any  battle  and  leave  her  with 
an  increased  family  to  maintain.  The  widow  then  enquired 
of  her  notary  what  was  his  own  opinion ;  who  rerlled,  that  he 
thought  with  her  fortune  she  might  make  a  better  uiatch.  "  Your 
officer,"  said  he,  "I  dare  say  is  a  worthy  man,  but  he  has 
nothing."  She  then  called  Bonaparte  from  the  window,  where 
he  stood  drumming  on  the '  glass,  and  said  to  him,  "  General, 
did  you  hear  what  M.  Raguideau  said?"  "Yes,"  said  he; 
"  he  spoke  like  an  honest  man,  and  I  like  him  for  it.  I  hope 
he  will  continue  in  charge  of  our  business,  for  he  has  gained 
my  confidence."  Ever  after  he  treated  Raguideau  with  respect, 
and  promoted  his  interest ;  but  did  not  mention  his  objection 
to  the  marriage  at  his  coronation,  as  several  biographies  relate. 
What  he  actually  said  on  that  great  occasion,  recurring  to 
former  days  of  insignificance  and  destitution,  with  a  natural 
sentiment  of  affectionate  simplicity,  contemplating  the  magni- 
ficent evidences  of  imperial  grandeur  surrounding  his  family 
present,  was,  "Joseph,  if  our  father  could  but  see  us  !"  Me* 
neval,  who  heard  him  say  so,  a  man  of  truth,  entirely  to  be 
relied  on,  declares  that  family  feeling,  still  warm  in  Napoleon's 
heart,  had  much  more  to  do  with  that  exclamation  than  in- 
toxication of  glory,  of  rank,  or  of  power. 

Joseph  told  me  that  Josephine  constantly  inclined  her  hus- 
band more  and  more  to  noble  associations,  to  which,  at  last,  his 
own  preference  proved  one  of  his  greatest  weaknesses  and  mis- 
fortunes. The  proof  is  suflBcient  to  justify  belief  that  Na- 
poleon, coinciding  with  the  revolutionists  in  aversion,  to  the 
Bourbon  royalty,  yet  deemed  nobility  and  monarchy  essential, 


168 


BONAPAETE. 


like  reformed  religious  cHtablisliments,  to  good  French  govern- 
ment :  but  monarchy  without  divine  right,  nobility  without 
privilege,  and  the  church  perfectly  tolerant  of  all  sects,  including 
Jews. 

An  ingenious  fable  was  suggested  to  render  Bonaparte  legi- 
timate monarch  of  France  by  successive  and  divine  right,  as 
lineally  descended  from  Henry  IV.  and  the  other  Bourbon 
kings.  An  accreditcU  conjecture  concerning  the  man  in  the 
iron  mask,  was  that  he  was  twin  but  elder  brother  of  Louis 
XIV.  The  governor  of  the  Isle  of  Saint  Margaret,  charged 
with  the  custody  of  that  mysterious  prisoner,  named  Bon- 
pard,  was  not  uninformed  of  the  claim  of  his  charge  to  be 
king  of  France  by  better  right  than  Louis  XIV.  Bonpard's 
daughter  and  the  prisoner  becoming  attached  to  each  other,  the 
governor  apprised  the  king  of  their  attachment ;  who  believed 
that  no  detriment  to  him  could  result  from  letting  his  unfortu- 
nate brother  console  his  solitude  and  misery  by  a  harmless 
attachment.  The  man  in  the  iron  mask  and  Governor  Bon- 
pard's daughter  were  therefore  allowed  to  b^  married,  as  the 
inventor  of  the  fable  declared  it  would  be  easy  to  verify  by  the 
marriage  register  kept  at  Marseilles.  The  children  of  that 
marriage,  always  clandestinely  born,  were  privately  taken  to 
Corsica  for  concealment,  and  there,  it  was  added,  to  keep  up 
the  deception,  took  their  mother's  name  of  Bonpard,  which  in 
Corsica  became  Bonaparte.  In  this  way  Napoleon  was  made 
to  descend  lineally  from  Henry  IV.,  and  to  be  entitled  to  his 
throne.  But  the  story  was  littlp  attended  to ;  for  even  if  true, 
the  right  was  in  Joseph.  The  Bonapartes,  never  French,  were 
a  noble  Italian  family,  for  six  centuries  distinguished  in  arms, 
literature,  and  the  church.  For  the  last  two  hundred  years 
preceding  their  translatpn  to  France,  they  inhabited  Ajaccio. 
At  Treviso  and  Bologna,  during  Napoleon's  Italian  campaigns, 
the  family  arms  were  exhibited  to  the  victorious  com^lander 
by  persons  of  consideration,  who  thereby  sought  to  win  his 
regard ;  and  it  ia  said  that  the  armorial  bearings  were  a  rake 
and  golder  lilies,  like  the  Bourbon  arms.  At  Florence,  An 
Abbe  Gregory  Bonaparte  entertained  Napoleon  and  all  his 
BtaflF  with  costly  hospitality,  showed  him  the  titles  attesting  the 


BONAPARTE  S   MOTHER. 


169 


to  good  French  govern- 
right,  nobility  without 
|ant  of  all  Bocts,  including 

render  Bonaparto  Icgi- 
kive  and  divine  right,  as 
and  the  other  Bourbon 
iccrning  the  man  in  the 
elder  brother  of  Louia 
Saint  Margaret,  charged 
prisoner,  named  Bon- 
aim  of  his  charge  to  be 
Louis  XIV.     Bonpard's 
ttached  to  each  other,  the 
ittachmcnt ;  who  believed 
from  letting  his  unfortu- 
id  misery  by  a  harmless 
nask  and  Governor  Bon- 
ved  to  b^  married,  as  the 
d  be  easy  to  verify  by  the 
i.     The  children  of  that 
I,  were  privately  taken  to 
it  was  added,  to  keep  up 
ime  of  Bonpard,  which  in 
}  way  Napoleon  was  made 
,,  and  to  be  entitled  to  hia 
mded  to ;  for  even  if  true, 
lartes,  never  French,  were 
ies  distinguished  in  arms, 
;e  last  two  hundred  years 
!e,  they  inhabited  Ajaccio. 
oleon's  Italian  campaigns, 
the  victorious  commander 
hereby  sought  to  win  his 
irial  bearings  were  a  rake 
arms.     At  Florence,  An 
led  Napoleon  and  all  his 
Lim  the  titles  attesting  the 


nobility  of  the  Bonaparte  family,  and  by  hia  will  left  him  a 
considerable  fortune,  which  Napoleon  presented  to  a  public 
institution.  The  Corsican  survivor  of  the  family,  Lucien  Bona- 
parte, Archdeacon  of  Ajaccio,  died  there  in  1701.  Napoleon'a 
father  died  at  Montpellier  in  1787,  leaving  the  care  of  his  wife 
and  children  to  Joseph,  then  seventeen  years  of  age,  and  to 
their  uncle,  far  advanced  in  years  and  bedridden  with  the  gout. 
Joseph,  with  his  father's  last  benediction,  received  his  injunc- 
tion to  relinquiah  the  military  profession,  for  which  he  was  pre- 
paring in  France,  and  return  to  Corsica,  there  to  superintend 
the  family,  uonoerns.  From  1787  to  1791,  when  Archdeacon 
Bonaparte  died,  Joseph  was  the  immediate  head  of  the  family. 
Napoleon,  when  a  lieutenant  in  the  regiment  of  La  Fere,  visited 
his  uncle  in  Ajaccio,  soothed  his  infirmities  and  dissolution  by 
the  tenderest  attentions,  wroto  to  Paris  for  medical  advice  how 
to  treat  his  complaints  while  hia  uncle  lived,  and  after  his 
death  always  treated  hia  memory  with  the  utmost  veneration. 

The  stock  was  excellent  from  which  Charles  Bonaparte's 
eight  adult  survivors  of  thirteen  children  sprang.  His  wife, 
their  mother,  Lsetitia  Ramolino,  was  of  a  noble  Corsican  family, 
not  rich,  but  respectable,  and  employed  in  public  services.  All 
the  children  were  born  in  their  father's  house,  at  the  town  of 
Ajaccio,  except  Joseph,  who  was  born  at  their  country  resi- 
dence, near  Cort^,  not  far  from  Ajaccio.  There,  till  lately, 
and  probably  yet,  the  family  mansion  stood,  embowered  in 
vines  and  olive-trees ;  and  a  rocky  grotto,  hard  by,  to  which 
Napoleon  retired  for  his  studies,  when  at  home  in  vacations. 
A  fruitful  old  vine,  called  Usposata,  ,grew  there,  of  which  the 
fallen  Emperor,  in  his  loquacious  recollections  at  St.  Helena, 
spoke  with  grateful  remembrance,  as  having,  by  sale  of  its 
fruit,  defrayed  the  slender  charges  of  some  of  his  juvenile 
journeys  to  France.  When  chief  magistrate,  he  made  the 
vine  a  present  to  his  Corsican  nurse,  whom  he  sent  for  to 
Paris ;  and  would  have  given  her  the  whole  estate,  but  that 
she,  being  unable  to  manage  it,  was  therefore  otherwise  boun- 
tifully provided  for. 

It  has  been  published  that  Napoleon's  mother,  taken  with 
the  pains  of  child-birth  in  church,  brought  him  forth  in  her 


:.*?.*. 


^:i 


170 


BONAPARTE  S   MOTH£B. 


I  'i    ' 


parlor,  before  she  conld  roach  lior  cluimbor.     That  story  Jo- 
seph denied  to  me;  but  added  that  his  mother's  frequently 
accompanying  on  horseback,  when  pregnant  with  the  future 
Emperor,  their  father  in  his  campaigns,  might  not  have  been 
without  influence  on  the  daring  mobility  of  his  career.     She 
was  a  bravo  and  ardent  patriot,  like  many  Italian  women  of 
noble  birth,  not  highly  educated;   not  accomplished  even  in 
the  usual  feminine  attractions  of  music  and  dancing ;  but  of 
sincere,  cheerful,  resolute,  constant  and  masculine  spirit,  which 
fitted  her  to  be  a  hero's  mother,  and  undergo,  with  unshaken 
fortitude,  the  terrible  vicissitudes  of  his  prodigious  nise  and  ter- 
rible fall.    Within  the  same  fifteen  years  she  beheld  her  humble 
Gorsican  home  burned,  devastated  and  ruined  several  times ; 
French,  Italian,  Spanish,  and  German  palaces  filled  with  mon- 
archa  of  her  own  family,  then  driven  from  them  in  banishment, 
and  scattered,  with  prices  set  on  their  heads,  throughout  Europe, 
America,  and  Africa.    Still  handsome,  as  she  had  been  beauti- 
ful, after  burying  her  husband  before  he  was  forty  years  of  ftge, 
and  five  of  their  children  in  Corsica,  she  was  obliged  to  remove 
to  Franco,  to  livo  some  time  near  Mai-seilles,  in  straitened  cir- 
cumstances ;  the  talents  of  her  three  elder  sons,  and  the  charms 
of  her  daughters,  their  mother's  main  reliance.    M.  Thiers  con- 
signs to  history,  that,  at  one  time,  she  preferred  Lucien  to  Na- 
poleon.   At  all  times  she  sympathized  with  the  humbled  against 
the  exalted ;  warmly  and  loftily  vindicating  against  an  imperial 
son,  another  whom  she  deemed  hardly  dealt  by ;  loving  Lucien 
when  driven  into  exile,  more  tenderly  than  Napoleon  who  drove 
him  there.    Lucien  and  Louis  abundantly  proved  that  they  did 
not  desire  thrones,  and  Joseph  preferred  elogant  ease  to  royal 
commotion.    When  the  Emperor  forced  him  from  the  tranquil- 
lized and  reformed  kingdom  of  Naples,  to  undertake  the  con- 
vulsed Spanish  monarchy,  there  to  be  thwarted  by  French  mar- 
shals, and  chid  by  their  imperious  master,  Joseph  remonstrated 
with  passionate  appeal,  and  the  provoked  Emperor  said  angrily 
to  their  mother,  "Fottr  Joseph  is  not  fit  tp  beking  of  Spain," 
with  offended  motherly  dignity,  she  retorted,  "  No ;  he  should 
have  taken  holy  orders,  as  was  intended.    Then,  if  become  Pope, 
he  would  not  have  consecrated  you  Emperor,  which  would  have 


lUEB. 

iiunbor.     That  story  Jo- 
ins mothor's  frequently 
Ircgnant  with  the  future 
Ins,  might  not  have  been 
[ility  of  his  career.     She 
many  Italian  women  of 
lOt  accomplished  even  in 
sic  and  dancing ;  but  of 
id  masculine  spirit,  which 
undergo,  with  unshaken 
lis  prodigious  luse  and  ter- 
ars  she  beheld  her  humble 
.nd  ruined  several  times ; 
n  palaces  filled  with  moa- 
from  them  in  banishment, 
heads,  throughout  Europe, 
e,  as  she  had  been  bcauti- 
he  was  forty  years  of  Ago, 
she  was  obliged  to  remove 
wseilles,  in  straitened  cir- 
elder  sons,  and  the  charms 
1  reliance.    M.  Thiers  con- 
le  preferred  Lucien  to  Na- 
d  with  the  humbled  against 
icating  against  an  imperial 
y  dealt  by ;  loving  Lucien 
r  than  Napoleon  who  drove 
antly  proved  that  they  did 
rred  elogant  ease  to  royal 
3ed  him  from  the  tranquil- 
les,  to  undertake  the  con- 
I  thwarted  by  French  mar- 
.ster,  Joseph  remonstrated 
)ked  Emperor  said  angrily 
t  fit  tp  be  king  of  Spain," 
•etorted,  "No;  he  should 
id.    Then,  if  become  Pope, 
mperpr,  which  would  have 


BONAPARTE  S   MOTHER. 


Hi 


saved  the  rest'  of  my  sons  a  deal  of  trouble."  In  a  remote 
and  primitive  province  like  Corsica,  where,  Joseph  told  mo, 
numbers  of  the  people  live  on  chestnuts,  puiontal  authority  is 
revered,  and  filial  obedience  a  sort  of  worship.  Control  of  her 
sons,  habitual  from  their  infancy,  though  necessarily  chiintred 
by  time  and  circumstance,  never  degenerated  into  fearing  or 
flattering  the  greatest  of  them.  Joseph  loved  to  say  that  she 
had  been  called  the  mother  of  the  Gracchi.  She  was  the  fe- 
male of  the  family  least  dazzled  by  their  immensity.  Jose- 
phine, who  censured  her  parsimony,  was  censured  by  her 
mother-in-law  for  wasteful  extravagance.  "Who  knows," 
said  the  mother  of  so  many  monarchs,  "  that  I  may  not  be 
called  on,  some  day,  to  support  all  these  kings  and  queens  ?" 
And  when  she  was  told  that  Napoleon's  emancipation  might  be 
aided  by  her  means,  without  hesitation  she  proffered  all  he  had 
ever  given  her  for  his  relief.  A  comjjlete  and  splendid  dinner- 
service  of  gold,  which  the  Emperor,  in  his  prosperity,  pre- 
sented her,  she  bequeathed  to  Joseph,  who  used  it  on  his  table 
in  Philadelphia.  But  her  wealth,  like  his,  was  much  exagge- 
rated by  public  opinion. 

Among  the  Bonaparte  figures  at  Joseph's  residence  in  New 
Jersey,  Point  Breeze,  executed  in  fine  Italian  marble  by  the  best 
sculptors,  none  were  more  remarkable  or  suggestive  than  the 
bust  of  Lsetitia,  the  mother,  with  her  large,  prominent,  posi- 
tive features,  her  hair  curling  down  the  shoulders,  and  look 
altogether  of  strong  character,  in  one  room ;  in  another,  the 
full-length  statue  of  the  naked  baby  king  of  Rome,  her  grand- 
son, sleeping ;  a  child  born  to  such  vast  French  expectations, 
his  adolescence  wasted  in  German  mystic  seclusion.  On  the 
mantelpiece  in  the  dining-room  stood  the  small  bronse  figure  of 
General  Bonaparte  (now  mine),  cast,  perhaps,  before  he  dreamed 
of  empire ;  his  princely  son  brought  up  ignorant  of  his  father, 
till  at  last  bis  wonderful  career  was  revealed  to  the  amazed 
youth  by  the  leading  author  of  his  father's  betrayal  and  over- 
throw, Marmont.  ^ras  of  vicissitudes  were  in  the  three  ages 
of  the  three  marble  figures,  mother,  son,  and  grandson ;  and 
legends  for  future  romance  in  the  lives  and  deaths  of  historical 
personages,  of  whom  their  contemporaries  are  divided  into 


172 


CARDIKAL  FBSCH. 


■«  .1 


eulogists  and  traducors,  flatterers  and  malignerg,  confounding 
reality. 

Ilcr  half-brother,  Cardinal  Fosch,  was  the  son  of  a  captain 
in  a  Swiss  regiment,  serving  with  the  French  arnny  in  Corsica, 
garrisoned  at  Ajaccio,  where  he  married  her  mother,  after  the 
death  of  her  first  husband.  During  part  of  the  revolution,  like 
the  present  Pope,  Pio  Nono,  and  many  other  clergymen,  Carolina] 
Fcsch  was  attached  to  the  army.  On  his  death,  in  1839,  he 
bequeathed  to  Joseph  Bonaparte  nearly  his  whole  fortune,  con- 
sisting of  a  large  collection  of  paintings  at  Rome,  then  valued 
at  some  millions  of  dollars,  but  which  sold  for  onlj'  some 
hundred  thousand.  Joseph  expressed  to  mo  his  wish  to  ex- 
change all  those  pictures  for  a  grant  of  public  lands,  by  act 
of  Congress,  to  establish  a  gallery  of  paintings,  to  be  preserved 
for  exhibition  at  Washington.  I  have  regretted,  sinca,  that  I 
discouraged  his  overture,  and  did  not  submit  the  suggestion  to 
Congress.  Ambitious  edifices,  statues,  paintings,  gardens,  and 
public  enclosures  already  embellish  Washington,  favored  by 
the  most  democratic  chiefs  of  republican  government.  Jef- 
ferson ornamented  the  capitol.  Jackson  proposed  to  build  a 
bridge  over  the  Potomac,  which  would  have  been  like  a  monu- 
ment of  Roman  grandeur.  Mr.  Clay  suggested  a  zoological 
garden :  and  an  admirable  garden  of  plants  might  be  fixed 
there,  with  contributions  from  Texas,  California,  Oregon  —  all 
the  world.  Building,  farming,  all  mechanical  manipulations, 
would  be  benefited  by  elegant  models,  like  somr)  already  placed 
there  by  the  most  democratic  of  republican  administrations ; 
and  such  cultivation  of  the  elegant  would  promote  the  useful 
arts. 

General  Arrighi,  a  Corsica  a  cousin  of  Napoleon's  mother, 
was  created  by  him  Duke  of  Padua ;  and  is  still  living  in  opu- 
lent retirement,  having,  unlike  most  of  the  Emperor's  dukes 
and  other  noblemen,  refused  the  honohi  tendered  to  him  by 
the  Bourbon  kings.  A  respectable  American  tea  merchant, 
named  Thayer,  married  to  an  Englishwoman  of  humble  situa- 
tion, who  died  an  inhabitant  of  Paris,  gave  one  of  his  daugh- 
ters in  marriage  to  a  son  of  the  Duke  of  Padua,  and  another 
to  a  son  of  Bertrand,  who  visited  this  country,  the  follower  of 


'^*S3mIw*-- 


I 


maligners,  confounding 

18  tho  son  of  a  captain 

!'rench  army  in  Corsica, 

hor  mother,  after  the 

rt  of  the  revolution,  like 

her  clergymen,  Cardinal 

his  death,  in  1889,  he 

his  whole  fortune,  con- 

i  at  Rome,  then  valued 

ih   sold  for  onlj-  some 

to  mo  his  >rish  to  ex- 

of  public  lands,  by  act 

aintings,  to  be  preserved 

regretted,  sinca,  that  I 

submit  the  suggestion  to 

,  paintings,  gardens,  and 

Washington,  favored  by 

ilican  government.    Jof- 

kson  proposed  to  build  a 

d  have  been  like  a  monu- 

y  suggested  a  zoological 

>f  plants  might  be  fixed 

California,  Oregon  —  all 

lechanical  manipulations, 

,  like  somF)  already  placed 

)ublican  administrations ; 

nrould  promote  the  useful 

n  of  Napoleon's  mother, 
and  is  still  living  in  opu- 
of  the  Emperor's  dukes 
aohi  tendered  to  him  by 
American  tea  merchant,, 
iwoman  of  humble  situa- 
,  gave  one  of  his  daugh- 
:e  of  Padua,  and  another 
I  country,  the  follower  of 


ELIZA. 


178 


Napoleon  at  St.  Helena.  The  Amciicnn  Tlmycrf,  like  the 
Corsican  Arrighl,  outlived  tho  Bonnpartcs  in  Bourbon  tolerance, 
and  remain  respectable  French  to  this  time:  Mr.  Thayer  u 
now  Postmaster-General  of  tho  French  Republic. 

Napoleon's  oldest  sister,  Eliza,  was  well  educated  at  tlio 
royal  establishment  of  St.  Cyr.  In  1797,  when  Nupolcon's 
Italian  victories  had  raised  his  fortune  and  his  pride,  she  mar- 
ried, contrary  to  his  wishes  and  ambitious  views,  a  poor  captain 
of  infantry,  Felix  Bacchiocti,  like  herself  noble  and  Corsican, 
and  like  her,  too,  respectable  and  well-disposed.  Stnietimo 
after,  having  been  excluded  for  that  marriage  from  her  brother's 
society  and  good-will,  Eliza  wrote  to  him  —  "  My  first  child 
was  born  when  you  were  angry  with  us :  and  I  miscarried  of 
tho  second.  A  happy  pregnancy,  and  other  agreeable  circum- 
stances, make  me  hope  now  that  the  third  will  be  a  n<!phow, 
whom  I  promise  you  to  make  a  soldier ;  but  wish  him  to  bear 
your  name,  and  that  you  should  be  his  god-father.  I  trust 
that  you  will  not  refuse  your  sister.  Because  we  are  poor,  you 
will  not  disdain  us ;  for,  after  all,  you  are  our  brother,  our 
children  are  your  only  nephews,  and  we  love  you  more  than 
fortune."  When  Eliza  became  reconciled  to  Napoleon,  she 
w£nt  to  reside  at  Paris,  and  lived  at  first  with  her  brother 
Lucion ;  from  whom  she  acquired  the  taste  which  she  always 
displayed  for  literature  and  the  fine  arts.  Poets,  painters, 
dramatists,  and  men  of  letters  were  her  favorite  companions, 
particularly  Boufflers,  La  Harpe,  Chateaubriand  and  Fontanes, 
of  whom  the  last  named  was  said  to  be  her  lover :  for  of  these 
warm-blooded  Corsican  females,  marriageable  at  thirteen  years 
of  ago,  there  was  not  one  of  Napoleon's  three  sisters,  to  whom 
ono  or  more  lovers  were  not  ascribed  by  public,  perhaps  scan- 
dalous report.  In  1804  the  Emperor  Napoleon  created  Eliza 
and  her  husband  princes  of  Piombino,  and  soon  after  of  Lucca, 
and  Eliza  Grand  Duchess  of  Tuscany,  of  which  she  and  her 
husbaiid  took  possession,  and  were  crowned  as  sovereigns  in 
July  1805.  Eliza  governed  there  so  ostentatiously  that  she 
was  called  the  Semiramis  of  Lucca ;  her  ambition  inducing 
the  ridiculous  vanity  of  having  coin  struck  with  her  prominent 
profile,   almost  concealing   her  husband's.      She   continued, 


174 


ELIZA. 


howovcf,  to  patroniao  letters  and  the  arts ;  and,  like  all  ttio  reign- 
ing BonnpartcB,  introduced  many  valuable  improvements  and 
governed  wisely.  On  tlio  occurrence  of  Napoleon's  dinusters 
in  1H14,  like  him  betrayed,  deserted,  and  por«ecutcd  by  those 
whom  she  had  most  favored  and  enriched,  she  tied  tu  Naplen, 
hoping  for  Mum**!*  protection,  which  he  refused  her  as  he  did 
his  aid  to  Napoleon.  On  Napoleon's  return  from  Elba  in  181.'), 
Eliza  CHtablinhed  herself  at  Trieste,  under  the  Austrian  govern- 
ment. Afterwards  she  joined  her  sister  Caroline  Murat  at  the 
castle  of  Haimbourg,  not  far  from  Vienna,  and  then  at  Brumm. 
Finally,  she  resided  at  her  estate  called  Saint  Andrea,  near 
Trieste,  with  the  assumed  '^le  of  Countess  of  Compignano, 
where  she  died  in  August,  1620.  Iler  only  son  was  killed  by 
a  fall  from  his  horse.  Her  only  remaining  child,  a  daughter, 
named  Napoleon  Eliza,  bom  in  1806,  married  a  rich  nobleman 
of  Ancona,  Count  Camarata,  after  whom  she  has  come  to  be 
called  the  Camarata.  "Eliza,"  said  Napoleon,  "has  the  cou- 
rage of  an  Amazon ;  and  like  me,  she  cannot  bear  to  be  ruled." 
Some  writers  attribute  to  her  a  fierce  remonstrance  with  her 
brother  against  the  impending  execution  of  the  Duke  d'Enghein. 
Her  daughter,  the  Camarata,  is  remarkably  like  Napoleon  in 
face  and  features,  and  strongly  resembles  her  masculine  mother 
in  virility,  enterprise,  and  hardihood.  On  the  expulsion  of 
Charles  X.  from  France,  in  1880,  she  visited  Vienna,  in  order 
to  liberate  her  cousin,  the  young  Duke  of  Reiohstadt,  and,  as 
Napoleon  II.,  present  him  to  the  Frcndi  people  for  their  mon- 
arch, instead  of  LouIb  Philippe.  Her  statue  as  a  girl  was  among 
the  ornaments  at  Joseph  Bonaparte's  house  in  New  Jersey, 
where  I  met  two  of  the  sons  of  Fouch^,  Duke  of  Otranto,  so 
largely  instrumental  in  the  Emperor's  overthrow,  and  from 
which  house  one  of  the  young  Fouch^s  was  sent  by  J  seph 
to  \'iunna,  to  endeavor  to  procure  the  enlargement  of  the  ^onng 
Napoleon,  in  order  to  put  him  at  the  head  of  France.  Their 
father,  the  famous  or  infamous  Fouchd,  died  at  the  residence 
of  Eliza  Bonaparte,  near  Trieste,  bitterly  repentant  of  his 
agency  in  restoring  the  Bourbons  to  the  French  throne,  thereby 
distressing  France  with  a  revival  of  obsolete  royalty,  scarcely 


I'ailim:. 


1T8 


8 ;  an<],  like  nil  tlio  reign- 

uablfl  improvements  and 

of  Napoloon'u  (linuHtorrt 

anil  porHccutinl  hy  thotto 

chcd,  hIio  fled  to  Nuplorf, 

|be  refused  her  na  ho  did 

eturn  from  Ellta  in  1815, 

dor  the  Austrian  govorn- 

!r  Caroline  Murat  at  the 

na,  and  then  at  Bnimm. 

lied  Saint  Andrea,  near 

buntess  of  Compignano, 

er  only  son  was  killed  by 

ainiug  child,  a  daughter, 

married  a  rich  nobleman 

lom  she  has  come  to  be 

Napoleon,  "  has  the  cou- 

cannot  bear  to  be  ruled." 

;o  remonstrance  with  her 

on  of  the  Duke  d'Enghein. 

arkably  like  Napoleon  in 

ibles  her  masculine  mother 

)d.     On  the  expulsion  of 

le  visited  Vienna,  in  order 

ike  of  Reiohstadt,  and,  as 

cneh  people  for  their  mon- 

statue  as  a  girl  was  among 

}'s  house  in  New  Jersey, 

uch^,  Duke  of  Otranto,  so 

or's  overthrow,  and  from 

ich^s  was  sent  by  J  seph 

enlargement  of  the  young 

e  head  of  France.    Their 

ih6,  died  at  the  residence 

bitterly  repentant  of  his 

be  French  throne,  thereby 

obsolete  royalty,  scarcely 


less  sangninnrv  or  cruel,  mui-li  more  costly  and  diogracofiil, 
thiiii  the  rooHt  torriblo  rovolutitm. 

IJoforo  Bonaparte  went  to  Egypt,  the  soconil  and  most  beau- 
tiful of  bis  sistorn,  Panline,  married  Emanuel  JiC  Clcrc,  who 
fell  in  l(»ve  with  her  when  livlii^;  near  Mnrseillos  in  exilo  and 
poverty.  lie  died  at  St.  Doiniiigo  in  1H02,  commantU'r  of  tlu' 
French  expedition  for  the  recovery  of  that  colony,  whither  she 
accompanied  him,  and  also  her  brother  Jerome,  as  commander  of 
til'-  sloop  of  war  Epervior,  afterwards  captured  from  the  French 
by  the  English,  and  from  tbo  English  by  the  Americans, 
rauliiio's  son  by  Le  Clerc,  named  Dermide  by  his  godfather, 
Napoleon,  died  an  infant.  1  November,  1808,  sbo  married 
Pritico  Camillas  Borgbese,  a  rich  and  respectable  Italian  of 
noble  family,  which  furnished  Pope  Paul  V.  to  the  See  of 
Home,  whoso  nephew,  perhaps  son,  married  Jane  Bonaparte. 
Pauline  had  no  issue  by  her  second  marriage.  She  was  re- 
markable for  being  without  th'e  ambition  of  her  two  sisters. 
Splendour  in  dress,  eiiuipage,  furniture,  social  distinction,  was 
her  aim ;  devoted  to  Napoleon  as  a  brother,  and  indebted  to 
him  for  the  munificent  endowments  by  which  he  marked  his 
affection  for  her,  but  always  intractably  independent  of  him  as 
sovereign, — so  self-willed  that  she  often  resisted  her  imperious 
brother's  imperial  desires ;  and  on  several  occasions  cxliibited 
so  much  spirit,  that  she  was  called  a  Spartan  woman  with  Ar- 
mida's  face.  She  was  but  thirteen  years  of  age  when  taken 
by  her  mother  from  Corsica  to  France,  where  it  was  said  that 
she  was  near  being  married  to  Fr^ron,  one  of  the  most  noto- 
rious Jacobins,  which  marriage  was  prevented  by  the  claim  of 
•  another  female,  insisting  that  she  was  Fr^ron's  wife.  General 
Duphot,  who  was  killed  in  Joseph  Bonaparte's  h^use  when 
French  minister  at  Rome,  and  at  his  side,  by  a  mob,  was  among 
the  many  lovers  enamoured  by  Pauline's  bennty  and  charms. 
The  Emperor  created  her  Duchess  of  Guastalla,  and  gave  her 
more  than  two  hundred  thousand  dollars  a  year  for  her  expen- 
sive mode  of  living,  sometimes  at  Rome,  sometimes  near  Paris, 
where  she  occupied  the  palace  of  NeuiiJy,  before  and  afterwards 
the  elegant  residence  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  who  left  that 
residence  to  become  Louis  Philippe,  King  of  the  French.   When 


t 


176 


r.itiLi'vi. 


Napoleon  was  overthrown,  No  I'lly  became  the  property  of 
Murut,  aiiil  wiiH  ill  liis  occupation.  ()«  tin;  return  of  tlie 
DuurbonM,  Louirt  Will,  rc'^torol  it  to  \m  coiioin,  tlu)  Duke 
of  Orleans.  But  for  uiiiny  yvnvn  the  cliiKlren  of  Muriit 
claiinod  it  iw  their  property ;  iiml  Hoon  after  the  revolutif)n  of 
1848,  Lucien  Murut  left  Wm  long  rcHidunco  in  this  country 
and  went  to  Europe,  att  wait  said,  to  ostabliHli,  by  law,  bis  right 
to  Ncuilly.  Lately  it  has  been  confiscated  by  President  Ho- 
naparto  to  the  State.  The  Orleans  family  have  protested,  attd 
instituted  legal  proceedings  to  establish  their  title  to  a  pro- 
perty, which,  whomsoever  it  belongs  to,  has  been  subject  to 
several  of  the  many  changes  caused  by  French  revolutions. 

When  Napoleon  was  overthrown  in  1814,  his  sister  Paulino, 
who  had  often  deiietl  his  imperial  sway,  left  her  Italian  palaces 
and  the  s[)lcndor8  to  which  she  seemed  devoted,  to  share  his 
banishment  at  Elba.  Hastening  to  join  him  on  his  way  thither, 
she  kept  house  for  him,  offered  all  her  largo  means  for  his 
aid,  exchanged  luxurious  elegance  for  reduced  and  preca- 
rious subsistence,  and  evinced  attachment  for  her  brother 
greater  than  for  grandeur.  Tho  Emperor,  bcforo  that  trial 
and  proof  of  her  nature,  used  to  say  that  she  was  only  a 
drawing-room  beauty,  full  of  grace,  and  fond  of  display,  but 
deficient  in  energy  and  fierceness,  and  unfit  to  govern.  When 
put  to  tho  test,  she  proved  better  than  he  supposed.  She 
was  tho  medium  of  Napoleon's  reconciliation  with  Luoicn,  and 
instrumental  in  the  Emperor's  return  to  France.  After  his 
final  abdication,  Pauliao  resided  at  Rome  in  elegant  retirement, 
occupying  one  of  the  palaces  of  the  Prince  Borgheso  (who 
lived  at  Florence)  till  she  died,  in  June,  1825. 

Three  months  after  the  Consulate  began,  Bonoparto's  ypung- 
est  sister,  Caroline,  handsome,  but  not  so  beautiful  as  Pauline, 
married  a  fine-looking  soldier,  Joachim  Murat,  an  innkeeper's 
son,  who  served  with  her  brother  in  Italy  and  Egypt,  anc 
returned  with  him  to  France.     With  that  handsome  and  he 
roic,  kind  and  amiable,  but  weak  and  unfortunate  husbaac 
Caroline  was  promoted  to  Grand  Duchies  and  a  kingdom ;  firs 
the  German  principality  of  Cleves  and  Berg,  and  then  th( 
kingdom  of  tho  two  Sicilies.     Infatuated,  as  nearly  all  Napo 


fh< 


?■       1    ■  r:l' 


TAROMNK. 


177 


bocamo  tho  property  of 
On  tho  return  of  tlie 
to  luH  cousin,  tlu)  Dnki- 
1   tho   chiltlron   of  Muint 
on  after  tho  revolution  of 
rcHidenco  in  this  country 
establish,  by  law,  his  rij;lii 
ifiacateJ  by  Presitlent  Ho- 
faniily  have  protestetl,  ami 
blish  their  title  to  a  pro- 

I  to,  has  been  subject  to 
by  French  revolutions. 

in  1814,  his  sister  Pauline, 
ray,  left  her  Italian  palaces 
omed  devoted,  to  share  his 
join  him  on  his  way  thither, 

II  her  largo  means  for  his 
3  for  reduced  and  preca- 
tachmcnt  for  her  brother 
Emperor,  before  that  trial 
(  say  that  she  was  only  a 
e,  and  fond  of  display,  but 
md  unfit  to  govern.  Wlien 
ir  than  he  supposed.  She 
onciliation  with  Luoien,  and 
turn  to  France.  After  his 
Rome  in  elegant  retirement. 

the  Prince  Borghcso  (who 
June,  1825. 

0  began,  Bonaparte's  ypung- 
;  not  so  beautiful  as  Pauline, 
ichim  Murat,  an  innkeeper's 
jr  in  Italy  and  Egypt,  and 
V^ith  that  handsome  and  he- 
c  and  unfortunate  husband, 
3uchio8  and  a  kingdom ;  first 
es  and  Berg,  and  then  the 
fatuated,  as  nearly  all  Napo- 


leon's fnvoritoH,  like  himself,  wen-  by  oxr.'SHivc  cloviitioii,  Va\- 
roliuo  iind  M.irat,  as  t|Uoen  an. I  king  of  Naples  dm-rtcd  iind 
bptniycd  tlio  Kniporor  in  the  crisis  of  his  fate,  by  whirh  they 
ruined  themselves.     Murat  was  put  to  death  with  all  the  iiihu- 
man  barbarity  of   Italian  Bourbon  vengeance,  and  Ciirormo 
degraded  to  humiliating  supplication  to  tho  restored  Kreneh 
Bourbons.     Murat's  j^enius  was  for  a  charge  of  caviijry.     in 
that  ho  was  a  brilliant  ginnt.     On  a  throne  ho  was  a  good- 
liiunored  pigmy,  entirely  out  of  his  natural  sphere.     And  ho 
forfeited  that  to  which  his   brother-in-law  raised   him   oven 
more  by  incapacity  than  treachery.     Speaking  of  Caroline  at 
St.  Helena,  Napoleon  said  that  "  she  was  regarded  in  Infancy 
as  tho  fool  of  the  family,  but  appealed  to  some  purpose  from 
that  injustice  when  formed  by  circv.mstances,  and  became  a 
woman  of  great  capacity.     There  was  stuff  in  l»er,"  he  said, 
"groat  firmness,  and  inordinate  ambition."     Ho  used,  when 
Emperor,  to  say  — "Any  thing  Caroline  undertakes  she  will 
accomplish,  and  she  will  novor  bo  ruled.     They  s-vy  she  is 
ambitious  and  inconstant,  as  she  may  bo  for  aught  I  know." 
During  her  husband's  absence,  commanding  tho  cavalry  of 
Napoleon's  grand  armies,  Caroline,  as  regent,  governed  tho 
Neapolitan  khigdora  with   ability,  where   the  reign   of  both 
king  Joachim  and  his  wifo  was  liberal,  judicious,  and  amelio- 
rating.    She  was  »  woman  of  so  much  talent  and  ambition,  that 
Talleyrand  said  she  had  Cromwell's  head  on  a  pretty  woman's" 
shoulders.    A  rebuke  she  encountered  from  the  Emperor  was 
still  more  significant.     When  she  was  teasing  him  for  more 
kingdoms,  "To  hear  you  talk,"  said  he,  "one  might  suppose 
that  I  have  disappointed  you  of  the  inheritance  of  tho  late 
king,  our  father."    "  She  was  the  slut  that  ruined  us  all,"  said 
Joseph,  not  long  before  his  death,  in  family  chat.    «  Oh !"  said 
his  gentle  little  wife,  "don't  say  so  of  yoiir  sister."     "Yes 
I  will,"  replied  Joseph,  "  for  she  deserves  it." 

The  two  sons  of  Caroline  aid  Joachim  Murat  took  refuge  in 
America;  lived  here  many  years ;  married  here ;  and  Achilles, 
the  elder,  a  man  of  information  and  republican  professijns,  if 
not  preferences,  wituraUzed  »8  an  American  citizen,  died  in 
Florida.  Lucien,  the  younger,  resided  many  years  in  New 
Vol.  III.— 12 


UN 


178 


THE   MURAIS. 


Jersey,  near  his  uncle,  Joseph  Bonaparte,  where  he  married  Miss 
Caroline  Fraser,  the  daughter,  I  believe,  of  an  English  half-pay 
officer.  Joseph,  as  representing  his  sister  in  this  country,  re- 
fused his  assent  to  that  marriage ;  not  because  of  any  objection 
to  the  lady,  •whose  character  and  conduct,  he  said,  were  unex- 
ceptionable, and  who,  moreover,  he  added,  resembled  his  sister 
Caroline;  but  because  Lucien  was  without  fortune,  or  any 
means  of  supporting  a  family ;  poor,  in  debt,  and  extravagant, 
bo  that  his  uncle,  if  consenting  to  the  marriage,  might  be  mo- 
rally bonnd  for  the  charges  of  its  results.  While  Lucien  and 
Miss  Fraser  were  thus  affianced  and  hindered,  a  letter  from 
his  mother,  the  ex-queen,  living  retired  in  Germany,  with  the 
assumed  title  of  Oountesa  of  Lipona,  proposed  an  advantageous 
match  for  her  son  Lucien.  In  the  height  of  Murat's  royal 
elevation,  the  sovereign  of  a  small  German  principality,  with 
a  few  thousand  subjects,  was  happy  to  ally  himself  by  mar- 
riage with  a  female  relative  of  the  Grand  Duke  of  Berg  and 
the  Emperor  Napoleon.  Two  daughters,  the  issue  of  that  con- 
nexion, grew  up  to  womanhood,  after  the  execution  of  King 
Joachim  and  overthrow  of  the  emperor.  The  father  of  these 
German  princesses  being  dead,  his  princely  widow,  casting  about 
for  suitable  connexions  for  her  daughters,  selected  Lucien  Murat 
for  one  of  them.  'Her  inheritance  was  part  of  a  principality, 
some  hundred  subjects,  and  a  European  fortune  very  consider- 
able, compared  with  his  complete  destitution  of  any  in  America. 
His  mother  8  suggestion  of  such  a  marriage,  together  with  that 
of  his  cousin's  mother,  according  to  European,  especially 
princely  parental  authority,  was  not  to  be  disregarded.  No 
sooner,  therefore,  was  Lucien  Murnt  apprised  of  so  alarming  a 
prevention  of  his  union  with  Miss  Fraser,  than  they  hastened 
from  BprdentoB,  where  1/oth  lived,  to  Trenton,  and  there  wer6 
forthwith  lawfully  married.  Several  children,  and  much  diffi- 
culty in  supporting  them,  being  the  fruits  of  that  union,  Mrs. 
Murat  was  obliged  to  maintain  her  husband  and  family  by 
keeping  a  boarding-school,  to  prevent  which,  Joseph  Bonaparte 
made  thorn  offers  of  assistance,  tbat  were  rejected.  On  the 
downfal  of  Louis  Philippe,  once  a  schoolmaster  likewise,  and 
always  a  jealous  and, exclusive  antagonist  of  the  Bonaparte. 


,  where  ho  married  Mias 
of  an  English  half-pay 
iter  in  this  country.,  re- 
)ecause  of  any  objection 
ict,  he  said,  were  unex- 
ed,  resembled  his  sister 
ithout  fortune,  or  any 
debt,  and  extravagant, 
marriage,  might  be  mo- 
ts.    While  Lucien  and 
hindered,  a  letter  from 
id  in  Germany,  with  the 
roposad  an  advantageous 
height  of  Murat's  royal 
rerman  principality,  with 
to  ally  himself  by  mar- 
Jrand  Duke  of  Berg  and 
;ers,  the  issue  of  that  con- 
sr  the  execution  of  King 
•or.    The  father  of  these 
Qcely  widow,  casting  about 
ers,  selected  Lucien  Murat 
ras  part  of  a  principality, 
jan  fortune  very  consider- 
titation  of  any  in  America, 
arriage,  together  with  that 
to  European,  especially 
t  to  be  disregarded.    No 
apprised  of  so  alarming  a 
?raser,  than  they  hastened 
0  Trenton,  and  there  wer6 
,1  children,  and  much  diffi- 
fruitfl  of  that  union,  Mrs. 
r  husband  and  family  by 
it  which,  Joseph  Bonaparte 
vt  were  rejected.    On  the 
ichoolmaater  likewise,  and 
tagonist  of  the  Bonaparte 


THE   MURATS. 


179 


family  iu  all  its  branches,  Lucien  Murat  went  to  France,  to 
endeavor,  by  process  of  law,  to  recover  some  portion  of  his 
father's  property,  particularly  the  palace  of  Neuilly,  General 
Eugen(9  Cavaignac,  lately  at  the  head  of  the  French  Re- 
public, had  been  one  of  King  Joachim's  pages  at  Naples ; 
-«7ith  whom  Lucien  Murat  was,  as  soon  as  he  appeared  there, 
elected,  in  the  place  of  his  father's  birth,  a  member  of  the 
French  Convention,  and  afterwards  one  of  the  Paris  members 
of  the  Legislature.  Having  had  what  his  uncle  Joseph 
oflen  mentioned  as  the  misfortune  to  be  brought  up  a  prince, 
Lucien  Murat,  during  his  many  years  residence  in  this  coun- 
try, displayed  the  princely  inclinations  of  excessive  fondness 
for  horses,  field-sports,  and  bodily  recreations;  in  which, 
however,  such  eminent  Frenchmen  as  Moreau  and  Grouchy 
likewise  spent  most  of  their  time  in  America.  Without  his 
brother'a  literary  qualifications  or  inclinations.  Prince  Lncien 
proved  to  be  a  popular  republican  in  France,  where  he  has 
recently- become  again  prince,  senator,  and  rich,  by  the  boun- 
ties of  his  cousin,  the  President.  Long  /^merican  residence 
naturalized  him  in  some  American  deportment  and  ideas; 
republicanized  by  good  health,  good  nature,  and  an  empty 
purse.  Fleeing,  in  affright,  from  wedlock  with  a  rich  princess 
in  Germany,  to  take  refuge  in  the  arms  of  a  portionless  and 
untitled,  but  respectable  wife  in  America,  seems  to  infer  a 
nature  such  as  princes  should  admire.  His  elder  brother, 
Achilles,  also  married  in  this  country,  was  a  lawyer,  post- 
^master  and  democrat  in  Florida;  a  small,  ill-favored  man, 
whose  personal  appearance  was  said  to  be  owing  to  his  mother, 
shortly  before  his  birth,  being  with  her  brother  Napoleon 
in  the  carriage  when  the  infernal  machine  exploded  near 
them.  Lucien  Murat,  when  he  arrived  in  America,  was  an 
uncommonly  handsome  youth,  in  ihat  respect  well  representing 
his  still  handsomer  father  and  handeome  mother.  Of  their  two 
daughters,  the  elder  married  the  J^arquis  Popoli  of  Bologna, 
and  the  younger,  the  Count  Basponi,  of  Ravenna.  She  is  the 
author  of  a  book  entitled  Maxims  of  Natural  History  in  Ame- 
rica. '  Achilles  Murat  likewise  published  a  work  on  American 
institutions. 


180 


JOSKPH. 


Napoleon,  from  first  to  last,  when  he  iiras  only  a  young 
soldier  of  fortune,  Lieutenant  or  Major  Bonaparte,  to  the  last 
moment  of  his  ambitious  career  as  emperor,  coveted  wealth  for 
its  power,  while  he  never  loved  money,  and  always  sought  gran- 
deur with  inordinate  desire.  As  early  as  in  1793-4,  his  advice 
to  Joseph,  then  a  handsome  young  man  of  agreeable  manners, 
was  to  marry  a  woman  of  fortune.  And  dying  in  his  prison  at 
St.  Helena,  he  sent  directions  to  his  kindred  to  intermarry  their 
children  with  each  other,  so  as  to  keep  np  the  Bonaparte 
family,  and,  above  all,  not  to  mix  it  with  any  Bourbon  blood. 
There  was,  in  Marseilles,  a  house  of  rich-  bankers,  named 
Clary,  royalist  in  their  politics,  and  largely  endowed  with 
wealth;  the  head  of  which  was  Nicholas  Clary,  whose  son 
Nicholas  became  an  opulent  banker  at  Paris.  His  sister 
Eleanor,  daughter  of  the  elder  Nicholas  Clary,  of  Marseilles, 
married  a  Mr.  Anthony  (Anthoine),  one  of  whose  daughters 
married  Suchet,  eventually  Marshal  Duke  of  Albuferra,  who, 
notwithstanding  his  connexion  and  promotion,  became  a  noble 
servant  of  the  Bourbon  kings,  by  whom  he  was  retained  in 
their  peerage ;  an  excellent  general  and  honest  man  of  talents, 
whose  military  services  were  conspicuous  in  many  fields.  Hi» 
wife's  sister,  another  Anthoine,  married  Decr^z,  a  navai 
officer,  made  admiral  and  duke  by  Napoleon's  creation,  and 
his  secretary  of  marine  during  all  the  Consulate  and  Empire ; 
but  not,  by  all  his  connexion,  favors  and  titles,  faithfully 
attached  to  his  benefactor,  nor  capable,  without  patronage, 
of  rising  to  dukedoms,  or  other  dignities.  Nicholas  Clary's 
(of  Marseilles)  second  daughter  married  Dejean,  one  of  Napo- 
leon's senators,  and  one  of  the  few  steadfast  to  his  principles 
and  his  patron.  A  third  daughter  married  Yilleneuve,  post- 
master-general under  the  Empire.  The  fourth  daughter, 
Julia,  in  1794  married  Joseph  Bonaparte,  and  brought  him 
a  fortune  of  about  eighty  thousand  dollars.  Her  rich'  con- 
nexions, however,  he  often  told  me,  were  profitable  to  him 
not  only  as  a  Frenchman  apd  prince,  but  also  when,  as 
king  of  Spain,  he  had  the  treasures  of  Mexico  and  South 
America  at  his  command.  Nicholas  Clary's  (of  Marseilles) 
fifth    daughter,  Desir^e,  married  Bernadotte,  and  is    now 


JOSEPH. 


181 


le  vras  only  a  young 
Bonaparte,  to  the  last 
•or,  coveted  wealth  for 
id  always  sought  gran- 
s  in  1793-4,  his  advice 
of  agreeable  manners, 
I  dying  in  his  prison  at 
Ired  to  intermarry  their 
eep  up  the  Bonaparte 
th  any  Bourbon  blood. 
f  rich  bankers,  named 

largely  endowed  with 
Lolas  Clary,  whose  son 

at  P*ri3.    His  sister 
as  Clary,  of  Marseilles, 
me  of  whose  daughters 
>uke  of  Albuferra,  who, 
omotion,  became  a  noble 
lom  he  was  retained  in 
id  honest  man  of  talents, 
3US  in  many  fields.    Hi* 
arried  Becr^z,   a   navri 
ifapoleon'a  creation,  and 
}  Consulate  and  Empire ; 
»r8  and  titles,  faithfully 
able,  without  patronage, 
nitiea.    Nicholas  Clary's 
•ied  Dejean,  one  of  Napo- 
jteadfast  to  his  principles 
married  Villeneuve,  post- 
The   fourth   daughter, 
aparte,  and  brought  him 
L  dollars.     Her  rich  con- 
j,  were  profitable  to  him 
rince,  but  also  when,  as 
-es  of  Mexico  and  South 
as  Clary's  (of  Marseilles) 
Bernadotte,  and  is   now 


Dowager  Queen  of  Sweden.    Joseph's  wife,  Julia  Clary,  small, 
homely,  sickly,  amiable,  domestic,  affectionate,  devout,  unam- 
bitious', and  somewhat  avaricious,  was  with  him  only  a  short 
time  when  king  in  Naples,  and  never  in  Spain  or  America;  so 
that,  during  thirty  of  their  nearly  fifty  years  of  married  life, 
they  did  not  live   together.     But  both  being  of  kind  and 
amiable  tempers,  their  harmony  was  uninterrupted;   and  at 
last  he  died,  affectionately  residing  with  her  in  Florence,  on 
the  28th  of  July,  1844 ;  and  she  there,  on  the  7th  of  April, 
1845,  a  few  months  after  him.      His  last  will  bears  strong 
testimony  to  her  quiet  and  retiring  virtues,  and  to  his  own 
invariable  disposition  to  make  the  best  of  whatever  was  to- 
lerable ;  for  Joseph,  of  an  affectionate  nature  and  kind  feel- 
ings, was  an  optimist  and  a  philosopher,  not  only' on  a  throne, 
as   a  highly  competent  judge.  General  Lamarque,   said  of 
King   Joseph,  on  the  throne   of  Naples;   but  always   and 
everywhere,  in  Italy,  Spain,  France,  England  and  America, 
on  all  occasions,  in  good  or  bad  fortune,  a  philosopher;  with 
a  great  part  extremely  difficult  of  per"^rmance;  because  second- 
ary to,  and  eclipsed  by,  that  of  an  immense  younger  brother, 
to  whom  he  was  subjected,  and  with  whom  he' is  compared. 

Joseph's  eldest  daughter,  Zenaide,  several  years  with  her 
father  in  this  country,  was  educated  and  expected,  her  father 
told  me,  to  be  married  to  Francis  L,  Emperor  of  Austria,  who 
was  married  four  times.     By  his  second  wife,  daughter  of  the 
-   king  of  Sardinia,  hisi  eldest  daughter  was  Maria  Louisa,  who 
married  Napoleon.     The  Austrian  Emperor's  fourth  wife  was 
the  sister  of  Eugene  Beauharnois'  wife,  both  daughters  oi  the 
king  of  Bavaria:  the  Aust:-)  r.i  Emperor's  wife  having  been 
married  to,  and  divorced  from,  lae  king  of  Wurtemburg,  whose 
daughter  married  Jeroae  Bonaparte.     If  Zenaide  Bonaparte 
had'been  married,  as  expected, to  that  Austrian  Emperor,  pro- 
bably his  daughter  would  not  have  been  selected  for  Napoleon  s 
wife,  as  she  would  huv«  been  step-daughter  of  his  niec^;  on 
which  might  have  depended  the  duration  of  his  dynasty. 

Joseph  Bonaparte  and  Julia  Clary  had  two  children,  who 
lived  to  womanhood.  Zenaide  married  Charles,  the  eldest  son 
of  Lucien  Bonaparte,  by  whom  she  has  a  family  of  eight  or 


jl 


182 


JOSEPH. 


nine  flons  and  daughters.  The  eldest  of  them,  Joseph,  was 
born  in  Philadelphia,  in  the  house  then  rented  by  Joseph  Bo- 
naparte from  Stephen  Girard,  and  inherited  by  his  grand- 
father's will,  the  principal  part  of  his  American  property,  which 
the  grandson  latterly  converted  into  cash ;  altogether,  real 
and  personal,  not  amounting  to  one  hundred  thousand  dollars. 
Lucien  Bonaparte  having  been  invested  by  the  Pope  with  an 
Italian  principality,  and  entitled  Prince  of  Canino,  that  estate 
and  title,  at  bis  death,  devolved  on  his  eldest  ^on  Charles,  who 
has  lately  risked  both  as  a  member  of  the  Roman  Republican 
Convention.  His  title  during  his  father's  life,  and  his  son 
Joseph's  during .  Charles's  life,  being^  Prince  of  Musignano, 
both  those  titles'  he  renounced  by  the  revolt,  which  has  effected 
little  else  than  indicating,  perhaps,  a  general  anxiety  of  the 
Roman,  it  may  be  Italian  people,  to  free  themselves  from  Aus- 
trian and  ecclesiastical  control.  Both  of  Joseph's  daughters 
lived  several  years  with  their  father  in  this  country;  where 
Prince  of  Musignano,  Charles  Bonaparte,  composed  his  work  on 
Ornithology.  After  the  return  of  Joseph's  daughters  to  Eu- 
rope, the  younger,  Chatlotte,  marriied  her  cousin  Napoleon 
Louis,  eldest  son  of  her  uncle  Louis,  ex-king  of  Holland,  entitled 
Count  of  St.  Leu.  Her  husband  died,  after  a  short  illness, 
takiig  part  in  the  Italian  revolt  which  followed  the  Freilch 
revolution  of  1830,  as  was  suspected,  of  poison,  though  there 
was  no  proof  of  it;  and  that  suspicion  has  been  ejctremely 
common  in  many  such  cases,  in  all  ages  and  countries.  His 
widow,  Joseph's  youngest  daughter,  Charlotte,  died  childless, 
in  1839,  in  Tuscany. 

Desir^e  Clary,  much  handsomer  and  more  attractive  than 
her  elder  sister  Julia,  without  being  regularly  and  openly  affi- 
anced to  Napoleon,  was  engaged,  by  an  understanding  between 
themselves,  to  be  muried  soon  after  her  sister's  marriage  to 
his  brother  Joseph.  They  had  exchanged  lottery,  portraits/! 
and  other  tokens  of  love,  when  the  Clarjis,  to  escape  the  revo- 
lution, emigrated  from  Trance  to  Italy,  and  lived  some  time  at  I 
Genoa,  where  Joseph  Bonaparte  and  his  wife  went  with  them, 
and  Joseph's  first  daughter  was  born,  who  died  about  a  year  old. 
Napoleon  wrote  to  Joseph  at  Genoa,  to  ascertain  whether  Dcsir^el 


JOSEPH. 


183 


of  them,  Joseph,  was 
rented  by  Joseph  Bo- 
hcrited  by  his  grand- 
merican  property,  which 
cash ;   altogether,  real 
.ndr«d  thousand  dollars, 
by  the  Pope  with  an 
e  of  Canino,  that  estate 
eldest  §on  Charles,  who 
the  Roman  Republican 
ther's  life,  and  his  son 
Prince  of  Musignano, 
revolt,  which  has  eifected 
general  anxiety  of  the 
ree  themselves  from  Aus- 
th  of  Joseph's  daughters 
in  this  country;  where 
rte,  composed  his  work  on 
oseph's  daughters  to  Eu- 
ied  her  cousin  Napoleon 
£-king  of  Holland,  entitled 
ied,  after  a  short  illness, 
hich  followed  the  French 
i,  of  poison,  though  there 
icion  had  been  extremely 
ages  and  countries.     His 
Charlotte,  died  childless, 

and  more  attractive  than 
regularly  and  openly  affi- 
an  understanding  between 
T  her  sister's  marriage  to 
changed  letter?,  portraits/ 
Clarys,  to  escape  the  revo- 
ily,  and  lived  some  time  at 
i  his  wife  went  with  them, 
,  who  died  about  a  year  old. 
0  ascertain  whether  Desir^e 


Clary's  attachment  for  him  remained  unaltered :  to  which  Jo- 
seph answered,  discouraging  Napoleon  by  statements  of  the 
royalist  and  anti-revolutionary  attachments  of  the  Claryw ; 
whereupon  his  engagement  with  Desir^o  Clary  was  put  an  end 
to ;  and  some  time  after  she  married  Bernadotte,  though  a  re- 
publican revolutionist  much  more  pronounced  than  any  Bona- 
parte. Several  years  afterwards  Napoleon  called  for  his  love- 
letters,  which  were  given  up  by  Dasirt^e ;  who,  after  maiTying 
Bernadotte,  continued  so  intimate  with  Bonaparte  as  to  defer 
the  christening  of  her  son  till  hor  form  r  lover  could  stand  god- 
father to  the  child.  With  his  romantic  fondness  for  the  wild 
poetry  of  Ossian,  Bonaparte  named  Bernadotte's  son  Oscar ; 
by  which  title  the  godson  now  respectably  reigns  king  of  Sweden, 
long  since  his  godfather,  Napoleon,  with  all  the  Bonaparte  kings 
and  queens,  have  been  dethroned,  and  their  immediate  descend- 
ants disfranchised  of  all  royalty ;  —  for  the  Beauharnois  have 
been  much  more  fortunate  as  royalists  than  the  Bonapartes, 
by  whom  the  Beauharnois  and  the  Bernadottes  wore  raised  to 
thrones. 

The  brothers-in-law,  Bernadotte  and  Joseph  Bonaparte,  re- 
mained to  the  last,  I  believe,  on  good  terms;  and  Joseph,  who 
never  quarrelled^  by- kindly  interposition  appeased  several  rup- 
tures between  his  brother  Napoleon  and  brother-in-law  Berna- 
dotte. But  after  giving  him  an  imperial  lift,  and  with  liberal 
loans  of  money,  to  the  crown-princedom,  which  paved  his  way 
to  the  kingdom  of  Sweden,  Napoleon,  with  Joseph's  earnest  aid, 
in  1813,  could  not  dissuade  or  deter  the  crown-prince  Berna- 
dotte from  heading  the  allied  armies  marching  to  invade  France 
and  overthrow  the  Emperor.  Emperor  Alexander  proposing 
Bernadotte  to  supplant  Napoleon  as  French  Emperor,  was  irre- 
sistible motive  for  hostility  and  hope.  Alexander  held  the 
Bourbona  in  undisguised  contempt,  and  patronised  Bernadotte, 
wh'^  used  to  say  of  Napoleon's  vanity,  that  the  Corsican  was 
more  of  a  Gascon  than  he  (Bernadotte),  who  was  born  Gascon. 

Bonaparte's  union  with  Desiree  Clary  would  have  been  more 
of  a  love-match  than  his  marriage  with  Josephine.  Both  ladies 
were  royalists ;  and  Desiree  a  rich  man's  daughter.  But  she  had 
no  political  influence,  not  even  metropolitan  residence ;  whereas 


wm 


184 


NAPOLEOX. 


i- ; 


i'-fiiii 


Josephine  was  a  Parisian  bello,  widow  of  a  nobleman  and  re- 
publican general,  and  her  coterie  had  influence  with  the  noble- 
man, iJircctor  Barras,  whom  she  might  induce  to  advance  her 
h"sband,  a  promising  aspirant  near  six  years  younger  than 
herself.  The  calends  of  his  advancement,  by  dates  at  that 
eventful  period,  are,  5th  of  October,  1795,  (in  tho  republican 
calendar,  13th  Vendemiaire,  of  tho  foi^rth  year  of  tho  Re- 
public,) battle  of  tho  Sections.  There,  for  the  first  time,  he 
commanded,  and  subdued  the  terrible,  turbulent  mob  of  Paris 
so  effectually  that  there  was  no  other  occasion  for  their  chastise- 
ment during  the  next  twenty  years.  Very  soon  after  that 
exploit,  on  the  26th  of  October,  1795,  he  yf&s  appointed  com- 
mander of  the  army  of  the  interior;  and  within  four  months, 
on  tho  23d  of  February,  1796,  commainder-in-chief  of  the  army 
of  Italy.  On  the  eve  of  bib  departure  to  perform  on  that  the- 
atre of  his  youthful  and  purest  glory,  he  married  Josepliino 
Beauharnois,  the  8th  of  March,  17!)6,  to  whom  he  was  beholden 
for  promotion  to  it,  and  who  was  at  all  times  hit  devoted  do- 
mestic guardian  if  not  faithful  wife. 

With  his  first  jiroclamation  to  the  starving,  ragged,  and  de- 
moralized army  in  Italy,  began  Bonaparte's  meteoric  zodiac. 
To  omit  his  campaigns  is  to  leave  out  his  greatest  glory.  But 
all  I  attempt  is  to  describe,  not  the  hero,  but  the  mere  man, 
who,  during  twenty  years,  (from  1796  to  1816,)  when  every 
year  was  as  pregnant  as  most  centuries,  was  the  focus  of  ani- 
versal  animadversion.  With  much  flattery  and  adulation, 
infinitely  mwe  detraction  was  mixed  in  his  description ;  ant 
truth  can  be  reached  only  through  heaps  of  misrepresentation. 
Two-thirds  of  subjugated  and  exasperated  Christendom  taxet 
their  sharpest  wits  and  pointed  their  ablest  pens  to  denigrate 
the  terror  of  all.  In  this  country  England  was  our  chief 
teacher,  with  6ome  French  instruction  still  more  maledictory. 
Walter  Scott's  romantic  fancy,  spent  on  a  life  of  Bonaparte, 
at  least  affects  candour..  Lamartine's  imaginative  vilification 
^3ws  in  a  constauc  atream  of  undisguised  predilection  for 
wretchPf?  royalty.  If  on  this  side  the  broad  Atlantic  truth 
may  be  told,  it  seems  impossible  among  European  parasites 
and^  prejudices. 


NAPOLEON. 


186 


of  a  nobleman  nnd  re- 
influence  with  the  noble- 
t  induce  to  advance  her 
six  years  younger  than 
ment,  by  dates  at  that 
1795,  (in  the  republican 
fourth  year  of  the  Re- 
re,  for  the  first  time,  he 
,  turbulent  mob  of  Paris 
ccasion  for  their  chastise- 
Very  soon  after  that 
i,  he  ^as  appointed  com- 
and  within  four  montlis, 
inder-in-ehief  of  the  army 
re  to  perform  on  that  the- 
ry,  he  married  Joscpliino 
,  to  whom  he  was  beholden 
ail  times  hir  devoted  do- 
starving,  ragged,  and  de- 
aaparte's  meteoric  zodiac, 
t  his  greatest  glory.     But 
ic  hero,  but  the  mere  man, 
r06  to  1816,)  when  every 
ries,  was  the  focuS  of  uni- 
h  flattery   and  adulation, 
id  in  his  description ;  and 
leaps  of  misrepresentation, 
lerated  Christendom  taxed 
lir  ablest  pens  to  denigrate 
y  England  was  our  chief 
on  still  more  maledictory, 
int  on  a  life  of  Bonaparte, 
le's  imaginative  vilification 
idisguised  predilection  for 
I  the  broad  Atlantic  truth 
Eimong  European  parasites 


Bonaparte's  two  marriages  are  both  highly  evidential  of  his 
peculiar  individuality.  Of  domestic  habits,  warm  aflectiona, 
and  strong  family  attachments,  sexual  love  was  not  his  ruling 
passion.  Both  his  marriages  were  made  for  him,  and  both  for 
position.  Neither  was  a  love-match,  the  first  hardly  more  than 
the  second.  Bonaparte  was  probably  never  an  ardent  lover. 
Lord  Holland's  lately  published  recollections,  make  him  say 
truly  of  himself,  '*  I  am  not  very  fond  of  women,  don't  like 
gambling,  in  fact  nothing;  I  am  altogether  a  political  being." 
So  his  brother  Joseph  used  to  say  that  Napoleon,  arguing  from 
Joseph's  frequent  amours,  would  tell  him  that  "  No  one  must 
meddle  with  my  political  plans.  Meddling  with  my  politics  ia 
like  meddling  with  your  mistresses.  Politics  are  my  only  mis- 
tress, and  I  will  not  allow  any  one  to  meddle  with  her."  Scott 
rightly  represents  Josephine  as  rather  courting  Bonaparte  than 
he  her,  and  both  for  the  advancement  which  her  influence  with 
Barras  might  procure  her  husband.  Though  a  kind,  fond  bus- 
bauH  to  both  his  wives,  yet  he  was  rather  uxorious  than  amor- 
ous. His  ruling  and  absorbing  passion  was  to  govern.  La- 
martine,  in  his  always  charming  but  constant  disparagement, 
generally  introducing  wives  and  mistresses  in  romantic  stories, 
after  making  Napoleon  ill-treat  two  wives  and  two  mistresses, 
adds  "numerous  fugitive  amours."  But  how  would  he  answer 
Josephine's  biographical  and  other  vindicators,  who  represent 
her  as  saying,  that  if  it  was  her  misfortune  to  have  no  children 
by  her  second  husband,  it  was  not  her  fault  ?  Bonaparte  loved 
to  rule  more  than  he  loved  the  sex;  and  he  would  not  suffer 
any  woman  to  rule.  Born  despotic,  and  made  more  so,  there 
was  a  Salique  law  in  his  family  as  in  his  empire.  IIo  treated 
women  as  he  did  soldiers,  with  a  kindness  that  seldom  failed  to 
attach  them.  But  he  sacrificed  the  feelings  of  women  as  he  did 
the  lives  of  soldiers,  for  Ms  aggrandizement.  When  enormous 
power  overthrown  filled  the  world  with  profitable  maledictions 
of  him,  domestic  heartlessness  was  imputed  to  the  man  who,  in 
his  utmost  degradation,  was  never  -deserted  by.  more  than  one 
member  of  his  numerous  immediate  family,  (his  sister  Carolbe, 
as  queen  of  Naples,)  by  neither  of  his  wives,  neither  of  hib  mis- 
tresses, none  of  his  soldiers,  or  by  many  of  the  masses.    Wo- 


186 


JOSEPHIXE. 


men  arc,  for  the  most  part,  with  monarchs,  commoditios  or  thing 
of  ptatc,  to  be  exchanged  for  provinces,  or  bargained  for  peace 
KingH  of  Bavaria  and  Wurteiuburg,  and  j;rand  dukes  of  Baden 
Bold  Napoleon  their  daughters.  Austrian  and  Russian  empc 
rors,  Spanish-Bourbon  kings  and  princes,  competed  for  hi 
family  alliance.  The  emperors  of  Austria  and  Russia  bi( 
highest  for  the  advantage  of  marrying  a  daughter  or  sister,  il 
as  they  urged,  Napoleon  would  make  room  for  another  wife  b; 
repudiating  the  one  he  had.  Such  are  the  imperial,  royal 
and  princely  apologists  whose  acts  plead  Napoleon's  cause  as  ; 
family  man. 

Maria  Joseph  Rose  de  Tascher,  styled  De  la  Pagerio,  bori 
the  27th  of  June,  1763,  in  the  little  island  of  Rfartinique,  wa 
thirty-three  years  old  when  she  married  Bonaparte,  in  Marcl] 
1796,  then  twenty-seven.    By  one  of  those  French  assumption 
unknown  in  English  nomenclature,  she  is   called  Josephine 
Napolione  Bonaparte,  as  his  name  is  registered  in  the  marriag 
contract, — not  Napoleon,  as  since  spelt,  nor  Buonaparte,  a 
many  chose  to  name  him, — Napolione  Bonaparte,  born  a  Corsi 
can,  and  Maria  Tascher,  born  an  American,  as  monarchs  of 
vast  French  empire,  awed  all  the  world  they  did  not  own ;  so  tha 
trifling  particulars  of  their  nativity,  pedigree,  persons  and  habiti 
are   important  historical  circumstances.     Napoleon's  fathe 
Charles,  a  Corsiean  noble,  poor  but  respectable,  was  dissipate 
I  have  imderstood,  and  died,  before  forty  years  old,^  of  the  san 
kind  of  cancerous  affection  of  the  stomach  that  carried  off 
son  Napoleon  and  daughter  Caroline  before  they  reached 
age.     Of  Josephine's  father,  history  has  not  deigned  to 
much.     Her  mother  was  a  Creole  of  uneradicable  preferenc 
for  a  very  narrow  home,  with  a  will  as  inflexible  as  that  of 
imperious  son-in-law.     Insensible  to  all  bis  orders  and 
daughter's  invitations,  the  transatlantic  gnarled  root  of  sevei 
royal  dynasties  of  Europe,  whose  descendants  are  i>ow  connect 
with  the  royal  families  of  Bavaria,  Sweden,  and  Portugal,  a: 
the  imperial  Rpssian  and  Brazilian  families,  positively  reject 
all  the  French  Emperor's  orders  to  abandon  her  mean  domes 
cation  for  Parisian  splendor.     Her  slaves,  guinea-pigs,  goa 
and  other  such  pets,  were  dearer  to  her  than  her  sou-in-laif 


t( 


.,  I 


li 


JOSEPniNB. 


187 


Inrclis,  commoditius  or  tliin;;3 

ices,  or  bargained  for  pcacf. 
[,  and  j;ran(l  dukes  of  Baden, 
[uutrian  and  llusHiun  empc- 
princes,  competed  for  his 
|of  Austria  and  RuRsia   bid 

ring  a  daughter  or  sister,  if, 
Ike  room  for  another  wife  by 
Ich  are  the  imperial,  royul, 

plead  Napoleon's  cause  as  a 

',  styled  De  la  Pagerie,  born 

le  island  of  Af  artinique,  was 

arried  Bonaparte,  in  Marcb^ 

of  those  French  assumptions 

re,  she  is   called  Josephine. 

is  registered  in  the  marriage 

;e  spelt,  nor  Buonaparte,  as 

ione  Bonaparte,  born  a  Corsi- 

American,  as  monarchs  of  a 

orld  they  did  not  own ;  bo  that 

',  pedigree,  persons  end  habits, 

stances.     Napoleon's  father, 

ut  respectable,  was  dissipated, 

re  forty  years  old,,  of  the  same 

e  stomaoh  that  carried  off  hia 

oline  before  they  reached  old 

tory  has  not  deigned  to  tell 

9  of  uneradicable  preferences 

rill  as  inflexible  as  that  of  her 

e  to  all  his  orders  and  her 

tlantic  gnarled  root  of  several 

lescendants  are  qow  connected 

a,  Sweden,  and  Portugal,  and 

in  families,  positively  rejected 

bo  abandon  her  mean  domestl- 

^r  slaves,  guinea-pigs,  goats, 

r  to  her  than  her  son-in-law's 


grandeur.  "  She  was,"  ho  said,  "a  mere  boor,  delighting  in 
ralil<it.s  and  dung."  Nothing  would  induce  her  to  leave  her 
plantiition,  where  she  died  of  a  cancer,  in  1807  ;  when,  not 
having  been  recognised  as  a  member  of  the  imperial  family,  its 
court  regulations  did  not  permit  that  mourning  should  be  worn 
for  her  death.  Still,  like  the  Emperor's  mother,  likewise  not 
without  misgivings  of  hia  dynastic  stability,  the  instincts  of 
Josephine's  poor  ignorant  mother  were  more  prescient  than  all 
Napoleon's  vast  knowledge.  Two  simple  old  women  felt,  what 
ho  could  not  perceive,  that  his  empire  might  not  last.  Joseph- 
ine's foster-sister,  Lucette,  disappointed  of  the  emancipation 
from  slavery  which  she  insisted  her  mistress  promised,  at- 
tomptod  to  poison  her  in  a  plate  of  soup,  and  was  burned  to 
death  for  the  offence. 

That  crone,  with  will  as  inflexible  as  her  mighty  son-in-law, 
as  far  as  I  know,  had  no  child  but  the  daughter  entitled  the 
Empress  Josephine;  a  lady  of  imperturbable  sweetness  of 
temper,  with  no  more  acrid  or  acid  than  her  mother's  sugar ; 
gracious,  graceful,  rather  handsome,  charitable,  not  much  edu- 
cated, and  less  informed ;  as  fond  of  pets  as  her  mother ; 
like  Maria  Antoinette,  having  faith  in  fortune-telling  and 
palmistry;  who  could  only  embroider,  but  was  not  taught 
either  music  or  painting ;  first  offshoot  of  the  root  of  several 
royal  dynasties ;  caressing  to  all  mankind,  and  so  intimate 
with  several,  that  her  courting  condescension  excited  suspi- 
cions  of  her  virtue.  As  soon  as  her  lover  was  about  to  take 
command  of  the  army  of  Italy,  which  her  influence  with  Barras 
was  effective  in  procuring  for  him,  they  were  married.  His 
marriage  with  an  emperor's  daughter  was  an  imposing  cere- 
monial ; — religious,  gorgeous,  and  calamitous  downfal.  That 
with  the  West  India  widow,  —  humble  stepping-stone  to  pro- 
digious prosperity,  —  according  to  revolutionary  reforms,  was 
a  mere  civil  contract,  at  a  broker's  office,  almost  without  wit- 
nesses, with  no  religious  rito,  and  hardly  solemnized  at  all. 
One  obscure  person,  named  Calmelet,  on  her  part,  and  a  young 
officer,  scarcely  of  age,  (Barrois,)  on  his,  alone  attended,  when, 
as  the  broker  certified,  on  the  8th  of  March,  1796,  Napoleon 
and  Josephine  were  married.     No  nuptial  benediction  was 


188 


JOSEPIIINR. 


!.■  :  ! 


!'■ 


given.     No  honey-moon  foil  mcJ.     She  mirrlod  contrnry 
hor  notary's  advice.     IIo  niurrit  I  opportunity.     Within  thr 
(lays  after  that  raw  and  chcorlosa  March  Tuesday,  the  brid 
groom,  much  more  er.  "u.red  of  glory  than  of  woman,  fir 
with  lust  of  renown,  cii'l  ^:i egnant  with  genius,  hastened  frr 
the  brido's  embrace  to  take  possession  of  her  dowry,  the  coi 
mand  of  :in  army  to  be  forthwith  led  to  the  conquest  of  Ital 
The  first  nfTspring  of  that  marriage  was  the  victory  of  Mo 
tenotte,  elder  born  of  a  hundred  more  from  the  same  loii 
Tender  love-letters,  however,  from  the  victor  in  Italy  to  1 
wife  at  Paris,  told  her  that  ho  expected  also  other  offsprir 
I'lit  which  never  came.    Liko  all  Bonaparte's  female  intercouri 
his  lovc-lotters  were  warm  with  fondness  and  eloquent  rosp( 
of  woman.     When  the  rising  sun  of  his  fame  was  up  abo 
the  horizon,  Josephine  went  to  Italy  to  bask  in  its  bcnn) 
escorted  by  Uarras'  secretary,  Charles  Botot,  a  young  oilic 
of  whom,  during  Bonaparte's  absence  in  Egypt,  he  was  indue 
to  become  furiously  jealous.     Her  first  husband,  Beaiiharno 
also  angrily  accused  her  of  infidelity.     But  of  all  the  aber: 
tions  imputed  to  Bonaparte,  little  has  been  said  of  his  few 
fi(^elities  to  Josephine.     Reconciled  on  his  return  to  Fran 
she  was  his  constant  companion  and  devoted  wife  during  i 
Consulate  and  most  of  the  Empire ;  extravagant  in  expens 
with  aristocratic  propensities,  always  amiable,  the  tender  i 
afiectionate  helpmate  of  a  husband  intensely  desirous  of  [ 
terity,  till  by  innumerable  flatterers,  imperial,  royal,  princ< 
noble,  and  Jacobin,  made  to  consider  wives  as  only  dyna 
instruments.    After  several  years  of  unexampled  grand< 
the  Empress  Josephine  began  to  be  haunted  with  horrors 
divorce  at  the  death  of  her  grandchild,  Louis  Bonaparte, 
Hortensia  Beauharnois'  first  son,  first  imperial  heir,  who  ( 
of  croup,  in  Holland.     And  her  fears  helped  to  suggest 
misfortune.     At  last,  when  more  than  fifty  years  old,  an( 
hope  of  children  was  extinct,  divorced,  Josephine  still 
tinued  tenderly  to  lotve  her  husband,  though  married  to  ano 
wife ;  loved  their  child ;  weeping  in  all  the  bitter  grief  of  < 
repudiation,  declaring,  "  the  Emperor's  soul  is  noble,  bis  h 
sympathizing  and  grateful;  to  the  sentiments  of  an  ho 


r  -t 


NR. 

Sho  mirriod  contrary  to 
opportunity.     Within  three 
s  March  Tuesday,  tho  bride- 
glory  than  of  woman,  fired 
t  with  genius,  hastened  from 
iBsion  of  her  dowry,  tho  com- 
led  to  tho  conquest  of  Italy, 
iage  wos  tho  victory  of  Mon- 
moro  from  tho  same  loins. 
cm  the  victor  in  Italy  to  his 
expected  also  other  oifHpring, 
tonaparte's  female  intercourse, 
'ondness  and  eloquent  respect 
in  of  his  fame  was  up  above 
Italy  to  bask  in  its  beams; 
Iharles  Botot,  a  young  ofRcor, 
icnce  in  Egypt,  he  was  induced 
er  first  husband,  Beaiiharnois, 
ellty.     But  of  all  the  aberra- 
;le  has  been  said  of  his  fow  in- 
cited on  his  return  to  France, 
n  and  devoted  wife  during  the 
pire ;  extravagant  in  expenses, 
Iways  amiable,  the  tender  and 
)and  intensely  desirous  of  pos- 
jrers,  imperial,  royal,  princely, 
onsider  wives  as  only  dynastic 
?ar8  of  unexampled  grandeur, 
to  be  haunted  with  horrors  of 
mdchild,  Louis  Bonaparte,  and 
)n,  first  imperial  heir,  who  died 
ir  fears  helped  to  suggest  her 
re  than  fifty  years  old,  and  all 
divorced,  Josephine  still  con- 
and,  though  married  to  another 
g  in  all  the  bitter  grief  of  cruel 
aperor's  soul  is  noble,  his  heart 
)  the  sentiments  of  an  honest 


THR   DEAUirARNOIS. 


ise 


I 


innn  ho  joins  a  wonderful  memory  for  local  objects  and  little 
lIiingH." 

llor  children  by  her  first  huwhand  were  Ilortonsia  and  Eugene  • 
Bp.iuharnoiH.  In  love  with  Duroc,  Ilortensia  wos  forced  to 
marry  Louis  Bonaparte,  ho  in  love  with  tho  afterwards  cele- 
Iiratcd  wife  of  Lavalette,  and  undisguisedly  averse  to  marrying 
Ilortcniiia.  Much  better  educated  than  her  mother,  sho  was 
witliouf  the  hardier  ambition  or  talonts  of  Eliza  and  Caroline 
Bonaparte.  Scandal  was  busy  with  Ilortensia's  character. 
Count  Flahaut,  said  to  bo  the  natural  son  of  Talleyrand  and 
Ma<lame  de  Sousa,  the  brilliant  wife  of  a  Portuguese  ambas- 
sador, was  reputed  the  ''  '^  of  one  or  more  of  Hortcnsia's 
children  ;  of  whom  Clr  Louis  Napoleon,  now  President  of  Vi/"t  '^^'' 
France,  is  the  youngct  1<     'lia  father,  however,  that  his 

undo  Joseph  said  thorr  doubt,  at  any  rate,  of  Louis' 

paternity ;  so  self-willed  auJ  siient  a  child,  that  his  mother 
called  him  "  tho  gentle  stubborn."  Eugeno  Bcauharnois  was  not 
a  man  of  shining  talents ;  an  honorable,  brave  gentleman,  and 
faithful  to  Napoleon  till  his  first  abdication.  Then,  protected 
and  much  befriended  by  the  Emperor  Alexander,  he  retired 
to  Munich,  his  father-in-law  the  King  of  Bavrria's  capital,  ' 

where  he  remained  passive  during  his  stop-father's  last  hundred 
days'  struggle.  Neither  he  or  his  sister  were  molested  by  Louis 
XVIII.  on  his  restoration ;  who,  at  her  solicitation,  allowed 
her  the  title  of  Duchess  of  St.  Leu.  As  Joseph  told  me, 
Josephine's  influence  was  constantly  inclining  the  Emperor  to 
take  the  old  nobility  into  his  service,  — of  whom  her  first  hus- 
band, Beauhamois,  deemed  himself  one,  —  which  may  have 
helped  to  establish  several  Beauhamois  on  thrones,  when  not 
one  is  occupied  by  a  Bonaparte. 

In  1806,  Eugene  was  married  to  the  King  of  Bavaria's 
daughter  Augusta,  Duchess  of  Leuehtenberg,  then  engaged  to 
be  married  to  the  heir-apparent  of  the  Grand  Duke  of  Baden ; 
which  engagement  Napoleon  caused  to  be  dissolved,  in  order 
to  marry  his  step-son  to  the  Bavarian  princess.  By  her,  Eu- 
geno had  two  sons  and  four  daughters.  The  eldest  son  mar- 
ried Donna  Maria,  now  Queen  of  Portugal,  and  died  six  weeks 
after.     The  second  son,  now  Duke  of  Leucbtenberg,  married, 


i 


190 


TIIR    nEAUIIABNOIfl. 


■  I.. I  :;l 


in  ISnn,  the  second  iluughtcr  of  tlio  Kinporor  Nicholas  of  F 
(liu,  by  whom  ho  ha*  children.     In  1H27,  Eugene  nonuhani 
ohlcMt  daughter  married  Hernadutto  h  only  son,  Oacar,  now  \ 
of  Sweden,  by  whom  ho  has  several  children.    In  1829,  anol 
daughter  of  Eugene  became  the  seoond  wife,  and  afterwards  ] 
press  Dowager  of  Pedro,  Emporor  of  Brazil.     The  son  of 
Empress  Josephine's  aunt,  Fanny  Bcauharnois,  was  appoint 
Senator  in  1804;  and  in  1810,  Fanny  Benuharnois  was 
pointed  maid  of  honor  to  the  Empress  Maria  Louisa.    In  li 
her  grand-daughter,  Stephanla  Bcauharnois,  was  married,  by 
Emperor  Napoleon,  to  Princo  Charles,  grand-son  of  the  Gr 
Duko  of  Baden,  who,  in  1811,  Buccoedod  bis  grand-fathei 
that  fine  principality,  of  which  Manheim  is  the  metrop 
One  of  the  many  published  legends  of  the  French  impi 
family  is,  that  Stepbania  Beanharnois  was  so  averse  to 
husband  to  whom  she  was  married,  that  she  had  a  maid-ser^ 
to  sleep  in  her  bed-chamber,  to  prevent  his  access.    In  li 
the  three  sisters  of  the  Qrand  Duke  of  Baden  were  mar 
to  the  Emperor  of  Russia,  the  King  of  Bavaria,  and  the  I 
of  Sweden.    The  son  of  Stepbania  Beaubarnois  and  her  gri 
ducal  husband  prematurely  dying  very  young,  when  hi 
family  hatred  existed  to  the  Beaabarnois  connexion,  gave 
to  strange  conjectures.    It  was  rumored  that  the  child, 
the  man  in  the  iron  mask,  was  not  dead,  but  strictly  con 
somewhere,  until  1828,  when  be  made  his  escape,  and  appe 
as  the  Caspar,  Hauser,  who,  at  that  time,  produoed  so  j 
a  sensation :  having  never  known  a  human  being ;  could  hi 
speak  any  language ;  was  discovered,  soon  after  bis  sudder 
inexplicable  appexrance,  covered  with  blood,  and  then  f 
murdered,  without  any  discovery,  or  the  least  trace,  of  his 
terious  life  or  death.    The  margrave,  Louis  Augustus  Wil 
uncle  to  Stepbania' s  husband,  was  next  him  to  the  princip 
by  the  failure  of  male  issue  of  her  marriage  with  his  ne] 
To  prevent  bis  succession,  her  husband,  by  his  last  wi| 
pointed  bis  half-brothers  bis  heirs,  who  were  illegitimate! 
dren  of  a  left-banded,  or  what  is  called  morganetic,  mariT 
and  the  reigning  Grand  Duke  of  Baden  is  so  by  that 
mentary  arrangement.    One  of  the  Grand  Duchess  Stei 


■i5»p^^.ii:*.-^»OTT.nwwrs'7?ic^'^" 


[AKNOIS, 

llio  Kitipcror  Niclioliw  of  Ruii- 
n  IH27,  FiUgono  llcauliBrmn*' 
tto  H  only  8on,  Oscar,  now  king 
rsil  ohildicn.    In  l8lJ9,  another 
econd  wlfo,  and  oftorwunU  Ena- 
or  of  Brazil.     The  son  of  the 
y  Bcauharnois,  iras  appointed  a 
►,  Fanny  Boauhornois  was  op- 
press Maria  Louisa.    In  180f^, 
{eauharnois,  was  married,  by  th. 
harloB,  grand-son  of  the  Grand 
Bucccodod  his  grand-father  in 
h  Manheim  is  the  metropolis, 
ggonds  of  the  French  imperial 
nharnois  was  so  averse  to  the 
ied,  that  she  had  a  maid-servant 
)  prevent  his  access.    In  1806, 
I  Duke  of  Baden  were  married 
King  of  Bavaria,  and  the  Kin? 
ania  Boauharnois  and  her  grani 
lying  very  young,  ^rhen  bitter 
teauharnois  connexion,  gave  rise 
ras  rumored  that  the  child,  like 
M  not  dead,  but  strictly  confined 
le  made  his  escape,  and  appeared 
at  that  time,  produced  so  great 
)wn  a  human  being ;  could  hardly 
overed,  soon  after  his  sudden  and 
jred  with  blood,  and  then  found 
ory,  or  the  least  trace,  of  his  mys- 
argrave,  Louis  Augustus  William, 
,  was  next  him  to  the  principality, 
)f  her  marriage  with  his  nephew, 
ier  husband,  by  his  last  will,  ap- 
heirs,  who  were  illegitimate  chil- 
at  is  called  morganetic,  marriage; 
ike  of  Baden  is  so  by  that  testa- 
of  the  Grand  Duchess  Stephania 


•^^^^.c^^^^i^m^f^^^ 


iiwi-irtjfciriVi  i'ilitjiJiyN 


e-\H'^^^i^ir^K''  ^-"  ^■■-  --^'—  .■..>ii-L^..^->»f> 


^ 

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IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


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ImImiIm 


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VMiniR,N.Y.  14SM 
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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/iCIVIH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Cmw«wi  ImtHuMfor  HiMorieal  Mlero«pio*ictloii«  /  hwttut  «»•««>  *  iiitewnipnHluetloiw  hMoriquw 


I.UOIKN. 


191 


Beauharnois'  daughters  married  the  Marquis  of  Douglas,  son 
of  the  Scotch  Duke  of  Hamilton,  who  is  a  duke,  also,  by  both 
English  and  French  titles.  Others  of  Josephine's  connexions 
were  promoted  by  her  husband;  two  of  them  named  Tascher; 
also  a  Beauharnois,  a  cousin  of  her  first  husband,  French 
ambtissador-in  Spain,  when  seized  by  the  Emperor. 

In  1793,  Lucien  Bonaparte  married  his  first  wife,  Christine 
Boyer,  an  innkeeper's  daughter,  who  died  in  1800,  leaving  two 
daughters,  one  of  whom,  Charlotte,  with  her  father's  approba- 
tion, rejected  Napoleon's,  desire  that  she  should  marry  the 
Prince  of  Asturias,  afterwards  Ferdinand  VII.,  King  of  Spain, 
who  solicited  a  female  of  the  Bonaparte  family  for  his  second 
wife,  having  lost  his  first.  Charlotte,  destined  for  the  Spanish 
crown,  refused  it,  probably  owing  to  her  father's  peremptory  and 
passionate  refusal  to  part  with  his  second  wife,  in  order  to  marry 
some  princess,  and  mount  the  throne  of  Portugal,  which  the  Em- 
peror Napoleon  in  vain  labored  to  bring  about.  Lucien  was  a 
man  of  many  amours ;  and  it  has  sometimes  been  said  that  Mi- 
chael, prince  of  Portugal,  who  contended  with  Pedro,  Emperor 
of  Brazil,  for  the  crown  of  the  former  kingdom,  was  the  ofispring 
of  Lucien  by  the  Queen  of  Portugal,  during  his  residence  at 
Lisbon,  as  French  minister  there.  His  eldest  daughter,  Char- 
lotte, married  the  Italian  prince,  Gabrielli.  Lucien's  second 
(laughter,  by  his  first  wife,  married  first  a  Swedish  Count  Coss^, 
from  whom  she  was  divorced,  and  then  married  Lord  Dudley 
Stuart,  brother  of  the  Marquess  of  Bute,  distingnielhed  as  a 
member  of  the  House  of  Commons  for  his  sympathies  with 
the  Poled  and  antipathy -to  their  Russian  masters.  In  1803, 
Lucien,  in  despite  and  defiance, of  Napoleon's  angry  opposition, 
who,  as  head  of  the  state,  assumed  also  to  be  dictator  of  his 
family,  married  a  beautiful  widow,  named  Joubenthou,  daughter 
of  one  Bleschamp ;  her  first  husband  having  been,  in  some  way, 
connected  with  the  French  expedition,  in  1802,  to  St.  Domingo, 
and  dying  tl^efe.  Of  Lucien's  several  children  by  her,  the 
oMe&t  800,  Charles,  as  before  mentioned,  married  his  uncle  Jo- 
seph's eldest  daughter.  One  of  Lujcien's  daughters  married 
the  Italian  Prince  Hercolani ;  another  married  an  Irish  gentle- 
man named  Wyse,  from  whom  she  was  divorced.    As  a  Frenoh- 


i  ''if 


192 


LOUIS  —  JEROME. 


» 


U- 


man,  Lucien  was  so  decided  a  republican  that  he  was  sometimof 
called  Brutus  Bonaparte.  His  eldest  son,  Charles,  renouncec 
the  papal  title  inherited  from  his  father,  as  Prince  of  Canino 
Three  others  of  Lucien 's  sons,  Louis,  and  Peter,  and  Anthony 
all  members,  lately,  of  the  French  republican  Legislature^  al 
sided  with  the  democratic  party. 

Louis  Bonaparte,  in  1002,  was  most  reluctantly  compelled,  bj 
his  brother  Napoleon,  to  give  up  Miss  Lepagerie,  one  of  Jose 
phine's  cousins,  to  whom  he  was  ardently  attached,  and  marr^ 
her  daughter,  Hortensia  Beauharnois,  a  lady  of  .many  attrac 
tions,  but  with  whom  he  always  lived  unhappily.  Of  their  three 
sons,  the  first  died  an  infant,  a  few  years  old;  the  second 
married  to  Joseph's  daughter  Charlotte,  as  before  mentioned 
died  in  1880,  in  the  Italian  revolt;  and  the  third,  born  ir 
1808,  named  Charles  Louis  Napoleon,  is  now  the  first  Presideni 
of  the  French  Republic.  Louis  Bonaparte's  first  and  true  love, 
Miss  Lapagerie,  married  Napoleon's  aide-de-camp  and  post- 
master-general, Lavallette,  and  was  the  well-known  heroic  ageni 
of  his  escape,  assisted  by  General  Wilson,  from  prison,  and  tht 
death  designed  for  him  by  Louis  XVIIL,  and  died  insane,  tc 
the  deep  sorrow  of  Louis,  who  loved  her  to  the  last,  and  bitterlj 
lamented  her  unhappy  end. 

Jerome  Bonaparte,  at  the  age  of  fifteen,  was  taken  fron 
college,  and  made  a  midshipman;  in  1802,  as  lieutenant,  com 
mandmg  the  sloop-of-war  Epervier,  (which  vessel,  after  beinj 
t»ken  by  the  English  from  the  French,  was  taken  from  th 
English  by  the  Americans,)  he  accompanied  his  brother-jn 
law,  General  Le  Olerc,  on  the  expedition  to  St.  Domingo,  and 
after  a  long  cruipe,  landed  in  the  United  States.    At  Balti 
more,  he  paid  his  addresses  to  Elizabeth  Patterson,  daughte 
of  a  rich  merchant  there,  and  niece  of  General  Samuel  Smit 
mentioned  in  my  second  volume  as  commanding  at  Baltimore 
when  attacked  by  the  English,  in  September,  1814.     He 
family,  to  prevent  the  marriage,  sent  her  to  Richmond,  Vii 
ginia.    But,  as  usual  in  most  such  cases,  objections  were  un 
availmg.     On  the  24th  of  December,  1803,  they  were  rtarrie 
by  Archbishop  CarroU,  according  to  the  rites  of  the  Roma 
Catholic  church;  and  in  the  spring  of  1806,  went  to  Ei 


11 


MMM 


)ME. 

llcan  that  he  was  sometimes 
lest  son,  Charles,  renounced 
ither,  as  Prince  of  Canino. 
8,  and  Peter,  and  Anthonj', 
republican  Legislature^  all 

3st  reluctantly  compelled,  by 
liss  Lepagerie,  one  of  Jose- 
•dently  attached,  and  marry 
lois,  a  lady  of  many  attrac- 
J  unhappily.     Of  their  three 
few  years  old;  the  second, 
.rlotte,  as  before  mentioned, 
>lt;  and  the  third,  born  in 
on,  is  now  the  first  President 
naparte's  first  and  true  love, 
)n'8  aide-de-camp  and  post- 
I  the  well-known  heroic  agent 
Wilson,  from  prison,  and  the 
XVIII.,  and  died  insane,  to 
a  her  to  the  last,  and  bitterly 

1  of  fifteen,  wis  taken  from 
in  1802,  as  lieutenant,  com- 
er, (which  vessel,  after  being 
French,  was  takeiii  from  the 
accompanied  his  brother-jn- 
)edition  to  St.  Domingo,  and, 
e  United  States.  At  Balti- 
Slizabeth  Patterson,  daughter 
ice  of  Genejral  Samuel  Smith, 
is  commanding  at  Baltimore, 
in  September,  1814.  Her 
sent  her  to  Richmond,  Vir- 
ich  cases,  objections  were  un- 
ber,  1803,  they  were  tiiarried 
g  to  the  rites  of  the  Roman 
pring  of  1806,  went  to  Eu- 


JEROME. 


198 


.V 


rope,  in  the  United  States  sloop-of-war  Eric.     By  order  of  the 
Emperor  Napoleon,  Jerome's  wife  was  not  allowed  to  land  in 
Holland,  where  the  vessel  anchored  in  the  Texel,  and  was 
therefore  obliged  to  go  to  England,  where,  on  th^  2d  of  July, 
1805,  she  gave  birth  to  Jerome  Bonaparte's  first  son,  who  now 
lives  in  Baltimore.    In  1807,  that  marriage  was  civilly,  but 
not  canonipally  annulled,  the  Pope  refusing  to  gratify  the  Em- 
peror's exaction  of  that  sacrifice.    It  has  been  said  that  Je- 
rome's heirs  were  put  in  the  rescript  of  succession  to  the  impe- 
rial throne,  as  inducement  to  relinquish  his  American  wife. 
He  had  what  his  brother  Joseph  called  the  misfortune  to  be 
brought  up  almost  a  prince ;  and  carried  extravagant  dissipa- 
tion to  -what  the  Emperor  called  hideous  libertinage.    But  the 
Emperor  added  that  he  afterwards  reformed ;  and  that  a  good 
proof  of  it  was  his  attachment  to  the  excellent  princess  he  mar- 
ried—Frederica  Catharina,  daughter  of  the  Elector,  created,  by 
Napoleon,  king  of  Wirtemburg,  who  married  the  sister  of  George 
rV.  and  William  IV.,  kings  of  England.     By  that  marriage, 
remotely  connected  with  the  Bnglifih  reigning  royal  family, 
Jerome  Bonaparte,  made  king  of  Westphalia,  and  dethroned 
with  his  brother,  had  a  son  who  died  adult  in  Italy ;  another 
son,  since  known  as  Napoleon,  a  democratic  member  of  the 
French  republican  Legislature,  and  a  daughter,  Matilda,  mw- 
ried  to  the  Russian  Count  Demidoff.    His  son  Napoleon  is  said 
to  be  a  young  man  of  good  abilities ;  and  it  was  reported  that 
Matilda  was  at  one  time  about  to  be  married  to  her  cousin,  the 
President  of  France.    Jerome's  queen,  the  Wirtemburg  prin- 
cess, since  dead,  was  a  lady  of  fine  personal  appearance  aad 
exemplary  conduct  on  all  occasions.    Tl^oughout  a  Ufe  mostly 
of  tribulation,  she  adhered  to  Jerome's  fallen  fortunes  with  con- 
stsknt  fideUty ;  resisted  all  the  violent  efforts  of  her  royal  km- 
dred  to  separate  her  from  her  destitute  husband,  and  proved 
a  bright  example  that,  if  it  is  sometimes  a  misfortune  to  be  born 
a  prince,  a  woman  bom  a  princess  may  excel  in  female  virtues. 
By  family  marriages,  the  Bonapartes,  or  Beauharnois,  are 
alUed  to  the  emperors  of  Russia  and  Braril,  the  kings  of  Ba- 
varia, Wirtemburg  and  Sweden,  the  Queen  of  Portugal  and  the 
Grand  Diike  of  Baden,  all  royal  houses;  and  remotely,  with 
Vol.  m.— 13 


'  m 


w  . 


194 


NAPaLEON. 


Ife 


that  of  England.     If  Napoleon's  object  in  cultivating  royal 
connexions  was  the  support  which  such  alliances  might  aiford 
his  family,  iii  the  event  of  his  downfal  or  death,  that  object  ir 
some  measure  attained,  though  through  much  royal  disgust  and 
haughty  estrangement,  may  bo  regarded  as  proof  of  his  forc' 
sight  and  providence  for  his  own  household,  which  is  not  onl) 
pardonable,  but  laudable.     But  if  his  object  was  to  establisli 
and  strengthen  the  throne  founded  by  and  for  himself,  a  fourtli 
French  dynasty,  of  which  he  was  to  be  the  root,  and  his  family 
and  kinsfolk  the  branches,  nothing  was  more  fatal  to  that  root 
than  those  branches.     Affectionately  fond,  as  he  was,  of  his 
family,  and  they  of  him,  he  used  them,  naturally,  as  the  mosi 
trustworthy  instruments  of  his  own  imperial  establishment, 
In  his  extreme  distress  they  all,  except  his  sister  Caroline, 
rallied  to  his  relief,  if  not  purely  or  perfectly  disinterested : 
for  what  human  affection  is  so?— yet  their  royalties,  togethei 
with  his  own  imperial  marriage,  were  the  chief  causes  of  hie 
terrible  ruin.    Seldom  has  so  numerous  a  family,  in  privat( 
life,  with  no  dispute  but  for  property,  and  no  alienation,  but 
by  temper  or  accident,  lived  in  harmony  so  long,  or,  to  th( 
last,  remained  so  constantly  affectionate.    Even  Josephine  and 
Maria  Louisa,  his  two  wives,  under  cu'cumstances  of  unexam 
pled  distress,  persevered  in  their  attachment  fo  Napoleon,  an< 
he  to  both  of  them.     To  his  mother,  his  brothers,  one  and  al 
his  sisters,  his  8.>ep-children,  his  son,  he  was,  throughout  life 
in  death,  and  after  it,  devoted  with  admirable  and  exemplar; 
constancy.    Yet  never  did  perversioQ  of  family  union,  an 
regard  to  personal  by  family  aggrandizement^  lead  to  catai 
tropheand  wreck  of  all  things,  domestic  and  national,  so  tota 
fatal  and  memorable.     Close  family  alliance  with  an  imperi 
princess,  in  ties  of  golden  silk,  which  seemed  irrefragable,  wi 
mysteriously   broke,  even   after    its    prodigious    contrivei 
downfal  and  death,  by  his  son's  mysteHous  dissolution.    T 
son  of  imperial  hope  and  pledge  of  dynastic  perpetuity,  li' 
the  children,  and  most  of  the  grand-ohildren,  of  Louis  XI 
the  son  of  the  Austrian  princess  and  Louis  XYI.,  the  first  al 
most  promising  son  of  Louis  Philippe,  to  be  followed  by  hij 
self  and  family,  was  doomed  to  introduce  calamity  in 


''I 


<WIH 


bject  in  cultivating  royal 

luch  alliances  might  alTord 

fal  or  death,  that  object  in 

gh  ranch  royal  disgust  and 

rd6d  as  proof  of  his  fore- 

luaehold,  T\rhich  is  not  only 

his  object  was  to  establish 

)y  and  for  himself,  a  fourth 

be  the  root,  and  his  family 

was  more  fatal  to  that  root 

sly  fond,  as  he  was,  of  his 

lem,  naturally,  as  the  most; 

wn  imperial  establishment. 

except  his  sister  Caroline, 

or  perfectly  disinterested ; 

yet  their  royalties,  together 

iTcre  the  chief  causes  of  his 

merous  a  family,  in  private 

)erty,  and  no  alienation,  but 

harmony  so  long,  or,  to  the 

ionate.    Even  Josephine  and 

>r  circumstances  of  unexam-' 

attachment  to  Napoleon,  and 

>er,  his  brothers,  one  and  all, 

son,  he  was,  throughout  life, 

ith  admirable  and  exemplary 

ersioQ  of  family  union,  and 

rgrandizementj  lead  to  cataS" 

}mestio  and  national,  so  total, 

ally  alliance  with  an  imperial 

hich  seemed  irrefragable,  was 

r    its    prodigious    contriver's 

mysterious  dissolution.     The 

e  of  dynastic  perpetmty,  like 

rand-children,  of  liouis  XIV., 

and  Louis  XVI.,  the  first  and 

lilippe,  to  be  followed  by  him- 

to  introduce  calamity  in  tho 


JOSEPH. 


195 


family  of  the  monarch,  disgrace  and  dismemberment  in  the 
nation  of  Franco. 

Joseph  Bonaparte  was  Napoleon's  most  confidential  brother 
and  devoted  friend ;  before  and  after  the  Consulate,  employed 
in  the  most  important  offices  of  the  French  government.  He 
negotiated  ^he  treaties  of  Campo  Formio  and  Lun^ville  with 
Austria.  As  an  excellent  public  speaker  in  the  Council  of  Five 
Hundred,  as  well  as  by  the  amdnity  of  his  manners,  and  attrac- 
tions of  his  hospitality,  he  was  one  of  Napoleon's  efiectual  vin- 
dicators, absent  or  present,  and  assistants  in  November,  1799, 
when  Joseph's  judicious  support  was  as  valuable  as  Lucien's 
more  demonstrative  energy.  Joseph  was  Napoleon's  minister 
to  arrango  the  concordat  with  the  Pope,  in  1800 ;  and,  with 
Roederer  andFIeurieu,  concluded  the  treaty  of  that  year  with 
the  AmericMi  ministers,  Ellsworth,  Davie,  and  Murray;  by 
which  long-pending  complaints,  and  some  hostilities  between 
the  United  States  and  France,  were  closed  by  a  treaty,  sanc- 
tioning the  true  principle  of  freedom  of  the  seas,  that  free 
ships  make  free  goods,  with  just  restrictions  of  blockade,  contra- 
band and  sea-search.  At  Morfontaine,  his  country-seat,  where 
Joseph  lived  with  noble  hospitality,  frequented  by  the  best  com- 
pany from  all  parts  of  Europe,  he  entertained  the  American  min- 
isters, in  October,  to  celebrate  their  treaty  of  the  80th  of  Sep- 
tember, 1800,  by  an  elegant  festival,' during  three  days ;  to  which 
La  Fayette  »n  1  the  Duke  of  La  Rochefaucauld  Lianconrt  were 
requested  to  bring  whatever  Americans  they  chose  to  invite. 
Napoleon  and  the  two  other  Consuls  attended ;  Josephine,  with 
her  dau^ters,  Hortensia  Beauhamois,  Pauline  Le  Clero,  and 
Caroline  Marat,  in  the  hloom  of  their  youthful  betiQty ;  the  min- 
isters, and  several  other  memberb  of  the  government,  of  the  Se- 
nate, Council  of  State,  Legislative  body,  Tribunate,  the  whole 
diplomatic  corps,  and  all  Frenchmen  who  had  lived  in  America. 
All  the  great  events  of  the  American  Revolution  were  irepre- 
sented  by  emblems  and  inscriptions,  of  which  I^a  Fayette  wis 
desired  to  suggest  the  scenes.'  The  Prefect  of  the  Department 
presenting  Napoleop  some  ancient  Roman  medals,  found  near 
there,  he  gave  them  to  the  American  ministers,  to  take  to  their 
country.    Affable  and  conversable  with  all,  he  talked  politics,^ 


"m 


■"KSia,-;'-.. 


«II 


196 


JOSEPH. 


.1 


li: 


literature,  science,  tactics,  and  even  music,  with  the  man 
eminent  masters  in  those  arts,  and  gallantry  with  a  crowd  c 
gay  ladies  who  enlivened  the  entertainment.     La  Fayoti 
and  Napoleon  conversed  a  great  deal  together  on  the  mo 
friendly  terms.     La  Fayette's  liberation  from  the  Austria 
dungeon  was  a  special  condition  of  th«  treaty  of  Camj 
Formio,  for  which  his  gratitude  was  strongly  avowed  to  bol 
Napoleon  and  Joseph.    Morfontaine,  embellished  by  artifici 
lakes,  islands,  rocks  and  plantations,  was  one  of  the  most  d 
lightfUl  country-seats  in  France.    On  the  first  day  of  the  fe 
tival  a  concert  was  performed  by  the  principal  musicians  c 
Paris.    Next  day  there  was  stag  and  hare  hunting ;  and  in  tl 
evening,  theatrical  performances  by  the  best  actors,  conolud< 
with  fireworks.    After  the  treaty  of  Lun^ville  with  Austri 
Joseph  kept  open  house  at  Morfontaine  the  whole  summer  c 
1801.    All  his  three  brothers  and  sisters,  the  Austrian  amba 
sador  Gobentzl,  Madame  de  Stael,  then  a  lover  of  Joseph  ai 
courtier  of  Napoleon,  with  her  lover  Matthieu  de  Montmorenc 
she  reading  Chateaubriand's  Atala  to  the  company ;  Miot, 
man  of  fine  literary  acquirements ;    Renaud  de  St.  Jet 
d'Angely,  an  eminent  orator,  both  of  whom  -were  afterwar( 
at  Joseph's  residence  in  New  Jersey;  Roederer,  one  of  t 
negotiators  of  the  American  treaty;  Roederer,  Miot  and  H 
naud,  all  three  much  distinguished  as  literary  notabilities,  a 
much  attached  to  Joseph  Bonaparte ;  the  poets  Andrieux, 
naud  -and  Boufflers ;  Fontanes,  an  eminent  statesman,  bef(| 
mentioned  as  a  lover  of  Eliza  Bonaparte,  with  his  highly  acco 
plished  wife ;  Marinont,  who  afterwards,  as  Marshal  Duke 
Ragusa,  was  tiie  loose  corner-stone  precipitating  the  Empiercj 
downfall,  together  with  many  other  of  the  most  remarka 
persons  of  Europe,  were  guests  of  Morfontaine,  that  snmij 
of  aearly  universal  peace  and  expanding  prosperity.    For 
poleon's  advent  iros  an  era  of  peace,  which  was  his  )nter| 
and  therefore  his  ambition.    From  the  27th  of  Marc.*:^^,  l*! 
when  the  Tnrkish,govei!Bment,  which  at  first  could  hot  comj 
hend  what  a  r^idMIc  WtS,  acknowledged  that  of  France,  till] 
27th  of  March,  1802;<«riien  Oreat  Britahi  concluded  the  I 
treaty  of  peace,  but  hr^en  amity  with  the  French  Repul 


Hi- 


'""aMMMM 


ren  music,  with  the  many 

gallantry  with  a  crowd  of 

tertainment.     La  Fayottc 

deal  together  on  the  most 

)eratioft  from  the  Austrian 

of  th«  treaty  of  Campo 

as  strongly  avowed  to  both 

ine,  embellished  by  artificial 

ns,  was  one  of  the  most  de- 

On  the  first  day  of  the  fes- 

'  the  principal  musicians  of 

,nd  hare  hunting ;  and  in  the 

)y  the  best  actors,  concluded 

jr  of  Lun^Tille  with  Austria, 

mtaine  the  whole  summer  of 

I  sisters,  the  Austrian  ambas- 

1,  then  a  lover  of  Joseph  and 

rer  Mattmeu  de  Montmorenci, 

ila  to  the  company ;  Miot,  a 

ents;    Renaud  de  St.  Jean 

oth  of  whom  were  afterwards 

^ersey;  Roederer,  one  of  the 

eaty;  Rcsderer,  Miot  and  Re* 

led  as  literary  notabilities,  and 

arte ;  the  poets  Andrieux,  Ar« 

OB  eminent  statesman,  before 

naparte,  with  his  highly  accom- 

terwards,  as  Marshcl  Duke  of 

>ne  precipitating  the  Emperor's 

other  of  the  most  remarkable 

of  Morfontaine,  that  sammer 

cpanding  prosperity.    For  Na- 

peaee,  which  was  his  interost, 

rom  the  27th  of  Mart*:",  1798, 

rhich  at  first  could  hot  compfe- 

wledged  that  of  France,  till  the 

eat  Britain  concluded  the  last 

lity  with  the  French  Republic, 


JOSEPH. 


197 


rooro  than  twenty  treaties,  with  nearly  all  the  nations  of  the 
world,  recognized  the  freedom,  the  consolidation,  and  the  secu- 
rity of  that  great  commonwealth  in  the  midst  of  Europe.  And 
Bonaparte  might  not  have  been  either  able  or  disposed,  without 
British  incitement,  to  construct  a  throne  upon  its  ruins. 
Among  the  recreations  of  his  captivity  at  St.  Helena,  there  is 
a  full  and  masterly  review  of  the  marithne  relations  between 
France  and  the  United  States;  of  the  laws  of  the  sea,  and 
their  British  infringements ;  and  of  his  treaty  with  this  coun- 
try, with  on  account  of  the  negotiations,  and  celebration  of 
peace  at  Joseph's  residence.  Unless  more  of  a  double-dealer 
than  reason  can  be  given  to  explain,  Bonaparte  was  a  sincere 
admirer  of  Washington,  when,  as  First  Consul,  he  ordered  all 
the  standards  and  flags  of  the  French  Republic  to  be  put  in 
mourning,  during  ten  days,  for  thbt  "great  citizen,"  as  he  was 
styled  in  the  order,  "  a  great  man,  who  fought  against  tyranny, 
whose  name  would  be  always  dear  to  the  French  people,  and 
to  all  the  freemen  of  both  worlds,  especially  to  all  French 
soldiers,  like  those  of  America,  combatants  for  liberty  and 
equality."  The  French  Republic,  he  forcibly  declared  at  the 
treaty  of  Campo  Formio,  was  as  clear  as  the  noon-day  sun  in 
all  its  brightness.  But  haughty  Chatham's  proud  son,  to  gratify 
the  same  stubborn  British  king  and  aristocracy,  who  coerced 
American  colonies  to  independence,  by  reiterated  wars,  immense 
coalitions,  and  shedding  the  blood  of  the  millions,  of  whose  lives 
La  Fayette,  and  others  of  Bonaparte's  detractors,  imputed  to 
him  the  sacrifice  for  his  aggrandizement,  fnroed  the  republican 
chief  magistrate  to  become;  successively  viator,  conqueror,  em- 
peror, dictator,  but  still,  from  the  wreck  of  his  democratic 
despotism,  to  strikeout  European  reforms. 

^'  S^ile  Napoleon  was  meditating  and  advanoing  th^  peaceful 
d<3<.lv^nient  of  a.  great  French  empire,  Joseph  was  enjoying 
the  pidsent,  without  ambitions  designs  for  Che  future,  or  pos> 
sible  conception  that  the  time  would  bonk>  when,  at  Point 
Breeze,  he  would  seek  reftige  from  the  briUiant  festivities  of 
Morfontaine  in  his  homelier,  but  not  less  heatty,  hospitality  of 
New  Jersey,  deploring  his  inability  to  soothe  Napoleon's  im- 
prisonment and  cruel  death  at  St.  Helena.    A  charming  exist- 


:■ .  r^»> '  ■^''jl 


198 


JOSEPH  —  LUCIEX. 


onco  at  Morfontaine,  npcnt  in  elegant  recreation,  was  to  h 
followed  by  the  dreadful  eplendurs  of  illegitimate  royalty ;  mo 
dern  royalty  being  precarious  even  by  the  grace  of  God,  bu 
when  raised  on  tho  sovereignty  of  the  people  a  mere  mocker; 
of  grandeur.  In  tho  rational  luxury  of  Morfontaine,  JosepI 
Bonaparte's  quiet  nature  was  not  only  happier,  but  much  mor 
at  home  than  in  tho  rugged  royalties  dictated  to  him  by  Na 
poleon.  From  the  camps  and  battles  of  Sicily  and  Spain,  th 
effeminate  refinements  of  Naples,  the  splendid  palaces  of  Ma 
drid  and  the  Esourial,  their  sudden  and  short'lived  monarcl 
looked  back  with  regret  to  the  pleasures  of  Morfontaine,  ani 
perhaps  forward  with  misgivings,  but  not  so  far,  as  to  the  soolu 
sion  of  Now  Jersey. 

Not  far  from  Morfontaine,  Lucien  Bonaparte,  in  1801,  thei 
widower,  just  returned  from  his  suocessful  and  lucrative  en 
bassy  at  Madrid,  at  his  country  residence,  Plessis  ChaumonI 
lived  in  similar  hospitality.  His  sister  Eliza  and  a  Spanis 
Marchioness  of  Santa  Cruz  were  the  ladies  domesticated  at  tha 
establishment,  where  poets,  dramatists,  politicians,  pointers 
and  other  such  agreeable  guests,  shared  the  pleasant  wolcom 
which  Lucien  and  Eliza  extended. 

No  sooner  had  Napoleon,  by  the  treaty  of  Lun^ville,  ma 
peace  with  Austria,  than  he  sought  it  with  England  by  direcj 
application,  which  the  Pitt  ministry  haughtily  and  peremptoril 
rejected ;  sharpening  their  refusal  by  intimating  that  thei 
was  no  stable  government  in  Franco  to  make  peace  wil^,  ai 
would  not  be  till  the  Bourbons  were  restored  to  their  throi 
Whereas,  in  his  two  years  of  chief-magistracy,  Bonaparte  hJ 
made  peace  with  Austria,  Prussia,  Bavaria,  Russia,  Turke 
the  African  Barbary  powers,  Naples,  Spain,  Portugal,  tl 
United  States  of  America,  with  all  the  world  except  the  o| 
only  kingdom  which,  persisted  in  war,  and  that  avowedly  agaii 
him  and  republicanism  rather  than  against  France.    Pitt 
at  war  with  republicanism,  when  the  Consular  lepublican- 
vernment  of  France  had  staunched  all  the  wounds  of  tl| 
country ;  restored  the  finances ;  organised  public  instructio 
recalled  nearly  all  the  royalists ;  reinstated  religion ;  beg 
vast  plans  for  territorial  improvements,  and  for  amelioratl 


'^'^■M 


;ant  recreation,  was  to  be 
>f  illegitimate  royalty  ;  mo- 
by  the  grace  of  God,  but 
I  the  people  a  mere  mockery 
try  of  Morfontaino,  Joseph 
tly  happier,  but  much  more 
lies  dictated  to  him  by  Na- 
lea  of  Sicily  and  Spain,  the 
the  splendid  palaces  of  Ma- 
in and  short-lived  monarch 
lasures  of  Morfontaine,  and 
ut  not  so  far,  as  to  the  soolu- 

en  Bonaparte,  in  1801,  then 
suocossful  and  lucrative  em- 
esidence,  Flessis  Ghaumont, 
sister  Eliza  and  a  Spanish 
le  ladies  domesticated  at  that 
uatists,  politicians,  painters, 
shared  the  pleasant  ureleome 

he  treaty  of  Lun^ville,  made 
i;ht  it  with  England  by  direct 
ry  haughtily  and  peremptorily 
sal  by  intimating  that  there 
»nod  to  make  peace  with,  and 
ere  restored  to  their  throne, 
ef-magistraoy,  Bonaparte  had 
»a,  Bavaria,  Russia,  Turkey, 
Staples,  Spain,  Portugal,  l^e 
all  the  world  except  the  one 
rar,  and  that  avowedly  against 
m  against  France.  Pitt  was 
.  the  Consular  icpublican- go- 
shed  all  the  wounds  of  that 
organised  public  instruction; 
;  reinstated  religion;  began 
ements,  and  for  ameliorating 


JOSEPH. 


109 


the  laws  by  a  now  Civil  code.  In  every  thing,  except  foreign 
commerce  and  manufactures,  the  French  republic  was  then 
more  flourishing,  progressive,  and  content,  than  the  kingdom  of 
Great  Britain.  It  was  hard,  if  not  impossible,  where  the  press 
and  all  public  discussion  is  so  free  and  manly  as  in  England, 
fur  any  ministry  to  make  head  against  such  undeniable  reasons 
for  peace  with  a  rival  nation.  Pitt,  Dundas,  and  Grenville, 
therefore,  gave  way.  Addington  nad  Ilawksbury  took  their 
places ;  after  some  months  of  undisclosed  dealing,  through 
Otto,  the  French  agent  for  prisoners  in  London,  preliminaries 
of  pacification  were  settled;  and  public  negotiations  were 
opened  in  December,  1801,  at  Amiens,  between  Joseph  Bona- 
parte and  Washington's  prisoner  at  Yorktown,  the  Marquess 
of  Cornwallis.  Joseph  was  then  a  gay  young  man  of  thirty- 
three,  but  with  ten  years'  experience,  legislative  and  diplomatic, 
in  public  affairs;  well  informed,  discreet,  conciliatory,  and 
candid.  I  have  never  known  a  man  whose  word  was  more 
reliable ;  whatever  he  said  was  the  calm  result  of  conviction, 
and  generally  of  mature  consideration.  I  have  heard  him  often 
speak  of  that  negotiation,  and  of  Lord  Cornwallis,  of  whom  he 
had  the  highest  opinion,  as  a  noble  specimen  of  that  high- 
minded  English  and  Spanish  rectitude  which  Joseph  deemed 
more  common  in  Spain  than  in  France.  Rufus  K'w^,  who 
became  acquainted,  in  England,  with  Lord  CornwalliH,  I  have 
also  heard,  more  than  once,  pronounce  his  eulogium.  The 
captive  in  1781,  of  Washington  and  Rochambeau,  at  York- 
town,  was  at  Amiens,  in  1801,  a  portly,  handsome,  old  Eng- 
lish gentleman,  nearly  seventy  years  of  age,  who  took  his  long 
ride  on  horseback  every  day  before  dinner,  and  then  drank  his 
bottle,  or  more,  of  wine  with  his  son,  Lord  Brome,  his  son- 
in-law.  Colonel  Singleton,  and  his  natural  son,  Captain  Night- 
ingale, who  were  with  him  in  France.  Plain  in  dress,  simple 
in  manners,  and  true  in  unaffected  conversation.  Lord  Corn- 
wallis's  diplomacy  was  much  superior  to  the  craft  of  contriving 
sophistry. 

Sunilar  apparent,  bat  less  transparent  diplomacy,  was  Frank- 
lin's art,  when,  at  the  village  of  Passy,  near  Paris,  he  capti- 
vated France-  by  simplicity,  and  enlightened  Europe  by  a 


200 


JosErn. 


Si  i'  -. 


t  *■ 


model  treaty  enunciating  the  fiirtt  principles  of  maritiino  liberty 
antl  iitternational  peace,  destined  tu  bo  univcrHal  if  the  Anio- 
rican  Ilepublio  fulfils  itit  misHion.  Then,  at  an  ago  Btill  nioro . 
advanced  tban  that  of  Cornwalliti,  Bonsiblo  of  the  good  policy 
of  good  cheer,  Franklin  likewiHo  delighted  in  hi>  bottlo  of 
yiiue,  and  tho  company,  nut  of  hin  natural  ion,  but  the 
naturul  sou  of  hiH  natural  son,  whom  I  found  Itill  living  in 
FariB,  with  bin  natural  children  aud  their  Euglivh  mother,  in 
1802. 

Anthony  Merry,  tho  first  English  miul<tter  at  Washington, 
after  tho  sout  of  our  government  was  removed  from  Philadelpbi  t 
to  that  thou  wildoruosH  metropolis,  unlike  Lord  Gornwallis,  ■>■  m 
a  specimen  of  the  pretentious  and  meddlesome  European  min- 
isters often  courted  in  this  country;  like  Merry  and  Hammond, 
troublesome  representatives  of  foreign  government  near  ours. 
Diplomatic  formalities,  o£Scial  exactions,  and  other  littlonosaos, 
which  Lord  Gornwallis  despised  and  oooasionally  checked  in 
Merry,  wore  his  annoying  follies  at  Amiens  and  at  Washington, 
where  they  found  in  President  Jefferson,  and  his  Secretaries 
Madison  and  Qallatin,  well-bred  gentlemen,  unitiqg  with  radical 
democracy,  dignity  of  deportment,  and  attraction  of  social  re- 
finements. Jefferson,  while  ho  disapproved  some  of  Washing- 
ton's stately,  if  not  antiquated,  official  habits  as  unrepublioan, 
conformed  his  own  personal  intercourse  and  household,  to  tho 
established  standards  of  politeness  and  refinement,  too  deeply 
imbued  with  essential  republioanism  to  deem  vulgarity  part  of 
it,  any  more  than  fastidious  ceremony  indispensable  to  good 
government.  The  first  British  and  French  ministers  he  had 
to  treat  with,  Merry  and  Turreau,  were  instances,  one  of  the 
absurd  formality,  the  other  of  the  coarse  brutality  which  the 
British  and  French  monarchies  have  sometimes  employed  in 
their  foreign  missions,  rather  to  foment  strife  than  maintain 
amity  with  the  American  Bepublic. 

As  Joseph  Bonaparte  was  on  his  way  from  Paris  to  Amiens, 
it  became  a  subject  of  somewhat  anxious  consideration,  how  the 
noble  British  ambassador  should  be  received,  what  etiquette 
was  proper  to  be  observed,  and  what  the  dignity  of  the  French 
Republic  required  in  personal  intercourse  with  the  represents^ 


PKAOl  or  AMIIKfl. 


201 


les  of  maritiino  liberty 
itiivorsnl  if  tho  Anio- 
,  at  an  ago  Btill  nioro 
lo  of  tho  good  policy 
itod  in  hi>  bottlo  of 
latural  ion,  but  the 
found  Btill  living  in 
)ir  Euglinh  motbor,  in 

i)l<tter  at  Washington, 
)ved  from  Pliiladelphi  t 
Lord  Gornwallis,  ■>■  jm 
losome  European  ni  in- 
Merry  and  Ilamnioiul, 
;ovornmont  near  ours, 
and  other  littlonos»o8, 
casionally  checked  in 
ns  and  at  Washington, 
1,  and  his  Secretaries 
n,  uniting  with  radical 
ittraction  of  social  re- 
'ed  some  of  Washing- 
abits  as  unrepublican, 
and  household,  to  tho 
refinement,  too  deeply 
,eem  vulgarity  part  of 
indispensable  to  good 
noh  ministers  he  had 
instances,  one  of  the 
e  brutality  which  the 
imetimes  employed  in 
;  strife  than  maintain 

from  Paris  to  Amiens, 
consideration,  how  the 
leived,  what  etiquette 
dignity  of  the  French 
)  with  th«  representee 


tive  of  the  British  crown.  Joseph  has  moro  than  onco,  with 
great  good  humor,  dwelt  to  mo  or  the  manner  by  which  Lord 
CornwallJH  exploded  those  hnlf-conooived  approhonsiotiH.  Stand- 
ing at  tho  carriogo  door  as  tho  young  Frenchman,  without  title 
or  parade,  was  about  to  get  out,  armed  with  lessons  of  Austrian 
and  Italian  propriety  on  such  occaaiona,  the  portly  old  English 
gentleman  gaily  took  him  in  his  arms,  lifted  him  to  tho  ground, 
and  at  once  dispelled,  for  over,  those  hindrances  of  preposterous 
method,  mostly  disregarded  by  the  real  great,  and  onnoyingly 
upheld  only  by  the  insignificont.  Thenceforward  the  British 
and  French  embassies  at  Amiens,  vied  with  each  other,  not 
only  in  familiar  civilities,  but  in  splendid  hospitality;  dined 
with  each  other  every  other  day ;  and,  by  the  good  common- 
Bciiae  of  constant  kindness  and  fairness,  Lord  CornwAllis  over- 
coming Mr.  Merry's  frequent  difficulties,  by  which  Joseph 
Bonaparte's  patience  and  sagacity  were  exercised,  brought  the 
negotiations  to  a  close  satisfactory  to  both  parties. 

In  the  course  of  them,  it  was  intimated  by  tho  English  to  tho 
French  minister,  that  the  First  Consul's  becoming  king  of 
Franco  would  giv  lo  umbrage  to  England ;  so  far  were  tho 
Addington  ministry  from  inheriting  Pitt's  insistanco  that  a 
Bourbon  on  tho  French  throne  was  necessary  to  peace  with 
England.  After  all  the  terms  had  been  settled,  and  nothing 
remained  but  to  rign  tho  treaty,  fresh  instructions  from  London 
directed  a  modification  concerning  the  amount  to  be  paid  for 
the  support  of  prisoners.  But  Comwallis  did  not  hesitate  a 
moment  to  affix  his  signature,  as  agreed  upon,  without  any 
change.  Ho  had  given  his  word,  he  said,  which  bound  him  as 
a  gentleman,  and  the  government  he  represented,  and  he  would 
not  retract. 

If  the  peace  of  Amiens  had  been  suffered  by  England  to 
last  three  or  four  years,  perhaps  Bonaparte  would  never  have 
been  an  emperor,  almost  certainly  not  the  conquering  dictator 
and  despot  which  renewed  and  repeated  hostilities  enabled,  if 
not  forced  him  to  become.  The  Bourbons  and  the  English, 
with  their  stipendiaries,  the  Austrians,  Russians,  and  Prussians, 
who  finally  dethroned,  also  first  enthroned  him.  The  peace  of 
Amiens  was  hardly  a  truce,  at  any  rate  a  very  short  suspension 


|BB»"' 


s^SS^ss^sjfess".  T£r» 


202 


WAR. 


of  arms.  Pitt,  soon  restored,  superseded  Addington,  and  re- 
sumption of  hostilities  was  resolved  on,  six  months  after  the 
treaty,  in  the  autumn  of  1802,  when  I  witnessed  Lord  Whit- 
worth,  the  handsonie  English  ambassador's  arrival  in  November, 
at  Paris,  with  his  large  wife,  the  Duchess  of  Dorset,  sent  there 
not  to  keep  the  peace,  but  put  an  end  to  it. 

Universal  English,  and  common  American  impression  is  that 
Bonaparte,  by  rude  and  undignified  provocation,  insulted  the 
British  ambassador,  Lord  Whitworth,  at  a  public  Consular  levee, 
in  presence  of  other  foreign  ministers,  and  thus  designedly 
precipitated  hostilities,  which  he  desired,  between  England  and 
France.  The  facts,  as  understood  in  Paria  at  the  time,  were, 
that  England,  mortified  by  the  treaty  of  Amiens  and  French 
republican  progress,  resolved  on  renewal  of  war,  on  which  the 
re-esiabliflhment  of  Tory  complete  ascendency  depended,  with 
restoration  of  Pitt  as  prime  minister.  In  the  autumn  of  1802, 
such  was,  therefore,  the  settled  purpose  of  the  Tories,  with  the 
king,  George  III.,  at  their  head.  Conspicuous  Whigs,  Fox,  Ers- 
kine,  and  their  adherents,  Alexander  Baring,  (afterwards  Lord 
Ashburton,)  Lord  Henry  Petty,  (now  Marquess  of  Lansdo;wne,) 
and  others,  whom  I  met  at  the  American  minister's  and  else- 
where, in  Paris,  were,  if  not  the  only,  at  any  rate  the  principal 
English  who  paid  their  respects  at  the  Consular  eourt,  or  much 
visited  France.  Bonaparte  was  well  aware  of  the  British  go- 
vernment's determination  to  renew  hostilities,  and  desire  of  pre- 
texts for  the  rupture.  Peltier's  abuse  of  him  in  the  London 
Trench  Royal  Gazette,  the  Ambigu  Comique,  countenanced  by 
the  English  Tories,  supported  by  Charles  X.  (Count  d'Artois), 
and  other  Bourbon  residents  of  London,  the  Addington  ministry 
refused  to  punish,  —  however,  widely  and  lawfully;  which  im-, 
punity  the  Chief  Justice  EUenborough,  a  member  of  the  privy 
council,  on  the  trial  of  Peltier,  obviously  countenanced.  These 
aggravations  sharpened  the  First  Consul's  temper  and  tongue 
for  severity  of  reproach,  who  had  introduoe^,s  plainness  of 
speech,  together  with  directness  of  diplomacy,  instead  of  the 
old  honied  phraseology,  in  which  the  bitterest  animosi^ties  and 
deadliest  designs  'were  usually  concealed.  The  First  Consiil's 
language  to  the  British  ambassador  at  that  drawing-room  was, 


H( 


BONAPARTE. 


203 


!d  Addington,  and  ro- 
six  months  after  the 
witnessed  Lord  Whit- 
B  arrival  in  November, 
I  of  Dorset,  sent  there 

it- 
can  impression  is  that 

vocation,  insulted  the 

public  Consular  levee, 

and  thus  designedly 
between  England  and 
iris  at  the  time,  were, 
r  Amiens  and  French 

of  war,  on  which  the 
idency  depended,  with 
a  the  autumn  of  1802, 
>f  the  Tories,  with  the 
U0U8  Whigs,  Fox,  Ers- 
ring,  (afterwards  Lord 
rquess  of  Lansdo;wne,) 
n  minister's  and  else- 
any  rate  the  principal 
insular  eourt,  or  much 
are  of  the  British  go- 
ties,  and  desire  of  pro- 
of him  in  the  London 
ique,  coantenanced  by 
s  X,  (Count  d'Artois), 
he  Addington  ministry 
1  lawfully;  which  im-, 
i  member  of  the  privy 
countenanced.  These 
I's  temper  and  tongue 
>duoe^,a  plainness  of 
iomacy,  instead  of  the 
terest  animo8i,tie8  and 
l.  The  First  Consiil's 
lat  drawing-room  was, 


therefore,  sharp  and  significant.  Cobentzl,  the  Austrian  min- 
ister, Luchesini,  the  Prussian,  Azara,  the  Spanish,  Caprara, 
the  papal  nuncio,  together  with  ministers  of  Denmark,  Sweden, 
and  Bavaria,  and  of  four  of  the  then  fire  European  republics ; 
namely,  the  Helvetic,  Batavian,  Cisalpine,  Ligurian,  and  also 
of  the  American, — were  standing  round,  to  each  of  whom 
Bonaparte  addressed  a  few  polite  words,  and  to  many  other 
eminent  personages  present.  His  tone  was  quiok  and  authori- 
tative, as  usual,  but  full  of  intelligence,  courtesy  and  grace ; 
wearing  the  black  stock  and  military  boots,  not  yet  discarded, 
and  applying  the  term  citizen  when  he  spoke  to  a  Frenchman. 
*' General  Massena,"  said  he  to  that  personage,  "cherished 
child  of  victory,  I  dreamt  last  night  that  I  heard  the  roar  of 
cannon."  Then  accosting  the  Spanish  minister,  "Chevalier 
Azara,  tell  your  master  how  much  we  desire  your  alliance.  Not 
because  it  is  needful  to  ns.  No ;  France  fears  no  power,  not 
even  those  overseas,  who  take  umbrage  at  the  smallest  French 
brig  that. ploughs  the  Mediterranean,  and  set  us  at  defiance. 
But  here  they  come,  and  shall  be  attended  to.  Well,  Lord 
Whitworth,  what  is  the  meaning  of  the  alarm  your  cabinet  be- 
trays ?  •  Is  it  already  tired  of  peace  ?  Does  it  want  war  ?  Where- 
fore those  dedarations  in  Parliament?  Is  the  king,  like  the 
nation,  to  be  deceived  ?  We  are  threatened  in  the  notion  of 
farming  us.  Let  them  learn  that  if  France  can  be  conquered, 
it  is^  impossible  to  alarm  her.  War  is  wanted — ^war — war ;  so 
be  it,  with  all  its  consequences,  all  its  miseries.  They  shall  have 
it  implacably.  Ay!  Carthagd  against  Rome,  I  call  you  all  to 
witness,  gentlemen  of  the  fbreign  missions,  that  I  have  not  been 
the  first  to  break  peace.  But  understand,  also,  that  I  shall  be 
the  last,  when  it  comes  to  arms,  to  lay  them  aside.  Lord  Whit- 
worth, you  have  heard  what  I  say:  cqnvey  it  to  your  monarch. 
Gentlemen  of  the  foreign  missions,  good-day." 

That  was  an  uncommon  strain  from  a  chief-magistrate  to  the 
representative  of  a  foreign  power ;  which  the  ambassador  of 
Great  Britain  felt  as  offensive,  and  the  public  sentiment  of  his 
country  resented  as  insolent.  The  diction  and  demeanor  of 
public  functionaries^  above  all  of  the,  highest,  should  be  calm, 
subdued  and  forbearing.    Still  there  was  no  war  in  Bonaparte's 


i> 


1^ 


Siiia&ltl£^i&L.-4.,iH£,a^  di.^nO^i^'fiiS^^iik^iavf^&^i^jii        'I^A^-£,£>i£^..il»t.£V.^^^ 


"''IHBMMIIHBHBMiMiWiit'iiiii'™"' 


m 


BONAPARTK. 


heightened  warning,  which,  on  the  contrary,  was  a  premeditated 
departure  from  the  ordinary  tenor  of  auch  intervi?-  'atended 
to  preserve  peace.  At  that,  period  of  hia  career  ho  amassed 
military  fame  enough  for  history,  and  deemed  poac^  his  policy 
— ^his  way  even  to  a  throne,  if  that  was  hia  ambition.  But  Eng- 
land woidd  make  war,  and  help  him  forward  with  a  momentum 
that  at  last  overturned  him  and  French  royalty  altogether. 

Although  Bonaparte's  advance  to  hereditary  power  was 
rapid,  obvious,  and  his  monarchical  ambition  indisputable,  yet 
he  alone  personally  furnished  the  only  English  pretext— there 
was  no  French  national  reason  why  England  should  renew  war 
with  France.  If  the  French  nation  chose  to  make  Bonaparte 
their  monarch,  that  was  their  affair  exclusively,  with  which  Eng- 
land had  nothing  to  do.  If,  indeed,  his  further  elevation  con- 
tributed,  as  its  first  movements  had  done,  to  pacify  and  tran- 
quillize France,  England  should  have  been  gratified.  The 
French  troops  assembled  in  Normandy,  it  might  be  suspected, 
were  destined,  furtively,  to  invade  England,  as  before,  in  1798, 
Bonaparte  led  an  army  to  Egypt,  and  afterwards,  in  1808,  to 
Spain.  There  were  also  troops  in  Flanders,  to  be  sebt  to  take 
possesnon  of  Louisiana,  before  that  province  was  sold  to  the 
United  States,  as  it  was  at. that  time.  But  mere  suspicions 
or  apprehensions  would  not  warrant  thenar  which  England 
recommenced.  Eventual  dethronement  of  Napoleon,  tempo- 
rary restoration  of  the  Bourbons,  anii  the  other  long  posterior 
events  of  1813,  '14,  '15,  may  justify,  by  success,  the  English 
recourse  to  hostilities  in  1808.  But  Bonaparte,  if  not  blame- 
less as  to  France,  was,  at  that  time,  void  of  offence,  toward  Eng- 
land ;  and  driven  beyond  the  monarchy  he  aimed  at  into  dio- 
tatorial  despotism  by  English  aggression  in  1808,  succeeded 
by  the  several  coalitions  which  she  organized  against  him  con- 
tinually till  his  fi&al  overthrow.  .'< 

The  Bodrbons  constantly  mtrigued  with  vveiy  successive 
Ftrench  republican  g6vemment  for  the  restoration  of  wha'- 
they  always  called,  and  thought,  their  tfaroniSi  They  bribed 
Mirabean,  bought  Kohegfeu,  bought  Barras,  and,  before  Bo^ 
naparte  became  Consul,  attempted  to  buy  him.  Louis  XVIIL 
sent  Montgaill^rd  to  offer  him  tiie  vicenrfralty  of  Oorsica,  a 


.•  v*..^  .  .-.hS-a/.-A 


was  a  preiceditated, 

intervi?-  'atended 
Toerho  amassed 
led  poactf  hia  policy, 
ambition.  Bat  Eng- 
d  irith  a  momentum 
ralty  altogether, 
reditaty  power  waa 
ion  indiaputable,  yet 
glish  pretext— there 
ad  shonld  renew  war 
I  to  make  Bonaparte 
ely,  with  which  Eng< 
irther  elevation  con- 
,  to  pacify  and  tran- 
leen  gratified.    The 

might  be  suspected, 
3,  as  before,  in  1798, 
«rwards,  in  1808,  to 
rs,  to  be  sebt  to  take 
rinoe  was  sold  to  the 
But  mere  suspiciona 

^ar  which  England 
of  Napoleon,  tempo- 
I  other  long  posterior 
saooess,  the  English 
aparte,  if  not  blame- 
r  offence  toward  Eng- 
le  aimed  at  into  dio- 
i  in  1808,  saoceeded 
[zed  against  him  con* 

rith  <«Tery  racoessive 
restoration  of  wha'- 
ihronie.  They  bribed 
rraa,  and,  before  Bo^ 
him.  Louis  XVIIL 
royalty  of  Oorsica,  a 


BOURBONS. 


205 


marshal's  staff,  and  the  ribbon  of  a  royal  order.  Louis  then, 
through  the  Abb^  Montesquieu,  who  got  the  third  Consul,  Le 
Brun's,  permission  to  approach  Bonaparte,  proffered  whatever 
places  he  or  his  friends  desired.  Charles  X.  (Count  of  Artois) 
sent  the  Duchess  of  Quiche  frdm  London,  who,  through  Jose- 
phine, always  inclining  to  royalists,  proposed  to  her  husband 
to  create  him  Constable,  or  whatever  else  he  desired ;  and  to 
erect,  in  the  Place  Vendome,  a  high  oolnmn,  with  a  statue  on 
the  top,  of  Bonaparte  crowning  Louis  XVIII.  king.  There 
was  sometl^g  at  once  ridiculous  and  ominous  in  the  Bourbons 
proposing  to  raise  Boni^arte  to  the  dignity  of  Marshal  and 
Constable,  and  to  erect  bis  statue  on  a  column,  crowning  them, 
in  the  Place  Yendome,  where  he  constructed  the  column  him< 
self,  of  the  cannon  captured  in  his  victories,  and  surmounted 
by  his  statue  as  Emperor.  He  treated  them  always  with  kind- 
ness and  contempt ;  answered  their  overtures  tl^at  they  must 
not  think  of  returning  to  France  but  over  a  hundred  thousand 
dead  bodies,  which  their  restoration  would  cost,  and  did  many 
more,  without  counting  the  numerous  judicial  murders  after  it, 
that  were  committed  by  the^r  government.  The  Ccmnt  of  Lisle, 
Louis  XVIIL,  liberal,  sensible,  and  only  an  intriguer,  iiever  en- 
couraged civil  war  or  assassination.  But  tho  fooKsh  Count  of 
Artois,  Charles  X.,  was  the  chief  of  a  band  of  conspirators  es- 
tablished in  London,  there  supplied  with  funds  by  the  British 
government,  with  which,  by  Bonaparte's  assassination,  as  he 
always  said  and  thought,  by  his  violent  death,  oj  civil  war, 
and  by  any  other  atrocious  means,  to  reinstate  the  Bourbon 
monarchy  im^refonned,  just  as  it  was  before  the  revolution. 
"Ffft  twelve  ytiitn  after  they  emigrated  from  I'ranoe,  those 
royal  brotheni  uiBver  saw  eac^  other;  and  never  agreed,  when 
either  together  or  apart;  Charles,  the  uncompromising  royalist, 
rejecting  all  Louis'  concessions  towards  reform.  On  Christmas 
eve,  the  24th  of  Peoember,  1800,  one  ye^r  after  Bonaparte's 
consular  installation,  when  he  had  recalled  nearly  all  the  emi- 
grants, restored  the  clergy,  pensioned  the  Puke  of  Orleans' 
mother,  and,  by  the  whole  course  of  his  goyemmont,  ovin«,  »d 
not  only  a  peaceable,  wise  and  temperate,  but  conciliatory  and 
generous  spjirit,  especially  toward  the  royalists  and  aristocracy, 


.■•»■.'*! 


."/■^I 


Vi 


^''rty 


808 


BONAPARTE. 


a  hideoufl  attempt  was  made  by  royalists  to  murdsr  him,  with 
several  of  his  family  and  friends,  while  going  in  his  carriage  to 
the  opera.  The  devastations  of  what  were  called  the  infernal 
machine  were  still  to  be  seen  in  Paris,  two  years  afterwards, 
when  I  was  there,  as  I  stood  on  a  pile  of  stones  gathered  from 
the  rains,  to  see  Bonaparte  pass  at  a  review.  So  strong  were 
his  prejudices  against  the  revolutionists,' that  he  insisted  the 
foul  deed  was  done  by  Jacobins,  many  of  whom  he  punished 
unjustly  for  it ;  and  it  was  some  time  before  it  was  asciertained 
that  the  infernal  machine  was  the  abominable  work  of  those 
most  favored  by  the  new  raler.  So  great  was  the  disgus^t  of 
the  Emperor  Paul  of  Russia  at  that  ungrateful  attempt,  that 
he  changed  at  once  his  whole  policy.  From  being  the  pro- 
tector of  the  Bourbons,  allowing  them  a  considerable  support, 
and  the  pretender,  Louis  XYIII.,  to  reside  at  Mitau,  in  Oour- 
land,  while  he  sent  Suwarrow  to  Italy  and  France,  for  Louis' 
restoration,  Paul  compelled  Louis  to  leaveBassm  in  the  winter, 
expelled  him  with  severity  and  indignity  from  the  Russian 
dominions,  at  the  same  time  making  known  his  wann  admira>- 
tioH  and  support  of  Bonaparte.  Not  long  after,  Paul  was 
shockingly  assassinated,  as  the  French  government  paper,  the 
Monitetir^  plainly  signified,  by  English  contrivance  or  conni- 
vance, and  when  it  was  undeniable  that  English,  perhaps,  also, 
Russian  funds,  supplied  the  means  for  attempting  Bonaparte's 
assassination. 

On  the  18th  of  May,  1808,  war  was  declared  by  England 
agaidst  France,  after  having  beeny  as  has  been  usual  with  Eng- 
lish hostilities  for  more  than  a  century,  earned  on  by  captures 
at  sea,  some  time  jbofore  it  was  declared.  To  retaliate  that 
injustice,  Bonaparte  detamed  all  the  En^ish  who  happened  to 
be  in  France  when  !l^n|^and  declared  war,  which,  though  loudly 
compluned  of,  was  less  uQJust  than  the  English  seizurea  of 
property.  Hostilities  broke  out  afresh,  therefore,  with  nncOn^- 
mon  exasperation.  Meneval,  who  was  always  at  his  elbow -r 
did  all  but  sleep  with  hipi-^says  it  changed  Bonaparte's  whole 
nature.  His  active  and  fertile  mind  had  been  raminatiiig 
pacific  improvements,  roads,  canals,  embellishments  <^  Paris 
and  other  cities ;  commerce  extended,  St.  Domingo  recolonused ; 


''**'<«tmm<»iiiimssmmmmmmi 


mMM»mi0mmmmmmmmm 


BONAPARTE. 


207 


0  murder  him,  with 
ig  in  his- carriage  to 
)  called  the  infernal 
0. years  afterwards, 
tones  gathered  from 
n.  So  strong  were 
hat  he  insisted  the 
whom  he  punished 
■e  it  was  ascertained 
lable  work  of  those 
was  the  disgust  of 
ateful  attempt,  that 
'rom  being  the  pro- 
msiderable  support, 
9  at  Mitau,  in  Oour- 

1  France,  for  Louis' 
[lussh.  in  the  winter, 
'  from  the  Russian 
rn  his  w«rm  admira^ 
ng  after,  Pi^ul  was 
^erhmeiit  paper,  the 
ntriyance  or  oonni- 
iglish,  perhaps,  also, 
mpting  Bonaparte's 

jclared  by  England 
een  usual  with  J!ng- 
rried  on  by  captures 
To  retaliate  that 
sh  who  happened  to 
rhioh,  though  loudly 
English  seizures  d( 
irefore,  with  uncbn^- 
rays  at  his  elbow -r 
i  Bonaparte's  wh^le 
id  been  mminating 
illishments  of  Paris 
omingo  recolonized ; 


Louisiana,  acquired  from  Spain,  developed  by  French  settle- 
ment ;  East  and  West  India  French  possessions.  The  genius 
which  in  arms  had  not  shone  more  than  in  politics ;  which,  as 
consul,  revived  France  as  soon  and  as  much  as  it  had  resus- 
citated, as  general,  the  demoralized  French  army  of  Italy, 
that  vast  genius  was  bent,  with  its  well-nigh  superhuman 
might,  to  rei^der  France,  pacifically,  the  greatest  nation.  Bo- 
naparte's basis,  his  reliaince,  his  palpable  policy,  was  peace, 
conciliation,  reform ;  to  administer,  without  offence,  the  com- 
monwealth, of  vhich  the  Revolution  had  done  much,  and  left 
him  as  testamentary  executor  to  do  the  rest.  Notwithstanding 
the  hostilities  by  which  his  way  was  impeded  and  perplexed ; 
the  royal  plots  (to  be  presently  mentioned)  by  which  his  life 
was  continually  menaced,  and  his  feelings  excited ;  the  Con- 
sular administration,  though  rigid,  was  not  sanguinary,  re- 
veugeful,  partial,  spendthrift,  or  burdensome,  as  restoifed  roy- 
alty proved,  oii  hi^  overthrow.  Royalists  and  nobles,  except 
those  abroad  in  arms  against  their  country,  were  restored  to 
it;  revolutionists  protected;  civil  war  extinguished;  religion, 
with  its  ministers,  restored ;  a  system  of  public  education  be- 
gun; the  finances  revived  from  the  worst  disorder;  critne 
dimiuished;  morals  improved;  public  corruption  crushed; 
property,  notwithstanding  its  difficult  and  delicate  revolutionary 
mutations,  secured ;  stupendous  and  admirable  territorial  im- 
pro  /ements  were  begun.  Personal  freedom,  which  in  England 
and  this  oouiltry  is  eveiry  one's  enjoyment,  this  necessity  and 
luxury  of  aH,  but  which  it  seems  extremely  difficult,  not  only 
to  establish^  but  even  comprehend,  in  France,  was  wanting. 
Yet  relpublicah  govcfrdment  was  founded  on  perfect  equality, 
with  public  and  impartial  justiee  to  all  alike.  The  expenses  of 
government  were  not  half  what  royalties  have  made  them  since ; 
the  taxes  not  new  so  onerous;  the  currency  was  coin.  The 
chief  magistrate  Was  the  head  or  creature  6f  no  party,  but  of 
the  nation;  u&exoeptioh^ble  in  the  distribution  of  vast  pa- 
tronage; absolute  but  im|>artial.  The  law,  however  rigorous, 
treated  all  alike.  There  were  neither  favbrites  nor  victims, 
partialities  nor  persecutions.  Of  that  vulgar  and  ruinous  enor- 
mity of  American  democratic  despotism,  abrupt  removal  of 


It  ^11  .ft  may* 


208 


BONAPARXB. 


i 


subordinate  incumbents  from  public  employment,  because  they 
thought  or  voted  against  the  transient  occu^iiuit  of  temporary 
power,  the  French  dictator,  even  in  the-delirium  of  his  enor- 
mous Empire,  much  less  as  a  republican  chief  magistrate, 
hardly  ever  was  guilty.  His  administration,  consular  and 
imperial,  always  abounded  with  his  well-known  opponents; 
and  scarcely  ever,  without  cause,  formal  complaint,  and  fair 
trial,  did  he  displace  those  notoriously  inimical,  if  otherwise  fit. 
Being  Jacobin,  royalist,  regicide,  no  matter  what,  if  other- 
wise meritorious,  was  no  objection  to  public  employment. 
Personal  favor  or  solicitation  was  much  less  effectual  than  in 
either  England  or  this  country.  When  liberty  was  brought  to 
naught,  equality  flourished  as,  not  Anly  in  England,  but  Ame- 
rica, is  unknown.  No  subaltern  vexation  was  suffered,  aristo- 
cratic or  religious  intolerance,  or  party  domination.  Th6  bene- 
fits, reforms  and  improvements  of  the  Revolution  were  in  fair 
and  full  deyeloppient  by  Bonaparte  when  war  Upon  him  steeled 
his  nerves,  hardened  his  heart,  changed  bis  policy,  his  system 
and  his  qature;  forced  monarchical  aoibition,  hastened  and 
facilitated  its  tyrannical  consummation  and  tremendous  catas- 
trophe at  last. 

If  British  policy  ftnd  government  had  been  then  what  it  is 
avowedly  and  really  now,  and  should  always  he,  tiiat  of  noia- 
intervention,  letting  France  goyem  herself  as  her  people 
ehose,  Bonaparte  might  never  have  bepome  Napoleon.  To 
get  rid  of  a  chief  magistrate  who  restored  order,  law,  religion, 
the  finances,  poirer,  and  universal  peade,  war  was  made ;  not 
declared,  as  at  last)  in  ,1815,  against  him  personidly,  but,  m 
18.03,  actually  beoatise  he  governed  a  French  republic  inoffen- 
sively and  admirably.  If,  at  that  time,  Bonaparte  had  diid 
or  resigned,  the  glories,  aggrandizement  and  downfall  of  the 
Empire  would  not  have  ensue^.  But  hi»  name  would  have 
been  pure,  bright  and  clear  of  calumnious  misre{Nresentation. 
A.  moral  man,  an  exemplary  citizen;  amiaUe,  temperate, 
chaste,  strictly  honest  and  disinterested;  famous  as  a  tailitary 
chieftain  and  civil  administrator ;  a  conservative  reformer,  not 
a  republican,  but  a  founder  of  representativergoVemqient. 

The  infernal  machine  Was,  a  royalist,  if  not  Bourbon,  attempt 


"^ 


mmim 


BONAPARTE. 


209 


)jincnt,  because  they 
cu(i!uit  of  temporary 
lelirium  of  his  enor- 
an  chief  magistrate, 
ration,  consular  and 
Il-knovn  opponents; 
.  complaint,  and  fair 
nical,  if  otherwise  fit. 
itter  ift^^hat,  if  other- 
public  employment, 
ess  effectual  than  in 
iberjty  was  brought  to 
1  England,  but  Ame- 
.  was  suffered,  aristo- 
mination.  Tho  bene- 
iToltttion  were  in  fair 
war  npon  him  steeled 
us  policy,  his  system 
bition,  hastened  and 
nd  tremendous  catas- 

been  then  what  it  is 
wtkji  he,  tiiat  of  noia- 
irself  as  her  people 
ome  Napoleon.  To 
I  order,  law,  religion, 
nax  was  made ;  not 
m  personidly,  bat,  m 
>nch  republic  inofien- 
iBonaparte  had  diid 
anci  downfall  of  the 
is  name  would  hare 
IS  misreiNresentation. 
amiable,  temperate, 
famous  as  a  biilitary 
rvativ^  reformer,  not 
tivrgovernmient. 
tot  Bourbon,  attempt 


on  his  life  early  in  the  Consulate  (1800),  which,  abominating  the 
Jacobins,  he  charged  to  them.  And  from  that  atrocity,  during 
the  whole  consular  government,  till  the  execution  of  the  Duke 
d'Enghoin,  in  March,  1804,  there  were  continual  conspiracies  by 
Bourbon  princes,  and  their  accessories  in  and  from  London,  with 
English  funds,  ministerial  and  royal  countenance,  and  material 
reinforcements,  to  overthrow  the  French  Repnblic,  assassinate  its 
chief-magistrate,  and  by  revolution  restore  the  Bourbon  family, 
claiming  the  throne  by  divine  title  and  the  kingdom  as  their 
family  birthright.  Napoleon  acquitted  Louis  XVIII.  of  at- 
tempts on  his  life.  Louis,  if  crafty  and  selfish,  was  a  man  of 
sense,  aware  of  the  impolicy  of  foul  dealing.  But  Charles  X., 
dissolute  when  young,  devout  in  old  age,  always  well-mannered 
and  graceful,  whom  La  Fayette  used,  in  this  country,  to  call  a 
coward,  was  so  foolish  that  he  could  hardly  comprehend  the 
imbecility  of  his  bloody  measures.  He  and  George  III.  were 
chief  architects  in  the  rapid  and  towering  elevation  of  Bonaparte 
to  the  French  Empire.  They  dealt  with  the  Consul  in  1803,  as 
the  Congress  of  Vienna  did,  in  1815,  with  the  Emperor;  as  an 
outlaw,  the  enemy  of  mankind,  whom  monarchs  were  divinely 
author'aed  to  destroy  by  all  means,  no  matter  what.  That  a 
Bourbon  on  the  French  thrOne  might  be  a  harmless,  perhaps 
useful  British  instrument,  was  Kt^s  pdicy  in  1803,  and  Wel- 
lington's in  1816 ;  whiohj  if  French  prosperity  injured  British, 
might  be  wise  British  policy.  A  man  of  riBdoubtable  talents, 
ambition,  and  designs,  like  Bonaparte,  at  the  head  of  the  French 
government,  was  deemed  dangerous  and  albrming.  The  war 
declared  k»  1808  by  England  was,  therefore,  as  much  against 
him,  individually,  though  not  nominally,  as  it  was  avowedly  in 
1815,  by  the  last  coalition. 

The  war  of  1808  breaking  out  with  furioud  exasperation, 
England  was  made  to  feel  that  she  had  provoked  a  terrible 
enemy.  To  retaliate  her  unjust  seizures  of  French  property, 
on  board'French  vessels  captured  at  sea,  without  notice,  before 
war  was  declared,  Bonaparte  had  all  t^  English  detained  as 
prisoners  who  w^re  travelling  or  resident  in  France:  much 
less  unwarrantably  than  England  Seized  French  vessels  aiid 
kept  as  prisoners,  after  orar  declaration  of  war,  all  the  American 

Vol.  IIL  — 14 


ijgMShd^^  ,»^Mir'iMaa,m}ai3ti.ii^»LimJ^tSs^^^^i^£i,JI.,aA^i;XiM 


If't 


210  BOXAP.U.iS. 

sailors  impressed  into  her  service.  In  the  same  spirit  of  vigor- 
ous retaliation  of  hostility,  Bonaparte,  without  delay,  seized 
Hanover,  to  the  infinite  annoyance  of  the  British  royal  family, 
holding  it  as  their  royal  patrimony.  And,  worse  than  all,  he 
collected  2400  flat-bottomed  boats,  v.ith  the  finest  army  in  the 
world,  at  Bolougne,  to  invade  England :  so  that  nearly  all  her 
iiihiibitanta,  at  great  cost  of  time,  money,  and  disquiet,  were 
put  in  commotion. 

War  thus  begun,  in  May,  1808,  between  August  of  that 
year  and  December,  1804,  the  royal  conspirators  in  London 
were  indefatigable  with  contrivances  and  English  encourage- 
ment to  keep  Bonaparte  busy,  or  destroy  him  at  home.     The 
Count  d'Artois;  his  son,  the  Duke  of  Berry;  their  kinsman,  the 
Duke  of  Enghein's  father,  the  Duke  of  Bourbon ;  all  weak  and 
violent  Bourbons,  with  the  princes  Folignac,  (afterwards  so  in- 
strumental in  Charles  X.'s  dethronement,)  Pichegru,  and  Du- 
mouriez,  disgraced  revolutionists,  George  Cadoudal,  and  other 
desperate  royalists,  without  much  concealment  or  the  least  he- 
sitation, almost  boastfully  plotted  Bonaparte's  removal  by  as- 
eassiuution,  to  be  perpetrated  by  George  Cadoudal,  a  reckless 
fellow,  engaged,  with  a  gang,  for  the  purpose.    Landed  clan- 
destinely, from  English  vessels,  on  the  French  coast,  fifty  of 
those  conspirators  made  good  their  way  from  places  of  conceal- 
ment, by  night,  to  Paris,  and  there  they  were  ascertained  by 
the  French  police  to  be,  but  not  known  exactly  where.    Moreau 
was  engaged  with  them,  rejecting  assassination  and  the  Bourbon 
king,  but  promising  to  overturn  the  First  Consul  and  his  go- 
vernment.   The  Count  d'Artois,  and  his  son  the  Duke  of  Berry, 
mpre  willing  to  superintend  than  risk  their  lives  in  such  enter- 
prises, did  not  go  to  France,  though  the  Duke  of  3erry  w 
belieVed  to  have  ventured  as  far  as  the  coast.    The  Duke  of 
Bourbon's  son,  the  Duke  of  Enghein,  said  to  be  a  bold  young 
soldier,  of  about  thirty-four  years  of  age,  stationed  himself  at 
the  village  of  Ettenheim,  in  the  territory  Of  the  Grand  Duke 
of  Badeh,  a  short  d^tance  over  the  Rhine,  beyond  Strasburg, 
the  French  frontier  city  in  that  direction.    At  several  out-posts 
there  were  English  ministers  or  agents ;   Dr^e  at  Munich, 
Spencer  Smith  (brother  of  the  Admiral,)  at  Stuttgard,  Taylor 


•J^^l^ 


BONAPARTE. 


211 


same  spirit  of  vigor- 
rithout  delay,  ecized 
British  royal  family, 
if  worse  than  all,  ho 
be  finest  army  in  the 
10  that  nearly  all  her 
Y,  and  disquiet,  were 

roen  August  of  that 
ispiratora  in  London 
I  English  encouroge- 

him  at  home.  The 
y;  their  kinsman,  the 
}urbon ;  all  weak  and 
ac,  (afterwards  so  in- 
,)  Fiohegru,  and  Du« 
I  Cadoudal,  and  other 
Iment  or  the  least  he- 
arte's  removal  by  a«- 

Cadoudal,  a  reckless 
rpose.  Landed  clan- 
?rench  coast,  fifty  of 
'om  places  of  conceal- 
'  were  ascertained  by 
actly  where.  Moreau 
ition  and  the  Bourbon 
t  Consul  and  his  go- 
on the  Duke  of  Berry, 
ir  lives  in  such  enter- 
le  Duke  of  Berry  is 
coast.  The  Duke  of 
id  to  be  a  bold  young 
),  stationed  himself  at 
y  oi  the  Grand  Duke 
le,  beyond  Strasburg, 
At  several  out-posts 
I ;  Dr^e  at  Munich, 
)  at  Stuttgard,  Taylor 


at  Cassel,  Wickham  at  Berne,  Humboldt  at  Hamburg,  with 
confitlontial  instructions  and  funds  to  aid  the  French  armed 
emigrants,  hanging  on  the  French  borders  under  English  pay, 
in  thoir  endeavor  to  overcome  Bonaparte  any  how.  Pichegru 
and  Moreau,  in  Paris,  were  to  seduce  the  soldiery  and  revolu- 
tionize the  country.  George  Cadoudal,  with  his  gang  there, 
were  to  waylay  and  murder  the  Consul.  The  Polignacs  and 
Rividre,  an  aid-de-camp  of  the  Count  d'Artois,  were  there  to 
restore  the  Bourbons;  the  Duke  of  Berry  to  enter  France 
from  England ;  the  Duke  of  Enghein,  as  was  believed,  from  Ger- 
many. The  French  armed  emigrants  were  ordered,  on  penalty 
of  forfeiting  their  English  pensions,  to  remain  at  their  stations, 
several  of  them  with  the  Duke  of  Enghein,  at  Ettenheim,  the 
rest  at  other  places  near  the  French  frontier.  Papers  seized 
with  the  Duke,  proved  that  when  warned  by  his  father  not  to 
remain  so  near  France,  on  the  crater  of  a  combined  explosion 
of  revolution  and  bloodshed,  he  refused  to  leave  his  post. 

A  French  royalist,  one  of  Bonaparte's  ablest  and  bitterest 
enemies,  whom  I  cite  for  that  reason,  Montgailliard,  in  hia 
chronological  history  of  France  from  1787  to  1818,  thus  states 
the  Bourbon  conspuraoy,  English  agency,  design  of  George  Ca- 
doudal, abd  Pichegru  and  Moreau's  complicity : — 

<•  Pichegra,  deported  by  the  faction  of  September  3,  1707,  havinfr  e»> 
caped  from  Sinamary,  and  returned  to  Europe,  joined  the  Bourbons,  who 
arranged  in  London  a  plan  of  conspiracy  adopted  by  the  English  govern- 
ment. George  Cadoudal,  son  of  a  Morbihan  miller,  one  of  the  mbst  reso- 
lute Oiolf,  debarking  in  September,  18Q3,  waa  in  Paris  to  cooperate  in 
its  execution.  And  Morean,  a  weak  nmn  who  helped  to  elevate  Bonap 
parte,  and  had  denounced  hia  own  commander,  Pichegru,  rejoined  him  for 
the  attack  on  the  common  enemy." 

Of  all  this  Bonaparte  waa  kept  Well  advised :  that  fifty  or 
sixty  Bourbon  agents  had  left  London  and  were  concealed  in 
Paris,  who  they  yrt*-%  and  their  errand  of  revolution  and  as- 
sassination. His  aid-de-camp,  Savary,  had  been  sent  to  the 
coast  for  intelligence.  There  was,  at  that  time,  no  minister  of 
police.  It  was  not  a  department,  as  before  and  since,  Bona- 
pattd  having  reformed  and  attached  it  to  the  judiciary,  in  order 
to  render  it  less  arbitrary  and  odious,  and  more  regular.    But 


I  , 


! 


212 


BONAPARTE. 


the  French  government  had  Becret  agents  in  England,  (of  whom, 
Joseph  has  toUl  mu  that,  at  another  period,  WM  one  of  the  Po- 
lignacs.)  B^al,  Count  R^al  as  he  was  entitled,  when,  afterwards 
in  exile  in  this  country,  privy  counsellor,  was  prefect  of  police ; 
an  intelligent  and,  I  believe,  respectable  man,  who  had  per- 
formed some  official  function,  aa  Joseph  also  told  me,  at  the 
execution  of  Louis  XVI.  Through  various  researches  and  dis- 
ooveries,  most  of  the  conspiracy  was  ascertained ;  and  one  of 
George  Cadoudal's  associates,  named  Quesnel,  induced  by  pro- 
mises of  pardon  extended  to  him  to  make  confession,  betrayed 
nearly  all  the  rest.  Dumouriez  was  said  to  b«  at  Ettenheim 
with  the  Duke  d'Enghein ;  and  a  personage  treated  with  such 
princely  homage  that  it  could  be  nobody  but  the  duke,  was 
often  in  Paris,  olo$eted  with  the  other  conspirators.  Both 
these  circumstances  proved,  eventually,  mistakes.  A  French 
officer,  named  Thumery,  pronounced  in  German  like  Dumou- 
riez, was  taken  for  hhn.  And  Piohegru  was  the  personage 
treated  like  a  prmoe  by  the  rest  of  the  conspirators. 

When  the  whole  affair  was  discovered,  and  the  hiding-places, 
Moreau  was  arrested  at  his  country-seat,  Grosbois,  the  15th 
of  February,  1804,  and  Pichegru  the  28th  of  that  month.  On 
the  6th  of  April  he  was  found  in  his  cell  strangled.  George 
Cadoudal  was  executed  the  10th  of  March ;  and  then  the  only 
considerable  persons  accused,  not  arrested,  were  the  Duke 
d'Enghein  and  the  supposed  Dumouriez. 

Concerning  the  Duke  d'Enghein,  the  First  Consul  consulted 
a  council  consisting  of  the  other  two  consuls,  Talleyrand,  sec* 
retnrj  of  foreign  affairs,  Begnier,  chief  judge,  afid  Fonchtf,  a 
gratuitous  pragmatic  adviser.  Talleyrand  and  Fouch^,  one 
. ,  representing  the  nobility,  the  other  the  Jacobinism  of  revolu- 
l  tionary  France,  were  Bonaparte's  two  evil  genii,  from  his  first 
entrance  upon  civil  life,  in  1799,  to  bis  final  expulsion  from 
empure  and  from  France,  in  1815.  Talleyrand  then  constrained 
Louis  XVIIJ.  on  his  second  restoration  to  make  Fouch^  his 
ministw  of  police,  Ani  obliged  thet  gloomy  Duchesf  of  Angou- 
leme  to  receive,  with  a  married  bishop,  a  regicide,  who  voted 
her  father's  execntion.  After  some  endurance  of  that  shameful 
and  dreadful  royal  time-serving  for  a  tottering  throne,  Talley- 


*^ 


-  <..!^t^  -.  /•  yt.tjA.J'r'i 


m 


DUKB  D'EXOIIBIir. 


3ir 


in  England,  (of  whom, 
od,  WM  one  of  the  Po- 
itlod,  when,  afterwards 
,  was  prefect  of  police ; 
le  man,  who  bad  per- 
il also  told  me,  at  the 
>us  researches  and  dia- 
certained ;  and  one  of 
lesnel,  induced  by  pro- 
ce  confession,  betrayed 
d  to  b«  at  Ettenbeim 
lage  treated  with  such 
idy  but  the  duke,  was 
r  conspirators.     Both 
,  mistakes.    A  French 
German  like  Dumou- 
;ru  was  the  personage 
Eonspirators. 
,  and  the  hiding-places, 
At,  Grosbois,  the  16th 
Ith  of  that  month.    On 
ell  strangled.    George 
ch ;  and  then  the  only 
ested,  were  the  Duke 

First  Consul  consulted 
msuls,  Talleyrand,  seo- 
r  judge,  atid  Foaoh^,  a 
rand  and  Foach^,  one 
I  Jacobinism  of  revolu- 
9ril  genii,  from  his  first 
is  final  expulsion  from 
jyrand  then  constrained 
>n  to  make  Fouch^  his 
my  Duchess  of  Angou- 
I,  a  regicide,  who  voted 
aranoe  of  that  shameful 
}ttering  throne,  Talley- 


rand's method  of  getting  rid  of  Fouch^  was  to  offer  him  the 
American  mission.  •'  It  is  a  distant,  quiet,  growing  country, 
much  beholden  to  France,  where  I  passed  my  oxilo  in  safety, 
us  you  may,"  said  the  noble  to  the  Jacobin ;  who  sought  refuge 
and  died  at  Eliza  Bonaparte's  (Madame  Bocchiocci),  in  Italy, 
cursing  his  transcendental  apostacies  from  republic  to  empire. 
Bourbons  to  Bonapartes,  and  Bonapartcs  to  Bourbons. 

Should  the  Duke  d'Enghein  be  seised  in  neutral  territory, 
brought  to  Paris,  tried,  and,  if  found  guilty,  punished  as  one 
of  the  conspirators  against  the  peace  of  France  and  the  person 
of  the  First  Consul,  was  the  doubtful  question  on  which  Bona- 
parte anxiously  consulted  his  counsellors.     Fouchd  urged  it 
vehemently.     The  air  was  full  of  daggers,  he  said,  and  those 
brandishing  them  were  indispensable  victims.     He  would  an- 
swer for  the  production  of  more  than  proof  enough — a  trunk 
full  of  papers,  he  said— to  justify  conviction  and  punishment. 
Fouch^,  an    amateur    informer  and    prosecutor,   amasingly 
shrewd,  suspicious,  dexterous,  sinister,  serviceable  and  unprin* 
cipled,  had  no  aversion  to  bloodshed.    Talleyrand,  a  nobleman 
democratised,  »  bishop  married,  a  Bonapartist  sworn  against 
Bourbon  restoration,  assured  the  First  Consul  that  nothing 
hindered  his  then  approximated  coronation  so  much  as  a 
public  apprehension  that,  like  Monk,  he  intended,  to  be  so  weak 
as  to  ptit  the  crown  on  another  head  than  his  own.    Camba^ 
ceres,  with  judicial  scruples,  protested  against  violating  neutral 
territory  to  seise  the  prince.    It  was  then  more  than  twelve 
years  sinee  the  Bourbon  blood-royal  had  been  known  in  France. 
The  Count  of  Provence,  Louis  XVIII.,  the  Duke  and  Duchess 
of  Angoul^miB,  and  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  Louis  Philippe,  had 
been  long  living  in  harmless  obscurity.    The  Count  d'Artois, 
Charles  X.,  his  son  the  Duke  of  Berry,  with  the  three  Cond(^, 
the  Prince  of  Oond^,  his  son  thd  Duke  of  bourbon,  and  his 
son  the  Duke  of  Snghein,  had  been  busy,  in  wrms  and  plots, 
under  English  pay,  against  their  country,  and  "the  common 
enemy,"  as  Bonaparte  waa  designated^  whom,  having  restored 
peace  and  prosperity,  the  nobiUtj  and  the  devgy,  ib  fact  th«  ' 
country,  nearly  altogether  admired,  eulogised  and  supported. 
Ambitious  of  thd  throne  to  which  the  nation  was  desirous  of   . 


>V' 


ii 


.    ■*.  -f' 


214 


DVKE   DSMUUKIN. 


raising  him,  no  tricki  of  popularity  or  luzurj  of  circum- 
vention were  at  all  ncooBsrxry  to  advance  him.     Public  senti- 
ment, fomented  by  foreign  encraios  and  Bourbon  conspirator*, 
removed  every  obstaclo,  facilitated  and  accelerated  his  irnporial 
coronation.     Large  numbers  of  the  French  considered  mon- 
archy necessary  to  French  security  and  grandeur;  bt    'niug 
individual  government  more  stable  and  durable  than  multi- 
tudinous ;  and  willing  to  substitute  an  elective  monarch  for  one 
by  divine  right.    The  Bourbons  and  England,  by  plots,  ex- 
citbg  indignation  and  war,  feeding  glory  with  fuel,  Mtere  the 
greatest  contributors  to  the  design  of  the  greatest  of  warriors. 
All  people  worship  heroes.    The  French,  above  all,  love  to  be 
ruled  with  energy  ond  ostentation.    With  numberless  memo- 
rials of  congratulation  from  all  parts,  rejoicing  that  the  people, 
as  well  as  their  chief  magistrate,  had  escaped  repeated  attempts 
at  his  assassination,  came  flattering  suggeiiions  to  Bonaparte 
that  their  peace  and  welfare  should  not  be  left  dependent  on 
hi$  life,  so  incessantly  endangered ;  but  that  the  Consul,  trons- 
formed  to  monarch,  would  put  it  out  of  the  power  of  enemies 
and  traitors,  by  his  death,  to  convulse  the  country;  and,  above 
all,  they  called  for  vengeance  on  the  traitors.    Punish,  they 
cried,  crush,  exterminate  vile  contrivers  of  atrocious  plots. 
Make  the  guilty,  one  and  all,  feel,  by  condign  punishment,  that 
they  are  in  greater  peril  than  yoo  and  us. 

Such  was  the  state  of  things  and  of  public  sentiment  when 

the  question^  was  brought  to  judgment,  whether  a  Bourbon 

prince  conspirator  should  be  seiied  and,  if  guilty,  punished, 

like  any  other  offender.    Born  noble  himself,  and  educated  by 

royal  Bourbon  bounty,  Bonaparte  was  awed  by  reverence  of  all, 

and  faf  above  all  that,  blood  royal.    Of  the  Duke  of  Enghein, 

be  knew  nothing  personally ;  and  he  felt  himself  strong  enough 

in  French  attachment,  and  European  respect,  to  have  no  fears 

of  Bourbon  competition  for  the  throne,  of  i^hiohhe  was  then 

'  within  a  few  veeka,  a  few  steps,  and  a  few  f entences.    But 

what  would  nobility,  and  what  would  prelacy  say,  not  only  in 

France,  but  througho6t  Europe,  if  he'  put  to  death  one  of  the 

old  royal  family  ?    Nover,  in  good  or  evU  fortune,  did  ho  ill- 

'  treat  a  Bourbon.    On  the  contrary,  though  Louis  XYIIL, 


DVKE   D  KNdllKIK. 


216 


)r  luzurj  of  circum- 
!0  him.     Public  M*nti- 
Bourbon  conspiratom, 
ocolerntod  his  imperial 
onoh  considered  mon- 
1  grandeur;  bt'  '•ving 
1  durable  than  utulti- 
DOtive  monarch  for  one 
(Qgland,  by  plots,  ex- 
ry  with  fuel,  i*ere  the 
te  greatest  of  warriors. 
1,  above  all,  love  to  be 
ith  numberless  memo- 
joicing  that  the  people, 
aped  repeated  attempts 
^gestions  to  Bonaparte 
t  be  left  dependent  on 
that  the  Consul,  trons- 
'  the  power  of  enemies 
be  country ;  and,  above 
traitors.    Punish,  they 
>rs  of  atrocious  plots, 
ndign  punishment,  that 
us. 

public  sentiment  when 
it,  whether  a  Bourbon 
id,  if  guilty,  punished, 
imself,  and  educated  by 
wed  by  reverence  of  all, 
f  the  Duke  of  Enghein, 
t  himself  strong  enough 
espeot,  to  have  no  fears 
),  of  i^hiohhe  was  then 
a  few  sentences.  But 
prelacy  say,  not  only  in 
put  to  death  one  of  the 
evil  fortune,  did  ho  ill- 
thongh  Louis  XYIII., 


Charli'S  X.,  and  Louis  Philippe,  on  the  throne  they  shared 
with  him,  treated  him  and  all  his  family  with  perfidious,  cruel, 
jeuluufi,  moan  and  audacious  itevority,  banishment,  confiMcation, 
nnil  repeatedly  attempted  asHassination,  in  no  instance  did  ho 
ever  show  any  fear  of,  or  aversion  to,  any  of  them.  lie  pen- 
sioned Louis  Philippe's  mother,  the  only  Bourbon  that  did  not 
fiy  their  country;  spared  their  possessions,  respected  their 
pet  sons,  and  mitigated  their  misfortunes.  At  various  periods, 
Heveral  of  the  continental  states  would  have  delivered  them  up 
to  him,  if  demanded;  nor  were  miscreants  wanting,  such  as 
BuiDc  of  those  employed  to  murder  him,  if  he  had  once  thought 
of  that  resort  toward  them.  He  made  a  King  of  Etruria  of 
one  insignificant  Bourbon.  He  liberated  and  kindly  sent  away 
another,  the  Duke  of  Angoul^me,  when  captured  by  General 
Grouchy.  Those  despicable  creatures,  the  Spanish  royal 
Bourbons,  even  though  kidnapped  and  confined,  he  otherwise 
treated  with  respectful  lenity. 

That  Bonaparte  was  enormously  ambitious  is  certain.  Ilis 
detractors  say  he  was  selfish,  his  admirers  that  ho  was  wise ; 
and  he  was  deeply  imbued  with  reverence  for  royalty.  That 
reverence,  selfishness,  wisdom  and  ambition,  all  combined  to 
warn  him  of  the  extreme  danger  of  putting  to  death  the  royal 
prince,  whom  his  chief  counsellors  urged  him  to  punish,  while 
the  whole  country  cried  aloud  for  vengeance  oii  the  traitors 
disturbing  public  tranquillity.  Anxious  to  conciliate,  and  pun- 
ish too,  he  was  exercised  by  perplexing  urresolution.  The  pre- 
fect of  police,  B^al,  after  searches  every  where,  at  last,  through 
Quesnel's  confessions,  got  the  clue  to  all.  Moreau,  Piohegru, 
Cadoudal,  the  Polignaos,  and  Rividre  were  discovered  and  aI^■ 
rested,  and  the  chief  of  the  assassins,  Cadoudal,  promptly 
excctited.  It  remained  to  secure  Dumouriez  and  the  Duke 
d'Enghein,  who  were  considered  within  reach,  and  dangerous 
guilty  men.  Urged  and  determined  to  make  an  example  of  the 
Bourbon  prince,  Bonaparto  gave  orders,  after  careftil  investi- 
gations, for  his  seizure  beyond  the  French  frontier.  Captain 
Chariot  and  Colonel  Ordenerwere  despatched  for  that  purpose 
with  a  squadron  of  dragoons,  and  Gonetul^  Canlaincourt  with 
an  official  letter  of  explanation  to  the  Grand  Duke  of  Baden. 


216 


DUKE   d'ENGHEIN. 


"M, 


But  so  disturbed  was  the  First  Consul  by  the  embarrassment 
of  his  responsibility  that  ho  retired  from  Paris  to  Malmaison, 
his  country  residence,  for  undisturbed  meditation,  where  none 
but  confidential  counsellors  were  admitted;  and  Bonaparte, 
naturally  cheerful,  talkative  and  confident,  for  some  days 
moody,  taciturn,  and  uneasy,  betrayed,  his  detractors  say,  a 
blood-thii-sty  tyrant's  remorseless  guilt.  The  Duke  d'En- 
ghein's  unfortunate  execution  proved  extremely  detrimental 
to  him.  Whether  he  designed  it,  shall  be  left  to  the  reader's 
judgment,  on  the  negative  testimony  of  Joseph  Bonaparte  and 
Count  Real,  respecting  the  mistake  that  prevented  the  par- 
don which  they  believed  it  was  Bonaparte's  intention  to  grant 
the  Bourbon  prince,  after  his  conviction  t6  be  degraded  by 
Bonaparte's  mercy.  Joseph's  account,  as  I  had  it  from  him- 
self, is  as  follows:  j 

<'  On  tho  momingf  of  the  20th  MaVch,  1804,  a  message  came  to  me  at 
Morfontaine  from  my  brother,  begging  me  to  come  in  all  haste  to  Malmaison ; 
I  set  off  immediately,  without  any  suspicion  what  the  matter  was,  in  a  few 
Itours  arriving  at  Malmaison.  Hardly  had  I  got  into  the  secoad  inner  court- 
yard and  passed  under  the  kind  of  tent  set  up  b](  Fontaine,  before  I  perceived 
my  sister-in-law,  Josephine,  behind  the  window,  who  seemed  much  excited, 
ond  suddenly  disappeared  after  making  some  unintelligible  signs  to  me.  In 
a  moment  she  CiX>ssed  the  antechamber  hastily,  approached  me,  and  before  I 
had  time  to  say  a  word,  or  ask  where  the  First  Consul  was,  she  took  me  by 
the  arm,  and  with  her  whole  aoul  expressed  in  her  affectionate  face,  'Well! 
my  dear  brother,*  she  exclaimed,  'you  do  not  know  what  is  going  on !  The 
Duke  of  Enghein  has  be^n  arrested^  and  is  going  to  be  tried ;  and  it  is  to 
talk  this  over  with  you  that  Bonaparte  has  sent  for  you.  I  know  how  good 
and  kind  his  nature  is,  but  I  fear  his  advisers.  There  he  is,  walking  with 
Talleyrand  and  talking  of  this  matter.  I  cannot  tell  you  how  much  I  dread 
that  cursed  cripple.  I  beg  of  you  to  try  and  do  away  with  the  bad  ejQfect  of 
his  advice ;  but,  above  all  things,  do  not  say  that  you  have  seen  me,  or  let 
them  suppose  that  I  have  informed  you  of  any  thing.  Every  thing  that  you 
say  will  have  much  greater  «fibct  if  he  thinks  that  it  comes  from  you  alone. 
There !  they  are  coming ;  I  piust  escape !'  As  she  hastily  entored  into,  the 
house,  I  saw  my  brother  Napoleon  and  M.  de  Tallejrrand  drawing  near, 
They  had  been  for  some  time  talking,  and  walking  backwards  and  forwards 
from  the  bridge  to  the  edgt^  of  the  wood.  Every  time  that  Napoleon  came 
to  the  bridge,  before  taking  another  turnylie  asked  if  I  had  arrived, — so  im- 
patient was  he  to  know  what  would  be  my  view  of  the  question  which  en- 
grossed him :  M  Napoleon  loved  in  me,  his  6lder  brother,  the  cotttpanion  of 
his  childhood,  his  friend,  and  a  friend  whose  hbnest  advice  could  never  to 


-  *«i^Hi|i^^^^^^ 


y  the  embarraasmcnt 
Paris  to  Malmaison, 
editation,  where  none 
;ed;  and  Bonaparte, 
lent,  for  some  days 
his  detractors  say,  a 
.  The  Duke  d'En- 
xtremely  detrimental 
)e  left  to  the  reader's 
Foseph  Bonaparte  and 
it  prevented  the  par- 
e's  intention  to  grant 
a  t6  be  degraded  by 
as  I  had  it  from  him- 


i  message  came  to  me  at 
in  all  haste  to  Malmaison ; 
:  the  matter  was,  in  a  few 
nto  the  secoad  inner  court- 
ontaine,  before  I  perceived 
vho  seemed  much  excited, 
itelligible  signs  to  me.  In 
iproached  me,  and  before  I 
bnsul  waa,  she  took  me  by 
:f  affectionate  face,  'Well! 
w  what  is  going  on !  The 
ig  to  be  tried ;  and  it  is  K) 
or  you.  I  know  how  good 
There  he  is,  walicing  with 
tell  you  how  much  I  dread 
way  with  the  bad  ejQ^fct  of 
you  have  seen  me,  or  let 
ng.  Every  thing  that  yofi 
it  it  comes  from  you  alone, 
lie  hastily  entered  into,  the 
Tallejrrand  drawing  near, 
g  backwjuds  and  forwards 
time  that  Napoleon  came 
1  if  I  had  arrived, — so  im- 
of  the  «}ue8tion  which  en- 
brother,  the  conApaniOn  of 
lest  advice  could  never  to 


DUKE  li  'ilNOHElN. 


217 


suspected ;  and  his  towering  genius  liked  at  times  to  h  an  on  my  difSdent, 
but  not  timid  judgment  As  soon  as  he  perceived  me,  h  said, '  We  have 
waited  a  long  time  for  you.  Mens.  Morfbntaine ;'  (he  often  cb-lled  me  by  that 
name  to  rally  me  on  my  taste  for  rural  embellishments.)  '  Have  you  seen 
no  one  yetl  I  saw  Josephine  impatiently  watching  for  you  behind  her 
window.  Did  not  she  run  afler  you,  and  tell  you  what  is  happening  V  As 
he  said  this,  he  took  my  arm  and  left  M.  de  Talleyrand,  and  we  pursued  our 
walk  alone.  Telling  a  fib,  I  did  not  mention  my  short  interview  with  Jo- 
sephine, but  prcfessed  entire  ignorance  as  to  what  he  had  to  tell  me.  Na- 
poleon then  infbrmed  me  that  he  had  had  the  Duke  of  Enghein  arrested  on 
suspicion  of  an  understanding  with  General  Dumouriez  against  his  govern- 
ment and  person ;  that  the  Duke  of  Enghein  had  arrived  at  Paris  that  very 
day,  and  he  was  about  to  have  him  tried.  There  was  no  harsh  expression 
or  bitter  feeling  in  his  words.  They  were  rather  the  sentiments  of  an  aus- 
tere but  impartial  judge,  than  those  of  a  personal  enemy,  seeking  vengeance 
and  rejoiced  in  having  found  it  But  what  I  first  thought  of  was  my  brother 
pronouncing,  as  a  judge,  on  the  destiny  of  a  Condo;  and  this  brought  to  my 
recollection  a  crowd  of  associations,  of  ideas,  and  ancient  recollections  so 
vivid  and  powerful,  even  at  that  moment  that  they  withdrew  me,  in  spite 
of  myself,  fh>m  the  present  to  the  past,  with  which  the  news  that  had  been 
so  abruptly  announced  to  mo  was  in  such  strong  contrast  that  it  quite  over- 
came me. 

"After  the  conquest  of  Corsica,  the  French  government  wishing  to  make 
partizans  among  the  principal  families  of  the  island,  thought  at  any 
rate,  to  create  sympathy  for  (he  fUture,  by  bringing  young  Corsicana  to 
France,  and  educating  them  in  French  studies,  manners,  and  ideas.  Our 
family  wan  poor  but  noble,  and  my  father,  Charles  Bonaparte,  had,  as  a  pri- 
vate person,  rendered  service  to  France  and  the  French  government  whose 
administration  he  fitcilitated  by  the  family  patronage,  which  he  had  long  exer- 
cised among  his  countrymen,  and  by  his  familiar  knowledge  of  the  wants 
of  the  country.  M.  de  Marboeuf,  then  Governor  of  Corsica,  in  the  name  of 
the  King  of  France,  had  a  relation,  who  was  bishop  of  Autun,  holding  the 
portfolio  of  benefices.  He  told  my  fiither  how  useful  it  might  be  to  us  there- 
after to  be  placed  under  the  patronage  of  his  relatkm,  especially  to  me.  As 
my  father  destined  me  fbr  the  church,  the  supjtort  of  the  minister  of  bene- 
fices could  not  &il  to  get  me  some  profitable  living,  uid  furnish  me  with  the 
means  of  socm  realizing  the  episcopacy.  Napoleon  and  I,  who  were  the  two 
eldest  were,  therefore,  sent  to  the  college  of  Autun,  whilat  our  sister  Eliza 
was.  placed  at  another  echdol.  I  do  not  know  why  biographers,  who  have 
related,  collected,  and  invented  so  many  things  about  my  brother  and  every 
member  of  the  ftmily,  have  never  said'  a  word  about  this  first  sojourn  of 
Napoleon  and  me  at  thb  college  of  Autuq.  The  fitct  is  that  I  have  seen  it 
mentioned  nowhere. 

"  I  aoaa  succeeded  Napoleon's  nature  was  more  rebellious,  particularly 
about  sttall  things  of  routine;  he  undertook,  readily  and  willingly,  only 


218 


DUKE  D'eNGHEIN. 


what  was  new,  difficult,  and  congiderable.  At  the  end  of  a  fow  months  I 
uaderatood  French  tolerably  well,  whilst  he  still  kept  up  his  rather  rude 
language ;  I  saved  him  reprimands  by  doing  his  exercises  and  translations 
for  him.  In  the  middle  of  the  classical  year  we  were  separated  for  tiie  first 
time.  Napoleon  leil  me  to  enter  the  college  of  Brienne.  He  was  then 
destined  for  the  navy,  and  the  military  college  of  Brienne  was  bettiir  suited 
to  his  mathematical  studies,  and  to  his  destination,  than  the  college  of  Autun. 
My  father  had  just  got  for  him  a  fellowship  in  the  college  of  Brienne,  and 
though  it  was  painful  for  us  to  separate,  we  felt  that  it  was  so  much  the  less 
expense  fur  our  family,  and  consoled  each  other  by  promising  to  write  oilen, 
which  we  did  not  fail  to  do. 

"  The  end  of  the  classical  year  came,  and  the  prizes  were  to  be  distributed 
at  the  college  of  Autun.  I  was  to  have  a  very  good  share.  I  always  had 
a  strong  literary  taste;  which  taste  has  accompanied  and  consoled  me  every- 
where. I  was  on  my  otyn  ground,  and  was  to  be  the  favorite  laureate.  A 
few  days  before  the  distribution  of  prizes,  there  was  rumored  through  the 
college,  and  ^U  the  young  heads  and  the  professors'  ambition  were  set  in 
motion  by  a  piece  of  news,  the  truth  of  which  was  soon  confirmed.  It  was 
announced  to  us  that  the  Governor  of  the  Province  of  fiurgurtdy,  the  Prince 
of  Ck>nd£,  who  was  on  his  way  to  Dijon  to  hold  the  state  of  Burgundy,  would 
certainly  pass  through  Antun,  where  he  would  stpp  for  a  moment,  and  pre- 
side at  the  distribution  of  prizes.  The  professors  were  even  more  excited 
than  the  pupils.  The  under  governor  of  the  college  of  Autun  was  a  Mr. 
Simon,  whom  I  have  since  got  my  brother  to  create  bishop  of  Grenoble,  and 
who  was  still  in  his  episcopal  seat  in  1815,  which,  it  may  be  said  in  passing, 
was  not  perhaps  useless  to  Napoleon,  when,  at  the  time  of  his  return  from 
Elba,  he  wanted  to  get  to  Grenoble.  Mr.  Simon  set  himself  to  work  to  f)§te 
the  Prince  of  Conde,  and  composed  on  the  subject  a  caqtata  of  sixty  verises. 
The  solemn  day  arrived.  I  performed  my  part  to  admiration,  and  wherj,-vire 
afterwards  went  to  receive  the  crown  which  the  prince  himself  placed  on 
our  heads,  I  was  the  one  whom  be  seemed  to  have  most  noticed.  The 
bishop  of  Antan's  friendship  for  our  family,  and  no  doubt,  also,  the  curiosity 
which  a  little'barbarian  recently  introduced  into  the  centre  of  civilization 
inspired,  contributed  to  attract  the  Prince's  attention.  He  caressed  n\e, 
complimented  me  on.  my  progress,  and  made  particular  inquiries  as  to  the 
intentions  ofmy  family  with  respect  to  me.  The  bisbq)  of  Autun  said  I 
was  destined  for  the  church  and  that  he  had  a  Jiving  in  reserve,  which  he 
would  bestow  on  me  as  soon  as  the  time  came.  'And  you,  my  lad,'  said  the 
Prince, '  have  you  your  own  projects,'and  have  you  n^de  up  your  mind  as 
to  what  you  wishV  •!  wish,'  said  I,  'to  serve  the  king;'  then  seeing  him 
disposed  to  listen  favorably  to  me,  I  took  courage  to  tell  him  that  it  was  not 
at  all  my  wish,  as  it  was  that  of  my  family,  that  I  should  epter  the  church, 
though  the  interest  and  kind  protection  of  the  bishop  of  Autun,  ought  to  en- 
courage me,  but  that  my  dearest  wish  was  to  go  into  the  army.  The  bishop 
of  Autun  would  bav^  objected  to  my  project,  but  the  Prince,  who  was 


DUKE  D  ENGHEIN. 


219 


e  end  of  a  few  months  I 
kept  up  Ilia  rather  rude 
exercises  and  translations 
irere  separated  for  tiie  first 
)f  Brienne.  He  was  then 
Brienne  was  bcttiir  suited 
than  the  college  of  Autun. 
e  college  of  Brienne,  and 
at  it  was  so  much  the  leati 
r  promising  to  write  oileq, 

'izes  were  to  be  distributed 
sod  share.  I  always  had 
led  and  consoled  me  every- 
I  the  favorite  laureate.  A 
was  rumored  through  the 
ors'  ambition  were  set  in 
i  soon  confirmed.  It  was 
e  of  Burgundy,  the  Prince 
!  state  of  Burgundy,  would 
QP  fbr  a  moment,  and  pre- 
I  were  even  more  excited 
lege  of  Autun  was  a  Mr. 
te  bishop  of  Grenoble,  and 

it  may  be  said  in  passing, 
e  time  of  his  return  from 
iet  himself  to  work  to  fl§te 

a  cantata  of  sixty  verises. 

admiration,  and  when,  we 

prince  himself  placed  on 
have  most  noticed.  The 
>  doubt,  also,  the  curiosity 
the  centre  of  civilization 
!ntion.  He  caressed  me, 
tioular  inquiries  as  to  the 
he  bisbq>' of  Autun  said  I 
ing  in  reserve,  which  he 
And  you,  my  lad,'  said  the 
Ml  mfde  up  your  mind  as 
le  king;*  then  seeing  him 
to  tell  him  that  it  was  not 
[  should  epter  the  church, 
lop  of  Autun,  ought  to  en- 
ito  the  army.  The  bishop 
>ut  the  Prince,  who  was 


Colonel-General  of  the  French  infantry,  saw,  with  pleasure,  these  warlike 
dispositions  on  my  part,  and  encouraged  me  to  ask  for  what  I  wanted.  I 
then  declared  my  desire  to  enter  the  artillery,  and  it  was  determined  that 
I  should.  Imagine  my  joy.  I  was  prouder  of  the  prince's  caresses,  and 
rejoiced  more  in  his  encouragement,  that  I  have  since  in  the  two  crowns 
that  I  have  borne. 

"  I  immediately  wrote  a  long  letter  to  my  brother  Napoleon,  imparting 
my  happiness  to  him,  and  relating,  in  detail,  all  that  had  passed ;  concluding 
by  begging  him,  out  of  friendship  fhr  me,  to  give  up  the  navy  and  devote 
himself  to  the  artillery,  that  we  might  be  in  the  satne  regiment,  and  pursue 
our  career  side  by  side.  Napoleon  immediately  acceded  to  my  proposal, 
abandoned,  from  that  moment,  all  his  naval  projects,  and  replied  that  his 
mind  was  made  up  to  dedicate  himself  with  me  to  the  artillery ;—  with  what 
success  the  wwld  has  since  learned.  Thus  it  was  to  this  visit  of  the  Prince 
of  Cond6,  and  to  t|ie  kindness  extended  by  him  to  one  of  his  brothers,  that 
Napoleon  owed  his  resolution  of  entering  on  a  career  which  paved  the  way 
to  all  hia  honors. 

"  Such  was  the  recollection  that  presented  itself  to  my  mind,  when  my 
brother  Napoleon,  become  the  leader  of  the  state,  communicated  to  me  the 
news  of  the  arrest ttf  the  grandson  of  the  Prince  of  Conde,  and  of  his  deter- 
mination to  have  him  tried.  'Napoleon,'  said  I  to  him,  'do  you  remembor 
my  letter  from  Autun,  about  the  visit  of  the  Prince  of  Cond6  to  our  col- 
lege! Do  you  remember  how  proud  Iwas  to  be  crowned  by  him  1  Do  you 
remember  the  verses  that  I  learnt  by  heart  1  Do  you  remember  the  prince's 
kindness,  when  I  wished  to  give  up  my  bright  ecclesiastical  prospects,  to 
enter  the  artillery  1  Do  you  remember  how,  out  of  friendship  for  me,  you 
gave  '^p  the  navy,  in  order  to  enter  the  same  corps!  Who  would  have  said, 
then,  that  you  would  be  one  day  called  oti  to  pronounce,  as  a  judge,  the 
destiny  of  a  grandson  of  the  Prince  of  Gondii'  At  these  words  I  saw  Na- 
poleon's countenance  change,  and  a  tear  start ;  Ibr  my  brother  Napoleon's 
nature  was  good  and.kindj  though  he  Often  took  as  mucii  pains  to  appear 
stern  a8t)tliers  do  to  appear  gentle.  liOaning  on  my  arm,  'What  events^' 
said  he,  'and  what  misfortunes  in  that  family!  But' who  knows  whether, 
out  of  this  arrest,  may  not  spring  good  for  the  family,  fbr  the  country,  and 
for  mel  for  out  of  it  I  will  find  means  to  show  what  I  really  am.  I  am 
strong  enough  not  to  fear  the  Boorbona  I  am  great  enough,  I  think,  for 
them  not  to  auppose  that  I  will  degrade  myself  to  the  miserable  part  of 
Monk.  'They  tell  nie  that  the  Duke  of  Enghein  is  eveh  disposed  to  antici- 
pate my  favorable  sentiments  by  writing  to  me;  but  whether  he  does  or 
not,  he  shall  find  in  me  none  but  fikvoraUe  dispositions;  a  wish  to  pardon 
him— > not  nreri^Iy  the  wish,  but  the  will  I,  who  am  here  (b  conciliate*  I 
like  to  imagine  to  myself  the  ^omajice  of  reconciliation ;  and  I  smile  at  the 
possibility  of  extending  a  firiendly  hand  to  the  unfortunate  Duke  of  £^ghein. 
You  would  like,  one  day,  to  see  a  descendant  of  the  great  Cond6  among 
your  brother's  aides-de-camp.    For  my  part,  I  should  be  delighted,  {  assure 


220 


DUKB  D'BNGHEIN. 


you ;  and  my  heart  is  filled  with  good  and  geoeroua  sentiments  towards 
him.' 

"  Napoleon  afterwards  told  me  that  he  was  inclined  to  clemency,  but  that 
was  not  the  advice  of  his  counsellors.  Cambaceree  was  the  one  most  dis- 
posed, with  him,  to  be  generous ;  Berthier,  to  whom  he  had  just  spoken,  was 
less  well  disposed  than  Cambac^rea  A  Talleyrand,  whom  I  had  found 
talking  with  my  brother,  as  two  of  bis  brothers,  formerly  in  the  suite  of  the 
Count  d'Artois,  were  still  in  the  service  of  the  enemy,  wu  particularly 
anxious  to  prove  the  sincerity  of  his  adhesion,  and  by  no  means  inclined  to 
clemency.  •  But,'  said  Napoleon  to  me,  'I  do  not  sufibr  myself  to  be  go> 
vemed  by  interested  counsels.  I  can  read  men's  hearts,  and  am  too  w^ll 
acquainted,  like  you,  who  were  always  my  classical  guide,  with  our' old 
Corneille,  of  whom  he  repeated  some  lines,  to  allow  myself  to  be  deceived 
by  a  false  appearence  of  zeaL  I  know,  too  wtA),  that  they  Would,  at  least, 
as  willingly  offer  my  head  to  Porapey,  if  fortune  played  one  of  her  cus- 
tomary freaks,  as  they  now  t>fier  Pompey'a  head  to  Cesar.  And  then  he 
repeated  those  verses  of  Corneille,  of  which  he  had  always  been  fond,  and' 
regarded  as  good  political  advice. 

'<  •  Votre  zele  est  fiiux,  si  seul  il  redoudoit 

(jb  que  le  monde  entier  a  pleins  vmux  souhatoit 
Et  s'il  vous  a  donne  ces  craintes  trop  subtiles 
Qui  m'otont  tons  le  fruit  de  nos  guerr<»8  civiles,        ' 
Ou  I'honneur  seul  m'engage,  et  que  pour  terminer 
Je  ne  veux  que  celui  de  vaincre  et  pudonner, 
Ou  mes  plus  dan^ereiix  et  plus  grands  adversaires 
Bitdtqu'ils  sont  Vaincus  ne  sent  plus  que  mes  freres; 
Et  man  ambition  ne  va  qu'a  les  forcer 
Ayant  dbmpti  leur  peine  a  vivra  et  m'embracer. 
Oh !  combiea  d'allegresse  une  si  triste  guenfi  • 
Aurait  ^lle  lajas^e-dessut  toute  U.terre 
Si  I'on  voyait  maniher  dessus  le  meme  char 
Vainqueurs  de  leiix  discorde  et  Pdibpie  et  Cesar.' 

"  Napoleon  wanted  me  to  stay  and  dine  at  Malmaison,  but  I  told  him  there 
were  guests  at  Hbrfontaine  whom  I  had  myself  invited,  and  named  them  iq, 
hilii.  He  then  desired  and  authorized  me,  when  I  went  home,  to  inform 
them  of  the  state  of  mind  in  which  I  founid  and  left  him,  and  to  study  the 
impression  which  this  news  and  his  good  intenuons  in  jRivor  of  the  Duke  of 
Enghein  made  on  that  better  part  of  the  public.  I  retumed^to  Morfontaihe 
jn  time  fiir  dmner.  My  gne^  had  arrived.  At  table  the  conversation 
tumM  on  the  rumors  of  the  day..  I  mentioned  my  visit,  in  the  morning,  to. 
Mahnaison,  and  the  very  benevolent  frame  of  mind  in  which  I  had  fodnd 
my  brother.  Madame  de  Stael,  who  was  alongside  of  me,  showed  great 
joy  at  wfadt  I  said  of  my  brother's  kind  inclinations.  Bat  all  my  i^ests  did 
not  see  things  in  the  same  light  that  Madame  de  Stael  did;  and  it  must  be 


ou«  sentiments  towards' 

ad  to  clemency,  but  that 
!e  was  the  one  most  dia- 
he  had  just  spoken,  was 
md,  whom  I  had  found 
aerljr  in  the  suite  of  the 
nemy,  wu  particularly 
>>y  no  means  inclined  to 
sufibr  myself  to  be  go* 
learts,  and  am  too  wiell 
»1  guide,  with  our' old 
V  myself  to  be  deceived 
lat  they  would,  at  least, 
played  one  of  her  cu»- 
I  Cesar.  And  then  he 
always  been  fond,  and' 


uhatoit 
ttiles 

civiles,        ' 
r  terminei' 
inner, 
Irersaires 
mes  freres; 

nbracer. 
uemi.> 

bar 

)t  Cesar.' 

son,  but  I  told  I)im  there , 
ted,  and  named  them  iq, 
:  went  home,  to  inform 
\  him,  and  to  study  the 
in  jRivor  of  the  Duke  of 
retumedi^to  Morfontaihe 
table  the  conversation 
visit,  in  the  morning,  to. 
d  in  which  I  had  fodnd 
le  of  me,  showed  great 
But  all  my  gjuests  did 
tael  did;  and  it  Oiust  be 


DUKE  d'h-QHEIN. 


221 


owned  that  those  who  belonged  to  the  old  nobility  were  not  the  most  dis- 
posed quietly  to  endure  the  idea  of  new  troubles,  which  might  bring  on 
regenerated  France  an  enterprise  of  the  Bourbons  and  of  their  emigrant 
and  foreign  counsellors. 

"The  next  morning,  early,  I  set  oflT  for  Malmaison,  and  on  my  arrival, 
found  my  brother  in  a  great  passion  against  R^al  and  the  Jacobins.  R4al 
was  one  of  the  four  counsellors  nf  state  charged  with  the  general  police. 
Paris  was  under  his  jurisdiction.  On  him  devolved  the  duty  of  interrogating 
George  Cadoudal,  Pichegru,  and  the  other  persons  involved  in  the  last  con- 
spiracy. There  had  been  a  special  commission  appointed  for  tlie  Duke  of 
Enghein's  afihir;  As  soon  as  it  had  pronounced  sentence,  it  was  sent,  with- 
out delay,  as  had  been  prescribed,  to  lUal,  who  was  to  go  immediately  and 
Uke  the  Consors  orders.  The  faour  of  execution  bad  been  fixed  for  six  in 
the  morning,  and  the  sentence  was  to  be  put  into  the  hands  of  Rtel  at  two 
o'clock  the  night  before.  Thtfre  was,  therefore,  in  this  interval  of  four 
hours,  mor«  than  the  time  necessary  for  Real  to  go  from  his  house  to  Mal- 
maison, and  tkaa  Malmaison  to  Vincennes.  Two  hours,  at  most,  were 
enough.  One  of  those  fatal  accident^  which  disconcert  all  human  fore- 
eight,  changed  everything.  Rial  had  already  been  ealled  up  three  times 
that  night  by  a  clerk;  who  was  always  on  guard  near  his  bedchamber,  and 
for  matters  of  so  little  moment,  that  he  found  fault  with  it.  -  The  fourth 
time,  wben  the  letter  fiom  the  commission  arrived,  the  clerk,  afraid  of 
another  reprimand,  instead  of  wakening  Rial,  carefhlly  placed  the  despatch 
where  he  would  certainly  see  it  Real  did  not  awake  until  six  m  the 
morning,  immediately  perceived  the  despatch,  opened  it,  read  it,  dressed 
himself,  and  set  o^  in  great  haste,  ibr  theConsurs  orders,  not  supposing  that 
it  was  then  too  late.  As  he  entered  Malmaison,  he.  met  the  colonel  of,  the 
gendarmerie,  Savary,  who  had  been  to  give  an  account  of  the  execution  of 
the  Duke  of  Enj^ein.  Napoleon,  who  was  enraged  at  it,  thought  that  the 
laCbbins  had  trifled  with  tim,  and 'that  Real's  excuse  was  fitbricated  to 
cover  their  plan,  to  throw  the  whole  odium  of  their  measures  on  the  First 
Consul.  That  was  the  cause  of  his  aqger  and  rage  against  Rtal  — r  but  the 
mischief  was  done. 

"  Such  is  Count  Rtel's  own  account  He  repeated  it  at  Point  Breeze, 
(Joseph  Bonaparte's  residence^)  in  the  presence  of  Messrs.  James  Carrit, 
Charles  and  Henry  Ldlemaad,  Mr.  Nancrede  the  elder.  Captain  Sari, 
Judge  Hopkihaoo,  Felix  Lacoite,  and  the  brothers  Peugnot,  artillery 
officers,  adding  that  he  intended,  in  the  Memoirs  he  was  about  t^  publish,  to 
inform  the  puUic  of  every  thing  concerning  the  conspiracy  of  Georges, 
Pichegru,  and  Mqreau.  Mr.  Carrot  is  liviiig  at  Fontaines;  near  Lyons; 
Mr.  Nancrede  at  Paris ;  Mr.  Sari,  who  was  a  naval  officei^-on  board  the  brig 
that  conveyed  the  Ehnp^for  ftom  Elba  to  fVance,  is  at  JParis.  Count  Rial 
being  dead,  jt  is  to  be  hopti  that  the  Countess  Lacufe,  his  dau^ter  and 
sole  heiress,  will,  before  long,  fiilfil  her  fiither's  promise  of  publishing  his 
Memoirs." 


I  M 


W»'H« 


222 


DUKE   D  EKGHEIN. 


Memoirs  of  Talleyrand  aro  understood  to  be  in  the  hands 
of  M.  de  Bacourt,  one  of  King  Louis  Philippe's  ministers  in 
this  country,  not  to  be  published  till  thirty  years  after  Talley- 
rand's death.  Memoirs  of  Fouchd  may  be  published  by  his 
aons,  to  whom,  with  a  large  fortune,  he  is  said  to  have  left 
numerous  original  letters,  and  other  biographical  materials ; 
besides,  of  course,  the  duty  of  explaining  their  father's  con- 
duct, and,  if  possible,  redeeming  his  memory.  When  in  this 
counti-y,  two  of  them,  well-educated  and  intelligent  gentlemen, 
who  had  found  refuge  with  King  Bernadotte,  in  Sweden,  from 
the  injustice  and  violence  of  Bourbon  restoration  in  France, 
are  believed  to  have  entertained  the  plan,  and  to  have  consi- 
dered that  they  had  the  means,  of  removing  from,  cert&iuly  at 
present,  an  infamous  parent  the  odium  resting  on  his  character. 
And  a  circi^mstance  long  afterwards  took  place  in  England 
which  also  deserves  to  be  mentioned.  Dining  with  Mr.  Ro- 
gers, the  poet,  author  of  the  Pleasures  of  Memory,  when  the 
Duke  of  Hamilton  was  among  the  guests,  Joseph  mentioned 
his  conversation  with  Napoleon,  as  herein  before  stated ;  adding 
that  Real's  Memoirs,  written  by  him,  were  left  to  his  daughter, 
Madame  Lacu^e,  for  publication,  and  would  fully  explain  all 
the  particulars  of  the  Duke  d'Enghein's  unlucky  death.  An 
inteUigent  gentleman,  the  Baron  Vander  Wyer,  who  married 
a  daughter  of  Mr.  Bates,  the  American  partner  of  thefirm  of 
Baring,  Brothers  and  Co.,  long  Belgian  minister  in  London, 
who  was  also  present,  said  to  Joseph,  "Butirhat  if  those  Me- 
moirs should  never  see  the  light  ?"  intimating,  as  was  supposed, 
Mr.  Vander  Wyer's  knowledge  or  suspicion  that  they  had  been 
suppressed.  During  the  reigns  of  Louis  XVIIL,  Charles  X., 
and  even  Louis  Philippe,  gross  falsifications,  both  by  suppres- 
sion and  fabrication  of  documents,  were  a  common  resort  to 
misrepresent  the  conduct  and  character  of  Napoleon :  at  whose 
feet  too  many  monarchs  had  crouched  in  adulatioi),  not  to 
render  such  abuses  of  history  profitable  to  perpetrators.  The 
only  persoii  with  Bonaparte  all  the  time,  and  a  man  perfectly 
reliable,  hi?  secretary,  Meneval,  fully  narrates  all  that 
occurred.  -         ,  .  .  ' 


DUKE  D  Exnnsix. 


228 


h\  to  be  in  the  hands 
hilippe's  miniHtcrs  in 
ty  years  after  Talley- 
'  be  published  by  his 

is  said  to  have  left 
ographical  materials ; 
ig  their  father's  con- 
mory.  When  in  this 
intelligent  gentlemen, 
otte,  in  Sweden,  from 
estoration  in  France, 
.n,  and  to  have  consi- 
ing  from,  oertdinly  at 
sting  on  his  character. 
)ok  place  in  England 
Dining  Trith  Mr.  Ro- 
of Memory,  when  the 
sts,  Joseph  mentioned 
before  stated ;  adding 
e  left  to  his  daughter, 
ould  fully  explain  all 
3  unlucky  death.  An 
3r  Wyer,  who  married 
partner  of  the  firm  of 
L  minister  in  London, 
But  what  if  those  Me- 
iting,  as  was  supposed, 
ion  that  they  had  been 
9  XVIIL,  Charles  X., 
ions,  both  by  suppres- 
e  a  common  resort  to 
[>f  Napoleon :  at  whose 

in  adulation,  not  to 
to  perpetrators.  The 
9,  and  a  man  perfectly 
ty   narrates    all    that 


After  mentioning  Real's  oversleeping  himself,  Menoval  states 
that  Savary,  on  his  way  from  Vincennes  to  Malmaison,  met  Real 
hurrying  from  Paris  to  Vincennes,  and  apprized  him  of  the 
execution.  Savary,  who  was  on  horseback,  rode  to  Malmaison, 
where  he  arrived  about  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning,  informed 
Bonaparte  of  the  execution,  and  that  the  Prince  had  begged  to 
see  the  First  Consul.  Without  demanding  more  particulars, 
of  which  he  was  commonly  very  inquisitive,  Bonaparte  stopped 
Savary  to  ask  what  had  become  of  R<^al,  and  whether  he  had 
not  been  at  Vincennes.  Being  told  not,  he  paced  the  room 
without  saying  more  till  R^al  arrived ;  after  exchanging  a  few 
words  with  whom,  falling  again  into  his  reverie,  he  took  his  hat 
and  left  the  room,  merely  saying,  "Very  well :"  R^al  appearing 
surprised  and  disconcerted  at  the  Consul's  mood ;  Bonaparte 
going  up  stairs  to  his  chamber,  and  staying  there  alone  some  time. 

How  important  Real's  explanation  is  to  fill  up  this  narrative 
is  obvious.  What  Meneval  justly  calls  a  fatal  event,  occurred 
without  Bonaparte's  expectation ;  injurious  to  the  imperial  ele- 
vation, then  so  nigh,  on  which  his  heart  was  set  above  all  things. 
Familiar  with  bloodshed  in  battles,  he  had  never  fed  the  exe- 
cutioner with  cold  blood.  Compassionate,  ostentatiously  cle- 
ment, seldom,  if  ever,  in  his  immense  career,  had  any  person 
condemned  to  death,  personally  appealed  to  Bonaparte's  mercy 
in  vain.  While  general,  consul,  and  emperor,  several  memo- 
rable pardons  granted  by  him  strongly  confirmed  Joseph's  im- 
pression that  his  brother's  mind  was  filled  with  magnanimous 
contemplation  of  politic  forgiveness  for  the  Duke  d'Enghein. 
Louis  XVIIL 'b  reign  reddened  the  scaffold  with  blood,  urged 
by  Charles  X. ;  whose  continual  claim  to  the  crown  was  a  series 
of  attempts  to  remove  Bonaparte  by  assassiiiation,  from  that 
of  the  infernal  machine  to  that  which  cost  the  Duke  d'Enghein's 
life;  and  frono  that  again,  to  the  other  aitanged  in  London, 
against  which  Fox  deemed  it  his  proper  function,  as  English 
prime  minister,  officially  to  warn  Napoleon.  Charles  X.'s  dis- 
solute youth  suggested  an  argument  from  his  history  for  Bona- 
parte. "  What  can  the  king  do  to  me  ?"  haughtily  asked  that 
profligate  prince,  when  Manpeou,  by  Louis  XVI/s  order,  expos- 
tulated with  him  concerning  his  enormous  debts  and  scandalous 


J'  . 


r<Bk£i3£^aS£jr-tLai^^u    i  »^>±^ 


-— £rt»y  t  '-T?r^rc3qB5gagwsiiiF5!  f~ 


224 


DUKE   D  KXaUEIN. 


debaucheries.  "What  can  ho  do?"  replied  the  minister, 
"  why,  Prince,  his  majesty  can  pardon  you"  Bonaparte  was 
resolved  signally  to  crush  the  conspiracy,  and  punish  its  actors ; 
but  after  the  execution  of  Gadoudal,  and  other  assassins,  to 
pardon  more  ominont  personages.  The  Polignaos  and  Rivi^ri- 
accordingly  were  pardoned.  K^al  was  sent  by  Bonaparte  to 
Picfaegru's  dungeon,  to  offer  him  pardon  on  generous  terms. 
Napoleon's  first  imperial  act  was  to  pardon  Moreau,  almost 
in  defiance  of  his  rejection  of  it.  And  his  design  was  to 
make  an  example  of  the  Bourbon  prince  by  clemency,  not 
a  victim  by  impolitic  execution.  All  the  orders  given  by 
Bonaparte  himself  for  immediate  trial,  and  other  steps  appa- 
rently tending  to  fatal  results,  were  to  strike  terror  and 
subdue  the  prisoner.  But  R^al  was  to  interpose  with  hopes  of 
mercy,  on  condition  that  the  convict  submitted  to  save  his  life 
by  what,  within  a  few  years,  sctoce  a  prince  or  monarch  in 
Europe  did  not  readily  submit  to  •— Napoleon's  ascendency. 
Among  the  precious  memorials  for  history,  lost  in  the  confusion 
of  his  downfall,  was  a  package  of  papers,  of  which  Joseph  had 
charge  on  the  Emperor's  first  abdication,  before  kept  in  the  impe- 
rial archives,  and  called  the  "  Sovereign's  Letters."  One  of  them, 
OS  I  have  often  heard  Joseph  say,  was  a  letter  from  the  Empe- 
ror Alexander  to  the  Emperor  NapoUon,  among  other  adula- 
tory phrases  writing,  "When  you  go  to  war  again,. I  desire  to 
learn  the  art  by  serving  as  your  aid-de-camp."  Would  the  Duke 
of  Enghein  have  refused  that  position,  in  exchange  for  his  life  'i 
It  is  easy  to  make  a  hero  and  a  victim  of  this  prince,  com- 
pared with  such  dolts  as  the  Didces  of  Aqgoul^me  and  Berry ; 
prinoes  so  weak  and  worthless  as  his  father,  the  Duke  of  Bour- 
bon, and  his  cousin,  the  Count  d'Artois.  A  prince  who  had,  at 
any  rate,  spent  some  years  in  camps  and  was  bred  something  of 
a  soldier,  appears  to  great  advantage.  The  precipitation  of  his 
death  was  shocking ;  its  mischance,  with  Real's  negligence,  a 
strong  appeal  to  universal  sympathy.  Very  little  of  the  poetry 
with  which  Lamartine  and  other  such  romance-writers  embellish 
their  narratives,  is  necessary  to  recommend  to  pity  what  at 
best  is  extremely  ofiensive  to  humanity.  The  castle  ditch,  in 
which  he  was  shot,  of  a  raw,  cold  March  morning,  driszling 


replied  tho  minister, 
you."  Bonaparte  was 
,  and  punish  its  actors : 
md  other  assassins,  to 
Polignacs  and  Rivii^rc 

sent  bj  Bonaparte  to 
>Q  on  generous  terms, 
ardon  Moreau,  almost 
nd  his  design  was  to 
nee  by  clemency,  not 

the  orders  given  by 
and  other  steps  appa- 
to  strike  terror  and 
Qterpose  with  hopes  of 
iniitted  to  save  hia  life 
prince  or  monarch  iu 
apoleon's  ascendency, 
'y,  lost  in  the  confusion 
B,  of  which  Joseph  had 
)efore  kept  in  the  impe- 
Letters."  One  of  them, 
letter  from  the  Erape- 
n,  among  other  adula- 

war  again,.!  desire  to 
up."  Would  the  Doke 

exchange  for  his  life  'i 
Q  of  this  prince,  corn* 
Lngoul^me  and  Berry ; 
ler,  the  Duke  of  Bour- 

A  prince  who  had,  at 
was  bred  something  of 
The  precipitation  of  his 
1  Real's  negligence,  a 
ery  little  of  the  poetry 
lance-writers  embellish 
mend  to  pity  what  at 
The  castle  ditch,  in 
•ch  morning,  drixzliBg 


DUKE  D  ENOIIEIN. 


225 


rain,  a  cruel  joke  by  some  officer  at  tho  prisoner's  alorm,  a 
mistress  in  anguish  not  far  off,  (without  which  French  pictures 
lire  never  comp  ^)  but  above,  and  far  above,  all  aggravations, 
the  precious  prihvdiy  blood  that  flowed  that  fatal  night,  touched 
rocks  gushing  with  commiseration  and  execration  before  Napo- 
leon's overthrow,  and  which,  after  that  event,  poured  forth 
cataracts  of  condemnation. 

Just  when  Cadoudal's  blood  was  smoking  from  his  execu- 
tion, Moreau,  Pichegru,  tho  Polignacs,  Riviere,  and  other 
considerable  personages  imprisoned,  and  all  proved  guilty,  tho 
Duke  of  Berry  expected  to  land  from  England,  tlie  whole 
plot  of  revolution  and  assassination  frustrated,  the  other  Bonr- 
bon  prince  expected  to  enter  France  from  Germany,  with 
Dumouriez  his  instigator,  as  was  believed,  was  secured  on  the 
night  between  the  16th  and  16th  of  March,  and  rapidly  con- 
veyed to  Paris,  then  all  in  a  ferment,  crying  for  vengeance  on 
such  malefactors  —  all  of  them,  without  distinction.  A  court 
martial  was  ordered  to  assemble  instantly  at  the  suburban 
castle  of  Vinoennes,  to  try  a  prisoner  charged  with  bearing 
arms  in  English  service  against  the  French  Republic,  and  with 
plots  against  the  public  tranquillity.  The  orders  for  the  court 
martial  proceeded  directly  from  Bonaparte  to  General  Murat, 
Governor  of  Paris,  to  whom  they  were  taken  by  Colonel  Sa- 
vary.  But  no  oflBcer  wos  selected  or  personally  designated  for 
the  court ;  none  of  them  knew  who  the  prisoner  was  they  were 
to  try  till  they  assembled  at  Vincennes,  nor  was  even  then  ap- 
prized of  the  particulars  of  the  conspiracy  before  stated.  All 
they  knew  was  that  they  were  to  try  a  prisoner,  who  they  were 
told,  when  assembled,  was  the  Duke  d'Er.ghein ;  but  of  whom 
they  had  heard  no  more  than  the  general  report  public,  that  one 
or  more  of  the  Bourbon  princes  were  involved  in  plots  for  revo- 
lution and  assassination,  which  roused  the  whole  country  against 
them.  Put  on  trial  according  to  the  summary  and  secret  me- 
thods of  court  martial,  the  Prince,  denying  all  part  in  any  plan 
of  assassination,  not  only  confessed,  but  rather  vauntingly,  that 
he  had  borne  arms  against  the  French  Republic ;  and  also  that 
he  had  been  several  times  in  Strasburg,  though  ho  denied  that 
it  was  for  any  treasonable  purpose.    His  guilt  thus  established^ 

Vol.  in.  — 15 


% 


226 


DUKE  D  ENtlHEIX. 


and  that  guilt  high  treason,  a  gpociiil  law  of  tho  Republic  rcn* 
tiering  it  capital  for  a  French  emigrant  to  return  to  France, 
un<l  the  general  law  against  treatton,  by  bearing  arms  against 
its  govornnient,  both  violated,  by  the  priuoner's  confesBion,  tho 
court  martial  had  no  option  but  to  find  him  guilty,  and  Bontenco 
him  to  death. 

After  answering  tho  interrogatories  and  at  signing  tho  re- 
cord, tho  prisoner  deploring  his  predicament,  entreated  to  be 
allowed  to  speak  with  the  First  Consul;  which  request  the 
judgc-advocato  desired  him  to  write  at  the  foot  of  tho  answers 
which  ho  signed.  He  did  so,  earnestly  requesting  "  a  private 
audience  with  the  First  Consul,  which  my  name,  my  rank,  my 
mode  of  thinking,  and  tho  horror  of  my  situation  induce  me  to 
hope  will  not  be  refused."  Nor  would  it  have  been  if  his 
prayer  had  reached  the  First  Consul,  who  had  taken  measures 
for  tho  desired  audience ;  when  what  could  have  been  the  sup- 
pliant Prince's  object  but  to  entreat  mercy,  which  Bonaparte 
was  anxious  to  extend  on  terms  that  would  hardly  have  been 
rjpjccted  ?  But  so  unquestionable  was  his  guilt,  so  plain  the 
duty  of  the  court,  so  common,  and  mostly  so  fruitless  and  irk- 
some, are  such  appeals  between  sentence  and  execution,  that 
but  a  single  one  of  the  court  martial  countenanced  the  request, 
and  it  was  at  once  rejected.  R^al  not  being  there  to  interpose 
in  that  supreme  crisis,  as  Bonaparte  had  intended  and  arranged, 
the  sentence  was  put  in  force  with  the  prompt,  stern,  and 
shocking  infliction  of  military  despatch,  by  shooting  the  guilty 
Prince,  before  daylight,  in  the  castle  ditch.  When  apprised 
of  that  result  by  SavAry  and  R6al,  evidently  disconcerted,  Bo- 
iiapaito,  finding  that  his  plan  had  been  defeated,  and  that  there 
was  n,n  end  of  the  matter,  said  nothing  but  the  "very  well," 
which  malediction  readily  makes  to  mean  guilty  approbation,  but 
which  might  mean  approval  or  acquiescence,  or  no  more  than  that 
all  being  over  it  w&s  useless  to  dwell  on  the  matter ;  and  ever 
after  he  disdained  to  excuse  or  extenuate  a  blow  which  his 
proud  spirit  insisted  on  his  right  to  strike,  having  been  provoked 
to  it,  and  being  fully  justified  by  incessant  and  inhuman  at- 
tempts of  the  Bourbons  to  assassinate  him,  and  convulse  France. 

Some  French  histories  and  biographies  aver  that  Marat 


vf  of  the  Republic  rcn- 
t  to  return  to  France, 
r  bearing  arms  against 
isoner'a  cunfcHHiun,  the 
im  guilty,  and  eontonco 

and  at  signing  the  rc- 
iamont,  entreated  to  be 
ul;  which  roqucHt  the 
the  foot  of  tho  anawora 
'  requesting  "  a  private 
ny  name,  my  rank,  my 
'  situation  induce  me  to 
d  it  have  been  if  his 
ho  had  taken  measures 
)uld  have  been  the  sup- 
ercy,  which  Bonaparte 
rould  hardly  have  been 
his  guilt,  BO  plain  the 
tly  BO  fruitless  and  irk- 
ice  and  execution,  that 
intenanced  the  request, 
being  there  to  interpose 
.  intended  and  arranged, 
,he  prompt,  stern,  and 
,  by  shooting  the  guilty 
ditch.  When  apprised 
iently  disconcerted.  Bo- 
defeated,  and  that  there 
5  but  the  "very  well," 
I  guilty  approbation,  but 
ice,  or  no  more  than  that 
Q  the  matter ;  and  ever 
tuate  a  blow  which  his 
e,  having  been  provoked 
ssant  and  inhuman  at- 
m,  and  convulse  France, 
phies  aver  that  Murat 


shrunk  from  uio  iiiiinW  iniilt>fli<  »  «itnoii  it  f«^Inrin"  'at 
the  fiicingfl  of  bin  reginicntult*  ^\>-  fi<«*  b«  •"  Hcd  with  ;  ,.mwI; 
that  hu  remonstrated  with  hin  lui  -in-law  a^  tmt  tho  execu- 
tion, and  was  sharply  chid  by  Boiiftj  rw»  for  »nt  «»«akne!»fl.  If 
80,  and  I  am  not  authorised  by  any  better  /nfoi  m$ion  to  deny  it, 
the  servility  of  that  protest  is  betokened  by  both  the  circumstance 
iind  tho  statement.  If  the  Duke  d'Enghein  was  guilty,  (and  ho 
was  not  to  be  punished  unless  found  guilty,)  why  should  not 
Murat,  or  any  other  officer,  assist  at  his  trial  and  execution  ? 
Wns  innocence  or  royol  blood  the  prisoner's  sanctlfication  ? 
Did  the  plebeian  Murat  shrink  from  such  bloodshed  as  more 
lieinous  than  plebeian  ?  And  do  French  historians  abet  that 
discrimination  ?  European  history,  biography,  philosophy  and 
prejudice  teem  with  doctrine  on  that  subject  which  fal's  not 
without  great  influence  upon  even  this  transatliintio  country 
of  traditions,  institutions,  and  manhood  diametrically  opposite, 
but  which  should  render  our  humanity  more  independent. 

An  anonymous  work,  of  considerable  weight  in  Germany,  en- 
titled "Memoirs  taken  from  tho  Papers  of  a  Statesman,  concern- 
ing the  secret  Motives  of  the  Cabinet  in  the  War  of  the  Revo- 
lution," assigns  as  the  real  cause  of  the  illegal  seizure  and  hasty 
execution  of  the  Duke  of  Enghein,  that,  provoked  by  the  abuse 
of  the  Bourbons  from  the  French  official  Gazette,  that  high- 
spirited  young  Prince  challenged  Bonaparte  to  meet  him  on 
some  neutral  ground,  and  there,  in  single  combat,  settle  the 
controversy.  His  second  on  the  occasion  was  to  be  Gustavus 
Adolphus,  the  legitimate  but  eccentric  king  of  Sweden,  who 
wa<,  dethroned  to  make  room  for  Bemadotte ;  by  whom  (the 
king),  the  cfarcumstance  was  afterwards  made  known.  Gustavus 
Adolphus  was  remarkable  for  implacable  hatred  of  Bonaparte ; 
but,  according  to  the  accounts  most  current  of  that  bastard 
descendant  of  Gustavus  Yasa,  his  mind  was  hardly  sane  enough 
to  allow  us  to  credit  his  assertions. 

Still,  the  vast  social  influence  of  royalty  and  aristocracy  on 
publia  opinion  diffused  reprobation  of  the  execution  of  a  prince 
of  royal  blood  as  an  un^donable  crime;  and  branded  its 
alleged  author  as  guilty  of  iniquity  infinitely  more  heinous  than 
ordinary  homicide.    By  that  last  act  of  his  consulate,  Bona- 


I'V^. 


DUKI  D  BNonKm. 


parte,  affronting  caste,  rousoil  mulodiotion  mure  formidable  tlian 
the  five  coalitiona  of  which  ho  orcrthrow  four.  Whon  his  fimt 
imperial  ambuasadorit,  Savary  and  Caulaincourt,  repaired  to 
St.  Petersburg,  the  Russian  nobility  refused  to  receive  them, 
as  stained  with  the  Duke  d'Enghein's  Moud.  The  Emperor 
Alexander,  probably  privy  to  the  brutal  assassination  of  his 
father,  (one  of  the  sons  of  whoso  chief  murd-  rcr,  Ooant  Pahlen, 
was  the  first  Russian  minister  to  the  United  States  just  before 
the  war  of  1812),  Alexander  himself, — so  liberal  in  his  politics 
that  Madame  de  Stael  says  the  old  nobility  of  Europe  de- 
nied hia  right  to  their  society, — shrunk  from  Napoleon's  am- 
bassadors, shunned  by  the  Russian  nobility.  The  Prussian 
war  manifesto  of  the  0th  October,  1805,  denounced  the  Duke 
d'Enghein's  death  as  a  crime  which,  though  Germany  had  not 
avenged,  it  would  never  forgive.  English  denunciation  was  not 
behindhand  of  an  offence,  perhaps,  as  fatal  to  Bonaparte  as  the 
seizure  of  Spain,  his  divorce,  and  invasion  of  Russia,  closing 
his  consular  republic,  and  beginning  his  imperial  dynasty 
with  an  infirmity,  which  he  described  as  the  great  monarchical 
misfortune  of  not  being  born  his  own  grandfather. 

Some  French  have  supposed  that  if  Murat,  with  his  mag- 
nificent valor,  had  been  allowed  by  Napolcron,  as  Murat  soli- 
cited, to  command  the  French  cavalry  at  Waterloo,  it  might 
have  changed  the  fortune  of  that  day.  I  have  heard  Moreau, 
more  than  once,  loudly  affirm  that  ho  made  Murat's  fortune  by 
disgracbg  him  for  cowardice :  that  at  some  battle  where  Mo- 
reau commanded,  he  sent  Murat,  then  an  inferior  officer,  to  the 
rear  for  want  of  courage,  and  afterwards  home ;  where,  being  a 
handspme  young  man,  he  captivated  Bonaparte's  youngest  sister, 
Caroline,  who  married  and  raised  him  to  grand  dukedoms  and  a 
kingdom.  The  catastrophe  of  Murat's  brilliant  career  of  ro- 
mantic courage  was  a  cruel  ezecutiou,  by  order  of  the  Bourbon 
King  of  Naples,  infinitely  more  barbarous  than  that  of  the  Duke 
d'Enghein,  from  which  Murat,  it  is  said,  reooilted  more  than  from 
his  own.  Fox,  who  warned  Bonaparte  of  an  attempt  to  assas-' 
i^inate  him,  truly  said,  in  Pkrliament,  that  "  the  whole  history 
of  the  nineteenth  century  is  little  more  than  an  ucuount  of  the 
wars  and  calamities  arisiog  from  tke  restless  ambition,  the 


DUKR   D'RNOIIBIN. 


229 


[)  moro  furmidable  tlian 
four.  Whon  hia  first 
laincourt,  repairo<l  to 
uHod  to  roooiv«  thcin, 
blooil.  Tho  Emperor 
i\  OHsusiDation  of  hio 
ixnl'  rcr,  Odmit  Pahlen, 
lUid  StatM  just  bvforu 
o  liborftl  in  his  politics 
obility  of  Europe  de- 
from  Napoleou's  am- 
ibilitj.  The  Prussian 
»,  denounced  tho  Duko 
[>ugh  Qcrmany  had  not 
>h  denunciation  was  not 
tal  to  Bonaparte  as  the 
lion  of  Rassift,  closing 
his  imperial  dynasty 
the  great  monarchical 
'andfather. 

Murat,  with  his  mag- 
kpol€H)n,  as  Murat  soli- 
'  at  Waterloo,  it  might 
I  have  heard  Moreau, 
ide  Murat's  fortune  by 
some  battle  where  Mo< 
n  inferior  officer,  to  the 
i  home ;  where,  being  a 
iparte's  youngest  sister, 
grand  dukedoms  and  a 
brilliant  career  of  ro< 
y  order  of  the  Bourbon 
8  than  that  of  the  Duke 
reooilted  more  than  from 
of  an  (Attempt  to  assas- 
liat  "the  whole  history 
than  an  account  of  the 
restless  ambition,  the 


intrignoH,  anil  tho  porfiily  of  tlio  house  of  Bourbon."  But  the 
BourbotiM,  like  tlio  Guolphi*.  had  tho  charm  of  })irt)).  The 
Count  d'Artois  and  tho  Prinoo  of  Wales,  aftorwavdrt  Charles 
X.  and  George  IV.,  whon  two  of  tho  most  debauched  profli- 
gatcH  of  Europe,  were  saluted,  respoctivcly,  as  tho  first  gentle- 
men of  France  and  of  England.  Tho  first  time  I  heard  Mo- 
reau pronounce  Murat  a  coward,  was  in  presence,  among  many 
others,  of  two  of  tho  near  kinsmen  of  Pcnn,  the  founder  of 
Pennsylvania,  a  commonwealth  already  more  considerable  than 
ricvcrul  European  kingdoms.  But  the  family  of  Ponn  nro  said 
to  prize  alliance  with  some  insignificant  earldom  moro  than  de- 
scent from  the  founder  of  a  commonwealth.  If  the  now-mado 
King  Joachim  dreaded  the  disgrace  of  official  partinij  it  ion  in 
tho  execution  of  a  prince  royal,  scarce  any  but  vulvar  «  mpathy, 
without  historical  consolation,  solaces  his  own  ijr"-  •  ■i""-'  od 
and  shocking  'execution  to  appease  the  kir  H«'-d  oi  ti  dx  ;)  «m 
royal. 

When  Poltiir  was  acquitted,  in  defianoo       T;  ■■  t  f    •     1  Pjo- 
napartc's  efforts  to  convict  him  of  libels  j>rr    Vin-.  '  V  ,j|. 

nation,  I  was  in  London;  where  the  Prlneh  Jinu-jou  prinoea 
and  their  abettors,  almost  without  concen ..  jnt,  by  divine  right, 
urged  that  atrocity.  At  the  same  time  I  was  hard  by  there, 
when  Colonel  Despard,  with  several  others  convicted  of  treason, 
were  executed  according  to  the  terrific  English  method  of  that 
punishment;  the  same  member  of  the  king's  privy-council, 
Chief  Justice  Ellenborough,  presiding  at  both  those  prosecu- 
tions. The  proof  of  Despard's  treason  was  slight ;  that  of 
Enghein's  unquestionable.  The  proof  of  Peltier's  offence 
was  in  half  the  printshop  windows  of  London,  while  England 
rang  with  congratulations  for  his  acquittal.  Not  a  sigh,  scarce 
a  sympathy,  followed  Colonel  Despard's  mangled  corpse  to  tho 
grave,  while  myriads  of  bosoms  soon  swelled  with  indignation 
at  the  death  of  the  Duke  d'Enghein. 

Two  of  the  Bourbon  princes  who  then,  in  London,  plotted 
Bonaparte's  assassination,  were  themselves  assassinated — the 
Duke  of  Berry  and  the  Duke  of  Bourbon.  The  Duke  of 
Berry  was  father  of  the  present  legitimate  claimant,  by 
divine  right,  of  the  French  throne,  Henry  V.,  whose  strumpet 


280 


DUKE   D  ENaHEIN. 


mother  was  hunted  out  of  France  into  Italy,  like  some  noxious 
animal,  by  King  Louis  Philippe,  where  Bonaparte's  imperial 
strumpet  wife  closed  her  disgusting  reign.  Whether  the  Duke 
of  Enghein's  father,  the  Duke  of  Bourbon,  died  by  assassination 
or  suicide,  could  not  be  ascertained  when  he  was  found  hanged. 
But  King  Louis  Philippe  was  accused  of  causing  his  death  from 
lust  of  property,  his  son,  the  Duke  of  Aumale,  being  enriched 
by  it,  as  Bonapart;e  was  accused  of  the  Duke  of  Enghein's  death 
from  lust  of  empire.  Caste  deplored  the  murdered  royal  dukes, 
and  excused  the  impure  royal  princesses,  but  condemned  the 
upstart's  justice. 

A  universal  genius,  with  fierce  and  fiery  soul,  just  and  ele- 
vated mind,  volcanic  imagination,  good,  tender,  generous  and 
beneficent  heart,  stoic  courage  for  war's  horrors,  refined  and 
elegant  talents  for  all  the  arts  of  peace,  exemplary  domestic 
affections,  and  prodigious  knowledge  of  men,  science,  and  all 
things ;  transformed,  by  circumstances,  from  Bonaparte  to  Na- 
poleOQ;  by  imperial,  supplanted  republican  nomenclature  and 
regimen ;  by  enormous  renown,  pure,  bright,  and  true  glory ; 
and,  from  the  fatal  epoch  of  the  Duke  d'Enghein's  justifiable 
but  unfortunate  execution,  raised  the  vast  empire,  which,  after 
ten  years'  inordinate  augmentation,  fell  with  tremendous 
casualty,  leavbg  the  world  to  become  either  Cossack  or  repub- 
lican, Asiatic  or  American.  To  transatlantic  independence  it 
belongs  to  help  posterity  to  understand  the  real  character  of 
that  dictator,  rescued  from  European,  both  exasperated  deni- 
gration and  awe-struok  adulation.  American  language  and 
influence  will  dictate  philosophy  and  history  among  the  pos- 
terities.    ' 


[talj,  like  some  noxious 
e  Bonaparte's  imperial 
n.  Whether  the  Duke 
>n,  died  by  assassination 
n  he  was  found  hanged. 
r  causing  his  death  from 
\umale,  being  enriched 
•uke  of  Enghein's  death 
e  murdered  royal  dukes, 
ses,  but  condemned  the 

fiery  soul,  just  and  ele- 
1,  tender,  generous  and 
's  horrors,  refined  and 
ce,  exemplary  domestic 
f  men,  science,  and  all 
from  Bonaparte  to  Na- 
ican  nomenclature  and 
)right,  and  true  glory ; 

d'Enghein's  justifiable 
Eist  empire,  which,  after 

fell  with  tremendous 
ither  Cossack  or  repub- 
itlantic  independence  it 
I  the  real  character  of 
both  exasperated  deni- 
imerican  language  and 
history  among  the  pos- 


FRENCH   EMPIRB.  231 


CHAPTER  IV. 

FREITCH    REPUBLICAN    EMPIRE. 

1804—1815—1844. 

The  Consul  Bonaparte  elected  Eraperor  Napoleon  —  Reformed  Royalty  of 
the  Empire — Universal  Suffrage  — Banishment  and  Death  of  Moreau  — 
Empire  distinguished,  by  Joseph,  from  Kingdom  —  Republican  France  — 
Battle  of  AusterlitK  and  Peace  of  Presburg — Marriages  and  Coronations 
of  the  Bonapartcs — Thrones  refused  by  Lucien,  Louis,  Eugene,  and 
Charlotte  —  Accepted  by  Joseph  and  Jerome — Detriment  of  Bonaparte 
Family  to  Napoleon  Dynasty  —  Unprivileged  Aristocracy  —  Treaty  of 
Presburg — Divorce  of  Josephine  —  Espousal  of  Maria  Louisa  —  Seizure 
of  Spain — Inducements — Bourbons  —  Spanish  War — Its  Atrocities  and 
Results  — Emancipation  of  all  Spanish  AmeHca—^  Invasion  of  Russia — 
I<fapoleon's  Reverses — Fatal  Tyranny  —  Deserted  by  his  Creatures,  and 
afraid  of  the  People  —  Maria  Louisa  and  her  Child's  flight  fh>m  Paris — 
Captured  at  Bloia — Napoleon's  Abdication — Death  of  Josephine — Sefaes- 
tiani — Pozzo  di  Borgo — ^Napoleon's  Return  from  Elba — Public  Sentiment 
—  His  dread  of  the  People— Their  love  of  Him  — Second  Abdication — 
Banishment — Surrender — Transportation — Confinement — Death — Sove- 
reigns' Letters — Joseph  in  America— La  Fayette — Duke  of  Reichstadt 
— Joseph  in  England — ^His  Death  in  Italy — Representative  Government 

BEaRETTiNO,  as  lovers  of  liberty  must,  that  the  Consulate 
was  superaeded  by  the  Empire,  we  may  inquire  whether  that 
change  was  inevitable ;  Bonaparte's  power  enabling  him  to  do 
as  he  willed  with  France.  Could  he  have  prevented  war? 
Did  he  welcome  it  as  the  way  to  Empire  ?  A  French  republic, 
the  vast  resources  of  France  developed  by  the  vast  genius  of 
such  a  republican  ruler,  not  for  hostilities,  but  peaceable 
establishment,  must,  in  the  ten  years  of  Napoleon's  imperial 
reign,  have  had  much  greater  effects  than  its  wars  on  Eu- 
rope; might  have  realized  Henry  lY.'s  benevolent  idea  of 
confederation  of  all  the  European  states  in  one  great  com- 
monwealth, and  counteracted  English  maritime  supremacy 
more  effectually  than  the  continental  system.  And  what 
might  not  have  been  its  American  results ;  with  Louisiana  a 
French  colony,  instead  of  annexed  to  these  United  States? 


FUEXCII    EMPIRE. 


I 


He  contlmictl  to  live  as  usual,  without  any  chiingc  in  his 
mode  of  life,  or  precaution  for  his  personal  security,  though, 
by  royalist  and  English  animosity,  misrepresented  as  wearing 
concealed  armour,  shunning  personal  exposure,  and  otherwise 
betraying  the  guilty  apprehensions  of  a  tyrant.  He  had  no 
special  animosity  against  the  Dulie  d'Enghein,  of  whom  he  had 
hardly  ever  heard.  In  the  fermentation  of  passions  excited  by 
Bourbon  efforts  to  change  the  government  by  murdering  the 
chief  magistrate,  and  convulsing  the  country,  a  chain  of  un- 
lucky mistakes  led  to  the  death  of  the  Bourbon  prince,  guilty  of 
high  treason  by  his  own  confession,  and  all  France  exasperated, 
was  indignant  at  the  plots  in  which,  with  his  family,  he  was  im- 
plicated. According  to  American  ideas  of  treason  and  of  indi- 
viduality, such  a  suffering  prince  was  no  martyr.  Nor  did  his 
execution  make  any  great  sensation  in  France  at  the  time. 
After  his  overthrow  sanctioned  every  misrepresentation,  the 
fallen  Emperor,  on  the  burning  rock  of  St.  Helena,  expiring 
by  slow  tortures,  proudly  averring  that  he  had  never  committed 
crimes,  disdained  all  extenuation  for  a  homicide,  which  he  jus- 
tified by  his  right  as  a  man  to  vindicate  his  life  from  assassins, 
his  dutj  and  right  as  a  magistrate  to  punish  all  then:  abettors 
without  distinction.  If  his  mind  was  turned  to  pardon,  he 
would  not  condescend  to  mention  that,  or  plead  mistake,  for 
an  act  which  he  deemed  perfectly  justifiable. 

In  the  rapid  succession  of  gteat  events  which  followed  Eng- 
lish and  Bourbon  plots  against  him,  his  creation  as  Emperor 
of  the  French  took  place  in  less  than  two  months  after  the  ex- 
ecution of  the  Ddce  d'Enghein.  In  May,  1804,  more  than 
three  millions  and  a  half  of  affirmative  against  less  than  twenty- 
six  hundred  negative  votes,  all  taken  by  universal  suffrage, 
ratified,  by  title  and  dynastic  perpetuity,  the  power  of  the 
chief  who  for  some  time  had  been  otherwise  supreme ;  aspiring 
and  endeavoring  to  be  crowned;  and  eventually  won  to  the 
pageantry,  frivolity,  and,  in  American  apprecintion,  the  follies 
of  regal  illusion.  Still,  his  imperial,  like  ms  consular  accession, 
wag  not  merely  usurped  by  forcing  opportunity.  To  maintain 
a  French  Republic  in  the  midst  of  surrounding  European  mon- 
archies, was  difficult  for  France  in  time  of  peace,  and  alarming 


ut  any  ch:mj,'c  in  lii,s 
sonal  security,  though, 
represented  as  wearing 
cposure,  and  otherwise 
a  tyrant.  lie  ]iad  no 
ighein,  of  whom  he  had 
L  of  passions  excited  by 
nent  by  murdering  the 
)untry,  a  chain  of  un- 
>urbon  piince,  guilty  of 
ill  France  exaspei-ated, 
I  his  family,  he  was  im- 
of  treason  and  of  indi- 

0  martyr.  Nor  did  his 
\  France  at  the  time, 
misrepresentation,  the 
f  St.  Helena,  expiring 
e  had  never  committed 
lomicide,  which  he  jus- 
his  life  from  assassins, 
mish  all  their  abettors 

turned  to  pardon,  he 
,  or  plead  mistake,  for 
able, 
ts  which  followed  Eng- 

1  creation  as  Emperor 
TO  months  after  the  ex- 
May,  1804,  more  than 
jainst  less  than  twenty- 
by  universal  suffrage, 
ity,  the  power  of  the 
vise  supreme ;  aspiring 
eventually  won  to  the 
im)reci*tion,  the  follies 

his  consular  accession, 
rtunity.  To  maintain 
unding  European  mon- 
of  peace,  and  alarming 


FRENCH  EMPIRE. 


238 


to  her  crowned  neighbors.  If  Lord  Comwallis  spoke  by  in- 
struction, England,  in  1801,  had  no  insuperable  objection  to 
Bonaparte  as  a  monarch,  though  preferring  the  less  enterprising 
and  redoubtable  Bourbons.  But  by  their  plots,  and  English 
hostilities,  Bonaparte's  life  had  become  the  pledge  of  French 
tranquillity  and  prosperity.  War  unavoidably  increased  execu- 
tive power,  reducing  other  authority;  and  when  it  became 
almost  a  mere  question  whether  the  weak,  emigrant,  vagabond, 
conspiring  Bourbons,  oc  the  invincible  victor  in  so  many  mighty 
battles,  from  Montenotte  to  Marengo,  should  defend  France 
against  .them  and  their  English  belligerent  supporters,  state 
necessity  seemed  obvious  and  urgent  that  the  hero,  actually 
promoted  to  the  head  of  the  Fren^sh  nation,  should,  by  more  than 
transitory  title  and  authority,  be  enabled  to  provide  that  the 
French  Republic  took  nt>  harm. 

Necessity  of  state  and  individual  heroism  rule  nations.  Jo- 
seph Bonaparte  explains,  presently  in  this  chapter,  how  and 
why  Napoleon  defended  transforming  the  French  Republic  into 
a  mon^ohy;  still,  like  the  Roman  Empire,  called  republic, 
(and  why  not  ?)  constructed  on  the  feVolutionary  reforms  of 
ruined  royalty.  Sovereignty  of  the  people,  equality  of  all 
men,  toleration  of  all  religions,  armies  and  navies  rabed  by 
conscription,  universal  blockade  and  invasion  of  England,  to 
retaliate  English  unprovoked  aggression  by  war,  and  by  invasion 
to  exterminate  the  I^rench  Republic,  were  among  the  radical 
republican  convulsions  which,  from  1789  to  1799,  roused  the 
ever-restless,  warlike,  and  ambitious  Freiich  to  the  heroic 
phrenzy  >preceding  Bonaparte,  which  Bonaparte  endeavored 
to  appease,  and  to  which  perhaps,  if  left  alone,  France  in  peace 
might  have  succeeded. 

Inheriting  and  tranquillizing  those  commotions,  Bonaparte, 
child  and  chainpion  of  democracy,  was  not  the  only  creature 
of  state  necessity,  but  proud  and  haughty  divine  right,  so  called, 
also  succumbed  to  like  heroic  ascendency.  Since  war  provoked 
him  to.  cast  into  the  scales  elective  or  popularised  sovereignty, 
it  has  become  almost  as  common  as  that  called  legitimate.  The 
successor  of  Napoleon's  greatest  conqueror,  who  never  held 
back  when  even  Wellington  and  Blucher  hesitated,  the  Empe- 


■'A 


234 


FRENCH   EMPIRE. 


i*l 


ror  Alexander's  successor,  Nicholas,  has  for  nearly  a  quarter 
of  a  century  ruled  Russia,  not  as  next,  but  supplanting  the 
lawful  heir,  and  chosen  to  the  throne.  The  Austrian  Empire 
is  in  like  manner  provided  with  the  present  emperor;  and 
Spain  with  a  queen,  contrary  to  Spanish  legitimacy.  Are 
these  usurper  monarchs  ?  The  revulsion  which  elected  Dutch 
William  in  place  of  Scotch  James  dethroned  in  England,  gene- 
rally deemed  more  traditionary  than  revolutionary,  was  more  of 
an  usurpation  than  that  by  which  Bonaparte  became  emperor, 
whose  accession  was  not  more  illegitimate  than  that  of  the  pfe- 
sent  reigning  family  of  Austria,  beginning  vith  Rodolph  of 
Hapsburg.  And  to  come  nearer  home,  if  Washington  had 
been  captured  and  sacrificed,  would  not  America,  prolific 
of  so  much  European  contestation  of  divine  regal  right, 
be  consigned  by  European  history'  to  infamy,  for,  rebellion 
begun  by  a  mob  of  traitors  ?  ^  Since  his  enormous  despotism 
and  terrific  overthrow,  Bonaparte  is  easily  condemned  as 
usurper.  But  as  either  election  or  succession,  his  elevation  not 
unexceptionable,  was  less  turbulent  or  corrupt  than  many  an 
election  to  the  British  parliament,  or  somet'mes  the  American 
presidency.  Elective  chief  magistracy  insinuated  its  opposition 
to  divine  regal  right  from  the  time  when  Massillon  preached 
before  Louis  XIV.,  that  kings  represent  nations,  inculcated  by 
other  royalists,'  till  one  of  thetu,  Americanised  La  Fayette, 
chose  a  middle-man,  Duke  of  Orleans,  to  be  king,  with  republi- 
can institutions,  and  expelled  the  absolute,  inflexible  monarch, 
insisting^  by  grace  of  God,  to  bo  Charles  X. 

During  a  hundred  years  the  Orleans  family  had  been  sepa-. 
rating  itself  from  the  Bourbons  by  affecting,  perhaps  sincerely 
cherishing  liberal  sentiments.  When  Mdntesquieu,  Voltaire, 
and,  Rousseau,  promulgated  novel  and  reformatory  doctrines, 
they  found  patrons  in  Dukes  of  Orleans,*  The  unfortunate 
head  of  that  family,  with  whom  Marie  Antoinette  quarrelled, 
nicknamed  Philip  Equality,  who  voted  for  the  execution  of 
his  relatirn,  Louis  XVI.,  did  btit  follow  the  footsteps  of  his 
forefathers.  His, son,  King  Louis  Philippe,  with  his  five  sons, 
all,  father  and  sons,  educated  in  free  principles,  were  born  and 
bred  harbingers  of  popular  sovereignty.    For  more  titan  a  ccdp 


'"■**<i«l^a 


FRENCH   EMPIRE  —  MOREAU. 


235 


as  for  nearly  a  quarter 

:t,  but  supplanting  the 

The  Austrian  Empire 

present  emperor;  and 
anish  legitimacy.  Are 
on  which  elected  Dutch 
'oned  in  England,  genc- 
'^olutionary,  was  more  of 
iparte  became  emperor, 
ite  than  that  of  the  pre- 
luing  vith  Rodolph  of 
ne,  if  Washington  had 

not  America,   prolific 

of   divine  regal  right, 

infamy,  for  rebellion 

lis  enormous  despotism 

easily  condemned   as 

ession,  his  elevation  not 

corrupt  than  many  an 
jmet'mes  the  American 
insinuated  its  opposition 
len  Massillon  preached 
t  nations,  inculcated  by 
ericanised  La  Fayette, 
:o  be  king,  with  republi- 
ute,  inflexible  monarch, 

3S  X. 

family  had  been  sepa- 
cting,  perhaps  sincerely 
M6ntesquieu,  Voltaire, 

reformatory  doctrines, 
»ansi>    The  unfortunate 

Antoinette  quarrelled, 
I  for  the  execution  of 
ow  the  footsteps  of  his 
ippe,  with  his  five  sons, 
•inciples,  were  born  and 
For  more  tiian  a  cen- 


tury after  the  regency  of  the  celebrated  Duke  of  Orleans, 
France  was  prepared  for  the  great  changes  in  government, 
which  in  the  last  seventy  years,  by  frequent,  sudden  and  san- 
guinary revolutions,  have  uprooted  ancient  aristocracy  and 
royalty.  * 

Pilnce  Polignac,  pardoned  as  one  of  the  conspirators  sent 
by  the  Count  d'Artois  from  London,  taken  with  George  Ca- 
dondal  and  condemned  in  Paris,  afterwards  one  of  the  Bourbon 
ambassadors  in  London,  and  the  prime  minister  at  Charles  X.'s 
downfall  by  the  revolution  of  1830,  which  placed  Louis  Philippe 
on  the  throne,  was,  as  I  have  understood  from  high  authority, 
at  one  time  employed  in  England  as  a  secret  agent  of  the  Em-i 
peror  Napoleon  there.  Most  of  the  old  nobility  solicited  ser- 
vice under  the  Emperor  and  his  monarchised  brothers  and  sis- 
ters :  most  of  the  new,  whom  he  made  marshals  and  princes, 
and  loaded  with  wealth,  titles  and  honors,  deserted  hiiu  in  his 
utmost  need :  humiliating  degradation,  altogether,  and  human 
nature,  noble  and  ignoble. 

Moreau'a  banishment  to,  and  long  residence  in  this  country, 
render  his  part  of  the  plots  for  which  Pichegru,  Enghein,  and 
Cadoudal  suffered  death,  and  by  which  Bonaparte  was  helped 
and  hurried  to  the  throne,  almost  an  American  story ;  as  Mo- 
reau's  departure  from  America,  in  1813,  to  join  the  English 
coalition  against  Napoleon,  becomes  strictly  a  portion  of  this 
historical  sketch.  Not  guilty  of  conspiracy  with  the  Bourbons 
to  assassinate  Bonaparte,  or  of  the  design  to  restore  the  Bour- 
bon king,  Moreau  was  found  guilty  of  conspiracy  to  overthraw 
the  consular  government  and  substitute  himself  as  chief  ma- 
gistrate of  France ;  dictator,  he  said ;  for  he,  too,  after  per- 
forming the  hum'  ^est  function  to  overthrow  the  directory,  and 
elevate  Bonapartr  jke  Lim,  would  not  condescend  to  play  the 
part  of  General  Monlf,  to  make  a  king,  but  aspired  to  be  Dic- 
tator. Brave,  indolent,  sociable,  upright  and  popular,  Moreau, 
second  in  military  renown  and  fav6r  to  Bonaparte,  was  without 
his  ambition,  imagination,  or  activity.  *ichegru,  under  whom 
he  served,  and  who  appreciated  his  incapacity  for  all  but  mili- 
tary eminence,  when  Moreau  drew  back  from  the  conspiracy 
to  restore  the  ancient  monarchy,  contemptuously  said,  "  that 


i  ,|t 


^ 


-»(oa?^Aiaflt«it^  ■ 


286 


MOREAU. 


animal !  ho  too  wants  to  reign,  without  sense  enough  to  govern 
France  for  two  months."  Moreau's  domestic  conscience,  as 
wives  and  mothers  are  sometimes  called,  Madame  Moreau  and 
her  mother,  Madame  Hulot,  of  the  Isle  of  France,  wore  as 
restless,  intriguing,  and  grasping,  as  he  was  supine  and  con- 
tent with  common,  if  not  sensual  enjoyments.  As  a  rival 
republican,  Moreau  took  offence  at  Bonaparte's  monarchical 
tendencies.  His  wife's  mother  complained  that  Madame 
Bonaparte  kept  her  waiting,  when  Madame  Hulot  called 
at  the  Tuilleries,  angrily  declaring  that  she  had  no  notion 
of  dancing  attendance  on  the  First  Consul's  wife,  who  was  no 
more  than  her  equal,  as  Moreau  and  Bonaparte  were  but  rival 
generals.  Influenced  by  his  wife  and  her  mother,  Moreau 
ceased  to  visit  Bonaparte,  and,  for  a  year  before  his  arrest, 
declined  all  the  Consul's  invitations  and  civilities ;  spoke  dis- 
paragingly of  his  measures,  and  ridiculed  the  attempts  which 
Bonaparte  declared  were  continually  made  to  destroy  him.  In 
that  temper  Moreau  became,  in  1803,  what  the  Duke  of  Or- 
leans was  in  1830,  the  focus  of  discontent  with  the  government, 
round  whom  there  were  enough  of  dissatisfied  republicans  and 
cdnspiring  royalists  to  rally,  as  there  were  Bonapartists,  with 
some  few  republicans,  to  rally  round  the  Duke  of  Orleans. 

Condemned  to  two  years'  imprisonment,  Moreau,  like  the 
Polignacs,  Revi^re,  and  others,  was  pardoned  by  the  new  Em- 
peror, as  one  of  the  earliest  acts  of  his  imperial  policy,  but  on 
condition  of  banishment.  Takeh,  by  his  own  request,  to  the 
Spanish  frontier,  the  victor  of  Hohenliqden  closed  his  French 
career  by  declaring  to  the  ofScer  in  whose  custody  he  was, 
that,  if  there  should  be  war,  and  the  Emperor  wanted  him,  he 
had  only  to  let  him  know,  and  "  I  give  you  my  wofd  of  honor 
that  I  will  return  faster  than  I  go." 

Moreau's  reception  in  America,  where  he  at  first  fixed  him- 
self in  Philadelphia,  afterwards  at  Robert  Morris's  former 
residence,  Morrisville,  on  the  Delaware,  near  Trenton,  and 
finally  in  the  city  of  New  York,  was  flattering  everywhere. 
The  public  welcomed  him  as  one  of  the  greatest  generals  of  the 
age.  The  bar  entertained  him  as  bred  to  their  profession  be- 
fore he  turned  soldier.    The  numerous  adversaries  of  Napoleon 


MOREAtJ. 


237 


sense  enough  to  govern 
omestio  conscience,  as 
I,  Madame  Moreau  and 
lie  of  France,  were  as 
e  was  supine  and  con- 
oyments.  As  a  rival 
>naparte'8  monarchical 
plained  that  Madame 
Madame  Hulot  called 
lat  she  had  no  notion 
nsul'g  wife,  who  was  no 
onaparte  were  but  rival 
1  her  mother,  Moreau 
^ear  before  his  arrest, 
d  civilities ;  spoke  dis- 
ced the  attempts  which 
ide  to  destroy  him.  In 
what  the  Duke  of  Or- 
\t  with  the  government, 
Eitisfied  republicans  and 
vere  Bonapartists,  with 
e  Duke  of  Orleans, 
tent,  Moreau,  like  the 
doned  by  the  new  Em- 
imperial  policy,  but  on 
lis  own  request,  to  the 
tden  closed  his  French 
irhose  custody  he  was, 
mperor  wanted  him,  he 
you  my  wofd  of  honor 

■e  he  at  first  fixed  him- 
obert  Morris's  former 
'e,  near  Trenton,  and 
fiattering  everywhere, 
greatest  generals  of  the 
to  their  profession  be- 
dversaries  of  Napoleon 


liailed  him  as  an  eminent  republican  escaped'  from  a  tyrant. 
Many  of  both  parties  in  this  country,  including  all  the  ad- 
mirers of  England,  together  with  not  a  few  of  those,  like  Jef- 
ferson, accused  of  French  influence,  felt  and  expressed  great 
repugnance  at  Bonaparte's  aggrandizement,  which,  during 
Moreau's  American  exile,  seemed  to  become  permanent,  more 
and  more  growing  and  formidable.  Royal  attempts  to  assas- 
sinate him*  from  England,  ceasing  with  Pitt's  ministry  (except 
the  last  one,  against  which  Premier  Fox  warned  Napoleon), 
the  Bourbon  clandestine  agency  in  Paris,  of  which  Royer 
Collard,  Hyde  de  Nieuville  and  others  were  members,  ceased 
to  encourage  hopes  of  restoration.  Moreau,  condemned  almost 
to  American  naturalization,  was  finally,  after  eight  years'  irk- 
some exile,  seduced,  by  his  wife  and  the  Emperor  of  Russia, 
into  the  service  of  the  last  coalition  against  Napoleon.  She 
accompanied  her  husband  to  America.  Hyde  de  Nieuville, 
one  of  the  most  consistent  and  faithful  adherents  of  the  royal 
cause,  withdrew  to  America,  and  lived  retired  near  Brunswick, 
New  Jersey  —  the  same  respectable  gentleman  who  was  King 
Louis  XVIII.'s  minister  at  Washington,  in  1818.  Moreau, 
through  de  Nieuville's  instrumentality,  was  at  last  prevailed 
upon,  by  Miadame  Moreau,  to  take  up  arms,  in  Russian  uni- 
form, against  Napoleon. 

Fauche  Borel,  another  Bourbon  agent,  as  early  as  1807,  per- 
suaded the  Emperor  Alexander  that  Moreau  would  readily  join 
an  effort  at  conater-revolution  in  France ;  and  accordingly  the 
general  was  sounded  on,  the  subject.  Declining  Russian  ser- 
vice, he  said  he  had  no  objection  to  serve  agaitist  France.  In 
conversation  with  Gouvemeur  Morris,  on  the  10th  of  Novem- 
ber, 1807,  after  expressing  his  aversion  to  too  much  power  in  a 
republic,  and  to  all  absolute  government,  Moreau  answered  the 
objection  that,  in  taking  service  in  the  United  States,  he  might 
have  to  fight  agfunst  France,  saying,  "  Firanc^  by  unjustly 
proscribing  me,  has  cast  me  from  her  bosom ;  and  having 
become  a  citizen  of  the  place  where  I  live,  I  have  a  right,  in 
that  quality,  to  fight  against  her,  the  same  as  you  all  have.' ' 
With  that  sentiment  a  mercurial,  Creole  wife,  much  more 
anxious  than  her  husband  to  change  quiet  republican  America 


1    ,vl 


ft-^^V-^  A-   ,4- 


MOREAU. 


for  gay,  imperial  Europe,  finally  succcciled  in  seducing  Moreau 
to  throw  away  all  scruples,  put  on  the  Russinn  uniform,  und 
draw  his  sword  against  the  Emperor,  whom  he  confounded  with 
his  country.  The  wife  who  thus  beguiled  him  was  a  ^ood< 
looking  woman,  much  younger  than  her  husband,  with  whom 
ho  acquired  the  considerable  dowry  they  lived  upon.  Aco(  ^ 
plished  in  music,  dancing,  and  other  such  attractions,  soon, 
with  female  facility,  learning  to  speak  English,  while  her  hus- 
band '^'as  several  years  in  this  country  before  he  could  speak  a 
word ;  and  losinj^-,  as  I  believe  they  did,  several  children  here, 
it  was  natural  that  she  should  pine  for  the  ei\joymcnts  of  a 
fitter  theatre  for  her  talents,  where  her  unambitious  husband, 
become  a  mere  sportsman  and  idle  convivialist,  uhooting, 
fishing,  and  feasting  being  his  chief  resources,  had  <8unk  into 
oblivion  and  obscurity.  A  restless  female  instigator  succeeded 
in  rousing  him,  by  describing  the  object  of  their  aversion, 
elevated  upon  a  throne,  surrounded  by  many  more,  married  to 
an  Emperor's  daughter,  and,  by  successive  successful  evolu- 
tions, continually  raised  higher  and  higher  to  that  giddy 
and  perilous  pinnacle  whero  the  danger  of  downfal  is  most 
imminent. 

Napoleon,  constant  in  all  his  attachments,  domestic,  ami- 
cable and  political,  seldom  changed  his  ministers.  And  never 
warring  with  circumstances,^  which  caused  his  being  called  a 
fatalist,  he  accepted  and  retained  Talleyrand  as  Secretary  of 
Foreign  Affairs,  having  found  him  in  that  place  on  his  advent 
to  the  consulate.  There  Talleyrand  remained,  throughout  the 
consulate  and  empire,  till  detected  in  treachery ;  when  his  dis- 
missal was  arranged  munificently,  and  with  the  least  possible 
offence.  To  him  succeeded  Champagny,  who  was  followed  by 
Maret,  and  in  1812,  Daru,  a  friend  of  Moreau.  For,  as  Na- 
poleon was  constant  in  his  attachments,  so  he  preferred  talents, 
probity  and  good  sense  in  a  minister,  to  servility  or  professed 
adhesion.  Darn,  well  known  as  a  friend  of  Moreau,  disap- 
proving his  punishment,  and  desiring  his  restoration  to  France, 
was  not,  on  that  account,  objectionable  to  the  Emperor  as  sec- 
retary. During  the  fatal  six  weeks  Napoleon  lost  at  Moscow, 
Daru  informed  him  that  he  had  received  a  confidential  letter 


MOREAU. 


289 


led  in  seducing  Morcnu 
)  Russiiin  uniform,  und 
lotn  ho  confounded  with 
iilod  him  vaa  a  ^ood- 
r  husband,  Mrith  whom 
7  lived  upon.  Aco(  .> 
such  attractions,  soon, 
English,  while  her  hug- 
lefore  he  could  speak  a 
,  several  children  here, 
r  the  ei\joymcnt8  of  a 
r  unambitious  husband, 
oonvivialist,  abooting, 
esouroes,  had  <8unk  into 
tie  instigator  succeeded 
jeot  of  their  aversion, 
many  more,  married  to 
iBsive  successful  evolu- 
bigher  to  that  giddy 
er  of  downfal  is  most 

liments,  domestic,  ami- 
ministers.  And  never 
sed  his  being  called  a 
Byrand  as  Secretary  of 
hat  place  on  his  advent 
mained,  throughout  the 
■eachery ;  when  his  dis- 
with  the  least  possible 
y,  who  was  followed  by 
Moreau.  For,  as  Na- 
Bo  he  preferred  talents, 
;o  servility  or  professed 
lend  of  Moreau,  disap- 
9  restoration  to  France, 
to  the  Emperor  as  sec- 
ipoleon  lost  at  Moscow, 
ed  a  confidential  letter 


from  Madame  Moreau,  Boliciting  the  secretary's  intercession 
with  the  Emperor  to  permit  her  to  visit  France,  in  order  to 
transact  some  pressing  private  business.  Tlio  Emperor,  awuro 
of  her  restless,  enterprising  nature,  refused  permission.  Next 
year,  when  Moreau'a  arrival  at  the  allied  li  '1-quurtors  was 
announced,  Napoleon  reminded  Daru  of  his  request  refused  at 
the  Kremlin  the  year  before.  Bernadotte  also  had  been 
cnliyted  against  Napoleon.  The  adroit  and  judicious  Emperor 
Alexander  intimated  to  the  ambitious  French  crown-prince  of 
Sweden  that,  peradventure,  he  might  supersede  Napoleon  aa 
Emperor  of  the  French.  Moreau,  superadded  by  tho  Emperor 
Alexander's  management,  perhaps  flattered  himself  that  he  too 
had  a  chance,  in  1813,  of  becoming  French  chief  magistrate, 
as  in  1804  he  attempted,  by  some  new  form  of  government. 
The  Russian  and  general  hope  of  Napoleon's  enemies  was  that 
two  generals  so  distinguished  by  talents  and  services  as  Ber- 
nadotte and  Moreau,  and  so  much  beloved  by  French  soldiery, 
might  not  be  without  iufluence  in  detaching  the  army  from  Na- 
poleon, or  at  any  rate  in  dividing  the  military  attachment  with 
him.  In  all  these  arrangements,  and  thenceforward,  tho  Em- 
peror Alexander  was  a  great  contriver  and  greatest  actor, 
nis  invitation  to  Moieau,  presented  through  Hyde  de  Nieu- 
villc,  was  a  letter  remarkable  for  the  delicacy  and  refinement 
which  distinguished  that  gentlemanly  monarch,  whom  Napo- 
leon called  a  handsome  young  man,  cunning  as  a  Greek  of 
tho  lower  empire;  as  grasping  of  territory  as  Napoleon  him- 
self; but  who,  in  all  the  leading  part  he  took  in  Napoleon's 
overthrow,  exhibited  admirable  kindness  of  method,  with 
sternest  execution.  "Aware  of  your  sentiments,"  said  his 
letter  to  Moreau,  "and  proposing  to  draw  you  near  me,  it 
gives  me  pleasure  to  assure  you,  formally,  that  my  only  aim 
is  to  render  your  lot  as  satisfactory  as  circumstances  will  per- 
mit, without,  in  any  case,  exposing  you  to  put  your  conduct 
in  opposition  to  your  principles;"  thus  treating  the  French 
republican  general's  patriotism  and  politics  with  the  nicest 
tenderness,  wheu  seducing  him  to  put  on  Russian  livery,  to 
fight  against  the  country  to  which  his  farewell  was,  "If 
wanted,  at  any  time,  for  war,  the  Emperor  has  only  to  let 


-^yV.y.i>ig^i[iii^i^iX^uj>r 


'^^^^^^^^^^''^i^^fmrnmymtimma 


240 


IMl'IRE. 


A 


wo  knoiT,  and  I  will  instantly  return."  Bomadotto's  mr- 
oastio  saluto  to  his  French  comrade  in  arms  against  France 
was,  "  Tuko  care ;  the  French  will  never  know  the  victor  of 
Hohenlindon  in  Russian  regimentals."  The  lost  time  I  8ii-.v 
Iiim,  just  before  ho  sailed  under  Russian  escort,  he  was 
giving  advice  how  la  discipline  our  army,  by  mixing  old 
soldiers  with  recruits.  Uo  died,  it  is  said,  smoking  a  scgar, 
with  a  stoicism  of  which  neither  Napoleon  nor  Nelson  was  ca- 
pable. Some  years  afterwards,  the  present  queen-dowager  of 
Sweden,  Desir^e  Clary,  Bernadotte'a  widow,  informed  a  gen- 
tleman from  whom  I  have  it,  that  Madame  Moreau  had  told 
the  queen  how  wrong  it  was  for  Joseph  Bonaparte  to  stay  so 
long  in  this  half-civilized  country,  which  the  Creole  widow  of 
Moreau  held  in  strong  distaste. 

I  have  already  contradicted  the  common  English  and  Ame 
rican  misapprehension,  that  Bonaparte,  by  force  and  fraud, 
usurped  the  empire.  The  famous  p&mphlet,  published  in  1800, 
entitled,  "  Parallel  between  Caesar,  Cromwell  and  Bonaparte," 
ascribed  to  Luoien,  and  said  to  be  written  with  a  view  of  pro- 
moting  Napoleon's  coronation,  was  the  work  of  f  ontanes,  an 
eloquent  royalist,  just  returned  from  emigration ;  and  so  far 
from  acceptable  to  Napoleon,  that  it  caused  a  difference  be- 
tween him  and  Lucien,  which  was  not  healed  for  some  time. 
Weary  of  violent  changes,  anxious  for  rtipose,  and  used  to 
find  it  more  under  individual  control  than  multitudinous, 
great  numbers  of  the  French  desired  Bonaparte  for  dynastic 
ruler.  Foreign  monarchs  in  amity,  foreign  war  with  England, 
incessant  plots,  interior  tranquillity,  the  spirit  of  the  nation 
combined  to  favor  his  ambition.  And  that  soared  above  mere 
personal  aggrandizement;  to  put  himself  on  the  basis  of 
p6pular  sovereignty,  instead  of  the  discredited  royal  family, 
ond  as  testamentary  executor  of  the  rerolution,  fonnd  a  great 
republican  empire.  Excess  and  overthrow  render  it  easy  to 
deny  his  sincerity,  and  denounce  his  design.  But  some  of  the 
greatest  acts  of  *yranny  commonly  imputed  to  him,  as  enor- 
mities of  his  imperial  despotism,  w^re  republican  measures. 
Conscription,  continental  system,  invasion ^f  England,  destruc- 
tion by  fire  of  captured  English  merchandize,  were  all  ooncep- 


EMIMHR. 


241 


'n."  Bornadotte'a  itnr* 
in  arms  against  France 
ivor  know  the  victor  of 
'  The  last  time  I  huw 
Russian  escort,  he  wns 
:  array,  by  mixing  old 
i  said,  SDioking  a  scgar, 
leon  nor  Nelson  was  oa- 
resent  qaeon-dowager  of 
widow,  informed  a  gen- 
idame  Moreau  had  told 
)h  Bonaparte  to  stay  so 
ioh  the  Creole  widow  of 

imon  English  and  Ame 

te,  by  force  and  fraud, 

phlet,  published  in  1800, 

omwell  and  Bonaparte," 

tton  with  a  view  of  pro- 

e  work  of  f  ontanes,  an 

emigration ;  and  so  far 

caused  a  difference  be- 

b  healed  for  some  time. 

or  rtipose,  and  used  to 

ol  than   multitudinous, 

Bonaparte  for  dynastic 

eign  war  with  England, 

he  spirit  of  the  nation 

that  soared  above  mere 

mself  on  the  basis  of 

iscredited  royal  family, 

evolution,  found  a  great 

brow  render  it  easy  to 

jsign.    But  some  of  the 

iputed  to  him,  as  enor- 

e  republican  measures. 

\oni>{  England,  destruo- 

andize,  were  all  concep- 


tions of  the  republicons  who  began  the  French  Revolution,  and 
laid  the  foundations  of  Napoleon's  Empire;  subdued  and  ox- 
tonninatod  feudal  aristocracy  and  ecclesiastical  iutoleronco. 
Fourteen  cardinals,  in  the  basilisk  of  St.  Peter's  cathedral, 
lit  Rome,  joined  in  a  To  Deum,  chauntod  for  the  downful  of 
the  Pope,  and  restoration  of  the  Roman  Republic,  to  embrace 
nil  Italy.  Two  Popes,  Pius  VII.  and  Pius  IX.,  have  been  so 
lilx-ral  as  to  be  almost  republican.  Inflexibly  conservative  as 
Bonaparte  was,  detesting  the  Jacobins  and  dreading  licentious 
ilcmooracy,  he  was  sincerely  bent  on  the  great  reforms  of  state 
and  church,  which,  by  republicans,  are  deemed  essential  to 
free  government.  Hit  misfortunes  resulted  from  what  he 
Avould  excuse  as  temporary  departure  from  the  principles 
which  he  avowed  as  the  best.  Far  from  any  occasion  for 
fraud  and  violence,  all  he  had  to  do  was  to  moderate  vehe- 
ment popular  tendency  and  impatience  to  call  him  Emperor, 
when  felt  as  master ;  to  which,  except  by  a  few  republicans, 
La  Fayette  and  Carnot  pleading  American,  which  were  deemed 
impracticable  institutions  for  France,  there  was  no  opposition 
within,  and  which  everything  from  abroad  favored.  Universul 
suffrage  chose  him.  Neither  as  Consul  nor  Emperor  had  he 
any  need  to  deal  surreptitiously  with  that  new  and  mighty 
clement  of  public  favor.  Public  functionaries,  prefects  of  de- 
partments, electoral  colleges,  inhabitants  of  towns,  peasantry — 
all  rallied  to  bis  promotion.  Those  who  deny  that  it  was  the 
will  of  the  people  are  driven  to  the  assumption  that  the  mass 
are  incapable  of  judgment.  We  have  seen  latterly,  and  won- 
derfully, the  whole  French  nation  again  tifii  again  rally 
to  the  name  of  Bonaparte  as  their  nearly  unanimous  and 
enthusiastie  prefarence.  Neither  Consulate  nor  Empire  was 
usurpation,  but  reformation,  however  eventually  abused;  on 
both  occasions  by  the  will  of  the  people.  There  was 
no  need  of  seduction,  intimidation,  force,  or  fraud.  Na- 
tional instinct  and  common  sense  indicated  Napoleon  as  tbo 
best  protector  of  every  one's  dearest  rights,  their  property, 
religion,  peace,  honor  and  advancement;  as  the  man  best 
disposed,  and  no  monarch  so  able,  to  restore  and  pre- 
serve justice,  order,  equality,  and  even  liberty.  Popularity 
Vol.  III.  — 16 


f^ppf' 


242 


KMPIRE. 


imnionsc,  and  nlroost  immaoulnte,  made  him  Consul  and  Em- 
peror. Masses  of  people,  with  no  motive  but  their  own  good, 
and  most  of  them  no  selfish  bias  to  mislead  their  instinct, 
never,  by  universal  sufTrago,  reject  the  favorite  who  approaches 
thcin. 

How  Moon  Bonaparte  aspired  to  empire,  when  he  began  to 
dream  of  a  crown,  we  do  not  exactly  '  v  ;  but,  according  to 
his  brother  Joseph's  testimony,  Ya>  vayi  Napoleon's 
opinion  that  France  required  a  m.,aui  A  •accession  of 

victories,  which  at  first  must  have  snrprised  him  as  they  did 
all  others,  gave  him  to  understand  that  he  was  a  conqueror ; 
and  his  ambition,  blooming  in  Italy,  might  then  have  rested 
satisfied  with  military  fame,  had  not  conquests  rendered  him  a 
founder — enemies,  conspirators,  and  other  accidents,  an  enor- 
mous ruler.  When,  in  consequence  of  his  frst  victories,  Jo- 
seph  made  the  treaty  of  Lun^ville  with  Auatria,  in  February, 
1801,  confirming  that  of  Campo  Formio,  there  were,  in  Eu- 
rope, five  established  republics,  recognized  by  aU  nations — the 
French,  Butavian,  Helvetic,  Ligurian  and  Cisalpine;  and  so 
little  jealousy  or  apprehension  had  Bonaparte  of  the  Bourbon 
royal  family,  that  he  seemed  to  take  pride  in  creating  Louis 
of  Bourbon  Prb'se  of  Parma,  King  of  Etruria ;  so  proclaimed 
king  on  the  2l8t  of  March,  1801,  and  indebted  for  bis  crown 
to  Bonaparte.  Of  his  brother  Napoleon's  early  predilection 
for  monarchy,  Joseph  Bonaparte  has  thus  testified,  and  vindi- 
cated his  ascent  to  the  French  throne.  "  Hia  proclamations 
to  the  army  of  Italy  sufficiently  announced,"  saya  Joseph, 
"that,  if  Bonaparte  arrived  at  power,  he  would  establish  a 
government  that  would  not  be  a  republic.  On  the  18th  Bru- 
maire,  the  event  was  consummated.  From  tuat  epoch  dates 
the  Napoleon  monarchy,  at  first  elective  for  a  term  of  years, 
then  for  life,  and  finally  hereditary ;  modifications  necessarily 
undergone.  Moreau  and  Georges'  conspiracy  determined  the 
declaration  of  inheritance.  Consul  for  a  time,  a  stroko  of 
state  policy  might  put  him  down ;  for  life,  it  could  be  done  by 
an  assassin.  He  took  inheritance  as  a  buckler.  The  agitation 
then  would  not  be  to  kill  him  —  it  would  be  necessary  to  over- 
throw the  state.    There  is  the  truth.     The  nature  of  things 


'^'^^iMMSmmMmif^^^^s^^^^Sf^^^S^^Si 


RMPIUK. 


MS 


im  Consul  and  Em- 
but  their  own  goo«l, 
slead  thoir  instinct, 
jrite  who  approachct 

when  he  began  to 
;  but,  according  to 
>vayi  Napoleon's 
A  •ucoession  of 
rised  him  as  they  did 
he  Wtti  a  conqueror ; 
jht  then  have  rested 
[uests  rendered  him  a 
er  accidents,  an  enor- 
his  f  r»t  victories,  Jo- 
Auatria,  in  February, 
,  there  were,  in  Eu- 
jd  by  all  nations — the 
nd  Cisalpine;  and  so 
.parte  of  the  T^ourbon 
jride  in  creating  Louis 
Struria ;  so  proclaimed 
Indebted  for  bis  crown 
on's  early  predilection 
ivis  testified,  and  vindi- 
.     <*  His  proclamations 
ounoed,"  says  Joseph, 
,  he  would  establish  a 
Ho.     On  the  18th  Bro- 
?rom  tuat  epoch  dates 
ve  for  a  term  of  y^ears, 
lodifications  necessarily 
ispiraoy  determined  the 
>r  a  time,  a  stroke  of 
life,  it  could  be  done  by 
buckler.    The  agitation 
Id  be  necessary  to  over- 
The  natvre  of  things 


tended  to  inheritance  —  it  was  forced."  More  than  any  other 
person  in  constant  confidential  communion  with  Napoleon ;  in 
continual  correspondence  when  separated ;  more  familiar  than 
any  other  with  his  plans,  thoughts  and  motives,  thut  acknow- 
ledginent  by  Joseph,  published  to  the  world,  is  the  highest  evi- 
dence  of  Napoleon's  uniform  monarchical,  but  liberal  and  rcpre- 
icntative  tendency. 

Monarchy,  as  designed  by  him,  wca  what  he  deemed  royalty 
reformed.  I  have,  in  my  possession,  a  manuscript  copy  of 
what  is  entitled,  "  Project  of  Constitution  of  the  Empire,  dic- 
tated by  the  Emperor  at  St.  Helena,  the  10th  of  March,  1820;" 
of  which  the  caption  called  General  Disposition  is,  *'■  The  French 
Nation  is  constituted  in  a  detnocratio  monarchy,  under  the  (1»> 
nomination  of  the  French  Empire."  A  legislature  of  two 
houses;  peers,  hereditary  or  for  life,  appointed  by  the  Em- 
peror; representatives  elected  by  the  people  for  five  years, 
every  tax-payer  having  the  right  to  vote;  perfect  equality, 
considerable  liberty,  a  free  press,  religious  toleration,  and  other 
liberal  institutions  are  articles  of  this  constitution.  Something 
like  the  English  government,  but  with  a  vast  advance  beyond 
it  in  the  right  of  suffrage,  was  the  constitution  which  Napoleon 
deemed  best  then,  as  there  is  every  reason  to  believe,  how- 
ever dictatorial  and  despotic  he  became.  The  Neapolitan 
government,  as  reformed  by  Joseph  and  Murat ;  the  Spanish, 
as  settled  by  Joseph ;  the  Dutch,  as  established  by  Louis ;  the 
Tuscan,  as  Eliza  arranged  it ;  the  Westphalian,  as  dictated  by 
Napoleon  himself  to  Jerome,  were  all  in  the  same  liberal  spirit, 
and  the  latter  with  extensive  published  instructions  by  Napo- 
leon, when  at  the  pinnacle  of  power.  When  Louis  Philippe 
succeeded  to  the  French  throne,  with  monarchy  meliorated  by 
republican  institutions,  as  La  Fayette  proposed,  the  English 
constitution  was  immediately  reformed  by  considerable  exten- 
sion of  the  right  of  sufirage.  And  those  who  consider  uni- 
versal sufirage  a  right  which  government  cannot,  by  right, 
withhold  from  those  who,  in  any  way,  contribute  to  its  sup- 
port, will  appreciate  France  in  that  great  reform.  France,  for 
the  loat  half  century,  the  foremost  nation,  far  in  advance  of 
England,  and  as  prodigal  of  this,  the  greatest,  if  not  the  wisest 


vl^j^ 


t  ' 


244 


EMPIRE. 


and  justest  liberty,  a!>  any  of  tho  freest  of  the  American  repub- 
lican states.  Such  might  have  been  the  French  Empire,  if, 
unmolested  by  foreign  aggressions,  reiterating  belligerent  coa- 
litions, royal  conspiracies,  and  other  provocations  to  at  least 
temporary  postponement  of  the  kind  of  government  Napoleon 
preferred,  he  had  been  suffered  to  Exercise,  in  peace,  the  pro- 
digious activity  of  his  mind,  and  indefatigable  body,  in  the 
development  of  free  institutions,  territorial  improvements,  and 
industrial  advantages ;  instead  of  being  many  years  challenged 
to  war,  and  provoked  to  despotism,  every  year  aiigmenting 
hid  power  and  indurating  its  force.  Joseph's  vindication  of 
Napoleon's  monarchy  thus  distinguished  it  from  the  Bourbon 
royalty. 

*'  The  Fi'ench  monarchy  had  feudal  rights,  an  exclusive  and 
privileged  nobility,  veniility  of  offices,  official  substitutions,  par- 
liaments, convents^  proprietary  clergy,  confusion  of  the  state 
treasure  with  that  of  the  prince.  Did  Napoleon  establish  all 
that  ?  He  consecrated  the  liberty  of  individuals  and  of  pro- 
perty, accessibility  to  all  employments,  political  and  civil 
equality  of  rights  and  taxes,  freedom  of  worship,  juries,  civic 
acts  of  state,  salaried  ministers  of  worship,  (Ustinctions  without 
privileges,  separation  of  the  public  funds,  and  accountability. 
The  Legion  of  Honor  preceded  the  Empire ;  but  the  decora- 
tions, instead  of  being  spread  over  special  and  exclusive 
classes,  were  extended  to  all  kinds  of  service,  to  all  kinds  of 
talents.  There  was  a  monarch,  but  he  was  emperor,  not  king. 
It  was  neither  hazard  nor  caprice,  nor  puerile  vanity,  that  led 
to  taking  one  of  those  titles  rather  than  the  other.  The  im- 
perial constitutional  monarchy  was  a  monarchy  because  there 
was  a  monarch,  but  it  was  quite  another  thing  from  the  royal 
French  monarchy." 

The  great  result  and  residuum  of  all  the  trials  of  the  French 
Revolution;  from  1789  to  1849,  have  been  reforms  of  govern- 
ment, however  denominated,  and  by  whomever  ruled.  Louis 
XYI.  and  Napoleon  began  and  ended  their  supremacy  by  ap- 
proximations to  free  institutions.  Louis  XVIII.,  bidding  for 
the  throne,  offered  to  forego  many  royal  jprivileges  which 
Charies  X.  was  intftantaneously  dethroned  for  attempting  to 


EMPIRE. 


245 


the  American  repub- 
French  Empire,  if, 
ting  belligerent  coa- 
rocations  to  at  least 
;overnment  Napoleon 
Be,  in  peace,  the  pro- 
tigable  body,  in  the 
1,1  improvements,  and 
any  yeara  challenged 
)ry  year  attgmenting 
seph's  vindication  of 
it  from  the  Bourbon 

;hts,  an  exclusive  and 
cial  substitutions,  par- 
onfusion  of  the  state 
I'apoleon  establish  all 
dividuals  and  of  pro- 
political  and  civil 
worship,  juries,  civic 
p,  distinctions  without 
Is,  and  accountability, 
pire;  bat  the  decora- 
special  and  exclusive 
ervioe,  to  all  kinds  of 
iros  emperor,  not  king, 
juerilo  vanity,  that  led 
d  the  other.  Theim- 
onarchy  because  there 
thing  from  the  royal 

he  trials  of  the  French 
en  reforms  of  govern- 
lomever  ruled.  Louis 
their  supremacy  by  ap- 
is XVIIL,  bidding  for 
'oyal  privileges  which 
ned  for  attempting  to 


restore.  Louis  Philippe,  constrained  to  begin  by  renouncing 
still  more,  was  banished  for  endeavoring  to  chock  the  onward 
course  of  freedom  to  a  republic,  which  all  those  five  monarcbs 
of  France,  Louis  XVI.,  Napoleon,  Louis  XVIIL,  Charles  X., 
and  Louis  Philippe,  were,  perhaps  unconscious  but  providen- 
tial instruments,  to  found  and  perpetuate,  by  universal  suffrage, 
on  the  sovereignty  of  the  people.  Perfect  equality,  great  dis- 
tribution of  property,  considerable  local  authority  iiistead  of 
entire  centralization,  religions  toleration,  many  of  the  rights 
of  fi  3men,  were  already  French  enjoyments  and  predilections, 
when  Bonaparte  was  as  much  constrained  as  disposed  to 
substitute  reformed  monarchy  for  abolished  royalty.  At  his 
installation,  in  1799,  the  government  was  republican  in  its 
legislative  and  executive  branches.  The  Council  of  Ancients, 
and  that  of  Five  Hundred,  contained  large  numbers  of 
men  pledged,  by  revolutionary  acts,  to  republican  establish- 
ments. Many  in  authority,  throughout  the  country,  and  in 
the  army,  were  republicans^  who  regarded,  with  suspicion,  the 
recall  of  Bo  many  royalist  emigrants,  and  disliked  the  concordat 
with  the  Pope,  because  it  reinstated  the  clergy.  Some,  with 
La  Fayette  and  Carnot,  opposed  the  First  Consul's  obvious 
advance  to  hereditary  authority,  which  it  would  have  been  dif- 
ficult, if  not  impracticable,  probably,  for  him  to  compass 
without  foreign  wars,  royal  conspiracies,  and  other  such  stimu- 
lations of  the  aristocratic  instinct  of  mankind.  Without  per- 
sonal liberty,  the  French  were,  to  many  purposes,  republican 
freemen,  and  might  have  maintained  Bonaparte  as  their  repub- 
lican chief  magistrate. 

During  sixty  consecutive  years,  monarchy  and  republicanism, 
vibrating  by  reactions,  contested  France,  stimulating  reforms 
in  England  and  other  countries  of  Europe ;  while^  at  the  same 
time,  the  stability  of  self-government,  and  security  of  property 
in  America,  influenced  many  European  nations  to  adopt  repre- 
sentative institutions.  Contrary  to  Joseph's  apology,  however, 
vanity,  not  only  Napoleon's  own,  but  French  national  vanity, 
actuated  him  in  transforming  President  Bonaparte  into  Em- 
peror Napoleon.  What  will  posterity  say  of  me,  was  his  inces- 
sant thought :  ambition  his  ruling  and  absorbing  passion.    If 


246 


EMPIRE. 


merely  selfish,  his  renown  would  have  been  greater  without  the 
dynasty  to  which  he  sacrificed  himself  and  his  family.    A  citi- 
zen, dying  in  peace,  ^ith  universal  benedictions,  would  have 
been  more  famous  than  the  warrior,  crowned  and  crushed  as 
the  enemy  of  mankind.     The  error  of  his  inordinate  ambition 
was  a  struggle  to  prolong  power  instead  of  perpetuate  fame. 
His  monarchy  was  of  no  use  to  himself,  nor  his  dynasty  to  his 
family.     The  imperial  despotism  of  Napoleon  will  for  ever 
tarnish  General  and  President  Bonaparte's  character.     Still, 
comparison  between  him  and  Washington  is  altogether  false, 
because   no   comparison  can  be  made  between  French  and 
Americans.    Washington  might  have  been  aa  ambitious  as  Bo- 
naparte, to  no  purpose,  in  a  country  where  a  king  would  shock 
the  traditions  and  instincts  of  nearly  all  the  people.     Repub- 
licanism in  France  was  as  strange  aa  monarchy  here.     A 
French  Washington  would  be  as  great  an  incongruity  as  an 
American  Bonaparte.     Man-worship  is  American  as  well  as 
French :  but  not  man  as  a  monarch.     In  France,  it  is  hard 
to  suppose  that  man  can  be  great,  unless  monarch.    Wash- 
ington, less  vain,  more  moderr.t.  and  truer  than  Bonaparte,  if 
disposed  to  be  king,  could  ne\<^r  •        ;  iconciled  the  American 
people  to  become  his  subjects,      k  ,fu  irte's  probably  sincere 
conviction  that  a  monarch  is  indibpfaObable  for  France,  was  also 
the  judgment  of  a  large  portion  of  the  best-informed  Frenchmen. 
Not  only  education,  but  traditional  freedom,  enabled  Americans 
to  prize  their  owij  sovereignty ;  whUe  French  popular  mstincts, 
however  tending  to  equality  and  even  libeirty,  had  not  been 
educated  to  self-government.    After  sixty  expewmental  years, 
there  and  here,  monarchy  is  impossible  here,  and  republicanism, 
if  possible,  still  problematical  there.    It  seems  to  American 
republicans,  and  to  British  freemen,  that  Napoleon's  error 
and  overthrow  proceeded  from  his  attempting  a  dynasty  with 
insufficient  Uberty ;  by  which  mistake  two  of  his  royal  successors, 
Charles  X.  and  Louis  PhiUppe,  also  fell.    Whether  American 
republicanism  or  British  freedom,  in  form,  can  ever  peaceably 
prevail  in  France,  their  substance  appears  to  be  the  only  safe- 
guard against  commotion:  either  popular  sovereignty,  by  uni- 
versal suffrage,  or  frequent  revolution,  the  alternatives. 


EMPIRE. 


247 


n  greater  without  the 

d  his  family.     A  citi- 

edictiona,  vrould  have 

wned  and  crushed  as 

inordinate  ambition 

of  perpetuate  fame. 

jnor  his  dynasty  to  his 

[apoleon  will  for  ever 

te's  character.     Still, 

on  is  altogether  false, 

between  French  and 

en  as  ambitious  as  Bo- 

sre  a  king  would  shock 

11  the  people.     Repub- 

monarchy  here.     A 

an  incongruity  as  an 

American  as  well  as 

In  France,  it  is  hard 

iless  monarch.    Wash- 

ner  than  Bonaparte,  if 

^conciled  the  American 

irte's  probably  sincere 

ble  for  France,  was  also 

st-informed  Frenchmen. 

lom,  enabled  Americans 

rench  popular  instincts, 

I  liberty,  had  not  been 

sty  expevimental  years, 

lere,  and  republicanism. 

It  seera^  to  American 

that  Napoleon's  error 

mpting  a  dynasty  with 

>  of  hi?  royal  successors, 

II.    Whether  American 

ru),  can  ever  peaceably 

ars  to  be  the  only  safe- 

lar  sovereignty,  by  uui- 

the  alternatives. 


Representative  government  is  the  impulse  of  the  age.  Mon- 
archs  may  remain,  perhaps ;  but,  surrounded  by  numerous  par- 
ticipants in  authority,  in  what  form  administered  by  the  respec- 
tive governors,  may  yet  be  for  decision.  But  great  reforms, 
proclaimed  by  British,  American,  and  French  revolutions,  are 
accomplished,  from  which  mankind  will  not  go  back  to  medieeval 
institutions.  Bonaparte,  whether  willing  or  otherwise,  was 
among  the  great  reformers ;  and  fell,  striving  in  vain  to  recon- 
cile government  as  it  will  be  with  royalty  as  it  had  been. 

Still,  contrary  to  the  flood  of  malediction  which  overwhelmed 
him  when  his  despotism  broke  down  and  ruin  followed,  was  his 
dictatorship,  as' he  excused  tyranny,  merely  selfish?  Most  of 
France  and  of  Europe  either  encouraged  or  provoked  it ;  and 
Talleyrand,  representing  French  aristocracy,  and  Fouchd 
French  democracy,  also  chief  architects  of  his  downfall.  Sidyes, 
Cambac^res,  La  Fayette,  Garnot,  far-sighted  and  honest  oppo- 
nents of  the  coronation,  were,  except  La  Fayette,  equally 
honest,  resolute,  and  clear-sighted  opponents  of  his  final  abdi- 
cation, after  fifteen  years  of  false-glorious  reign.  Like  the 
delusive  capture  of  Moscow,  which  Bemadotte  predicted  at 
the  moment  of  that  immense  triumph,  was  the  first  step,  of 
Napoleon's  still  mightier  reverses — ^imperial  coronation  began 
the  road  to  rUin.  Not  long  after  that  imposing  event.  Napo- 
leon's genius  for  war  achieved  the  admirable  victory  of  Aus- 
terlitz,  which  his  genius  for  eloquence  embellished  by  the 
felicitous  despatch  or  bulletin  descriptive  of  the  battle  of  the 
three  emperors.  His  conquered  and  humbled  future  father- 
in-law,  seeking  the  conqueror  in  his  tent,  by  the  treaty  of 
Presburg,  on  ths  26th  December,  1806,  surrendered  territorial 
conquests,  which  to  most  of  Italy  superadded  much  of  Ger- 
many, to  mflime  the  upstart  emperor's  feverish  lust  of  aggran- 
dizement. Pitt,  poorly  consoled,  not  comforted,  by  the  victory 
of  Trafidgar,  expired  tmder  those  terrible  discomfitures  of  his 
system.  Fox  followed  him  to  the  grave  before  he  could  per- 
suade either  Napoleon  or  England  to  make  peace.  Napoleon's 
ninth  campiiign,  in  two  months  crushing  the  third  coalition 
raised  by  England  against  him,  the  Efnperor  of  the  French 
was  emboldened  to  aspife,'  by  the  flatterers  who  surrounded 


wiiMiitiiiiMaM^^ 


S48 


BONAPART?  MARRIAGES. 


and  the  success  that  tempted  him  to  sm-pass  all  modern  mo- 
narchs,  including  the   Emperor  Charles  the  Fifth,  with  his 
thirty   diadems,  European,  American,  African,  and  Asiatic, 
and,  as  Emperor  of  the  West,  to  become  the  modern  Charle- 
magne ;  the  Napoleonian  to  surpass  the  Carlovingian  dynasty. 
Then  began  that  system  of  family  marriages  with  royal 
houses,  and  coronations  of  nearly  all  the  Bonaparte  family, 
which  brought  odium  and  perdition  on  Napoleon's  frustrated 
dynasty,  closing  with  the  disastrous  catastrophe  of  his  own 
repudiation  of  a  childless  good  old  wife,  like  himself  represent- 
ing the  sovereignty  of  the  French  people,  to  marry  a  foreign 
princess,  in  vain  to  gild  popular  by  patristic  legitimacy.     In 
every  one  of  those  marriages,  from  that  of  Eugene  Beauhar- 
nois,  which  was  the  first,  to  Napoleon's,  which  was  the  last,  the 
Emperor  violated  laws,  aflfections,  and  prejudices  stronger  than 
laws  or  contracts.     Out  of  his  conquests  by  the  campaign  of 
Austerlitz,  surrendered  at  the  treaty  of  Presburg,  constructing 
kingdoms  for  the  Electors  of  Bavaria  and  Wurtemburg,  mak- 
ing them  kings,  and  increasing  the  territories  of  the  Grand 
Duke  of  Baden,  the  conqueror  Emperor  of  the  French  mar- 
ried his  wife  Josephine's  son,  Eugene  Beauharnois,  to  the  new- 
made  king  of  Bavaria's  daughter  Augusta ;  foi  that  purpose 
breaking  her  engagement  to  marry  the  heur  of  the  Grand  Duke 
of  Baden.     To  that  heir  Napoleon  married  his  wife  Josephine's 
cousin,  Stephania  Beauharnois,  now  dowager  Gr»nd  Duchess  of 
Baden,  in  spite  of  his  engagement  to  the  princess  of  Bavaria, 
the  reigning  Grand  Duchess  of  Baden'^  invincible  repugnance 
to  degrade  her  blood-royal  by  marriage  with  the  vulgar  blood 
of  heroic  Bonapartes  and  Beauharnois,  who,  by  that  marriago 
of  Stephania,  became  nearly  allied,  hot  only  to  the  reigning 
house  of  Baden,  but  to  the  Emperor  Alexander  of  Russia,  the 
King  of  Bavaria,  and  the  legitimate  king  of  Sweden,'  three 
reigning  sovereigns,  all  married  to  daughters:  of  the  Grand 
Duchess  of  Baden,  who  therefore   detested,  despised  and 
dreaded  Bonaparte.'  Dissolving  his  brother  Jerome's  marriage 
with  hie  American  wif#,  Elizabeth  Patterson,  after  they  had  a 
son.   Napoleon  compelled  Jerome  to  marry:  Catharine,  the 
daughter  of  the  new  King  of  Wurtembtirg.    By  that  time  Gerr 


lES. 


BONAPARTE   KINGS. 


249 


irpass  all  modern  mo- 

>s  the  Fifth,  with  his 

African,  and  Asiatic, 

e  the  modern  Dharle- 

Carlovingian  dynasty. 

marriages  irith  royal 

the  Bonaparte  family, 

Napoleon's  frustrated 

ataetrophe  of  his  own 

like  himself  repre&ent- 

)le,  to  marry  a  foreign 

ktristic  legitimacy.     In 

it  of  Eugene  Beauhar- 

which  was  the  last,  the 

rejudioes  stronger  than 

ta  by  the  campaign  of 

Presburg,  constructing 

md  Wurtemburg,  mak- 

rritories  of  the  Grand 

or  of  the  French  mar- 

eauhamois,  to  the  new- 

;usta;  foi*  that  purpose 

heir  of  the  Grand  Duke 

ied  his  wife  Josephine's 

rager  Gr^nd  Duchess  of 

he  princess  of  Bavaria, 

invincible  repugnance 

a  with  the  vulgar  blood 

,  who,  by  that  marriage 

>t  only  to  the  reigning 

lexander  of  Russia,  tho 

king  of  Sweden,-  three 

raghters  of  the.  Grand 

ietested,   despised   and 

ther  Jerome's  marriage 

erson,  after  they  had  a 

marry  Catharine,  the 

Lrg.    By  that  time  Ger^- 


man  royalty  and  aristocracy  was  burning  with  scarcely  smo- 
thered detestation  of  the  alleged  murderer  of  a  Bourbon  royal 
prince,  Duke  of  Enghein,  and  aggravated  German  inveterate 
prejudices  of  ca^te.  Yet  state  necessity  not  only  subjugated 
hosts  of  humiliated  princes  and  nobles,  but  the  Benuhnrnois 
marriages  with  the  Bavarian  and  Baden  families  proved  felici- 
tous, and  the  Bonaparte  marriage  with  the  Wurtemburg  prin- 
cess outlived  her  royal  family's  aversion. 

Family  coronations  hastily  followed  royal  marriages.  One 
of  the  most  foolish  and  contemptible  of  the  Bourbon  kings, 
Ferdinand  of  Naples,  his  odious  wife  ruled  by  the  beautiful 
harlot  Lady  Hamilton,  with  her  glorious  paramour^  Lord 
Nelson,  Duke  of  Bronte,  by  English  and  Russian  instigation, 
absurdly  forfeited  the  Neapolitan  throne,  by  provoking  Napo- 
leon to  expel  them  froin  it.  Joseph  hod  already  declined  that 
of  Lombardy,  when  proffered  by  Napoleon,  who  was  uncertain 
whether  Joseph  would  accept  that  of  Naples,  which  was  next 
offered.  Joseph  had  been  a  major  in  the  army,  when  appointed 
by  Napoleon  colonel  of  the  fourth  regiment  of  infantry,  sta- 
tioned with  the  troops  at  Booloagne,  preparatory  to  the  con- 
templated invasion  of  England.  From  that  command  be  rose 
to  be  a  brigadier-generftl,  and,  as  the  Emperor's  lieutenant, 
entered  the  city  of  Naples,  the  15th  February,  1806,  with 
40,000  French  troops,  headed  by  Massena,  St.  Cyr,  and 
Rcgniet ;  and,  on  the  80th  March,  was  proclaimed  King  of 
the  Two  Sicilies.  On  the  15th  of  March,  1806,  Murat  was 
proolaimed  Grand  Duko  of  Berg  and  Gleves,  who  succeeded 
Joseph  as  King  of  Naples,  in  1808,  when  he  was  transferred 
by  Napoleon  t/^  the  kingdom  of  Spain.  On  the  5th  June, 
1806,  Louis  Bonaparte  was  proclaimed  King  of  Holland.  In 
August,  1807,  Jerome  Bonaparte  was  made  King  of  West- 
phalia. Eugene  Beauhamois  was  already  Viceroy  of  Italy, 
Eliza  Bonaparte  Grand  Duchess  of  Tuscany,  and  Pauline 
Duchess  of  Ghiastalla.  To  the  seven  monarchs  in  his  family. 
Napoleon  tried  to  add  another,  in  the  person  of  his  step-son, 
Eugene  Beauhariiois,  who  would  have  been  King  of  Sweden, 
but  for  his  objection,  and  his  wife's,  to  that  transfer  from  the 
Viceroyalty  of  Italy.    When  the  overture  from  Sweden  was 


^  ■ 


250 


BONAPARTE  KINGS. 


m. 


made  to  France,  in  1810,  for  a  king,  instead  of  the  lawful  but 
eccentric  and  troublesome  monarch  of  that  kingdom,  Bcrna- 
dotte,  the  brother-in-law  of  Joseph,  got  himself  nominated,  and 
when  Eugene  declined  it,  through  Napoleon's  assistance,  was 
selected  for  that  place.    Napoleon  and  Bernadotte  had  so  often 
and  angrily  quarrelled,  that  the  Emperor  said  ho  would  rather 
have  a  better  Frenchman  on  the  Swedish  throne,  and  therefore 
proffered  it  to  his  step-son.     But  his  wife  did  not  choose  to 
change  her  religion,  nor  Eugene  to  exchange  Italy  for  Sweden, 
and  Bernadotte  was  thereupon  taken  as  the  sub  ^itute.     Had 
Napoleon's  wishes  prevailed,  Eugene,  as  King        '-re*'^     and 
Lucien,  as  King  of  Portugal,  would  have  been  snperav..       to 
the  other  crowd  of  kings,  extending  from  the  extreme  bouth 
to  the  extreme  north  of  Europe,  governing  many  of  the  finest 
countries.     It  was  also  Napoleon's  wish  to  endow  his  mother 
with  a  principality,  by  creating  her  Princess  of  Corsica,  which 
was  prevented  by  her  preference   for   domesticity  with   her 
childrei),  residence  at  either  Paris  or  Rome,  and  the  modera- 
tion of  her  desires,  not  her  son's,  the  Emperor. 

These  monstrous  mistakes  of  unscrupulous  ambition  were 
not    altogether   Avithout  feeling.     Napoleon's    heart    misled 
his  head  in  the  selection  of  his  brothers,  instead  of  other 
instruments.     Both  Louis  the  Fourteenth   as  well  as  Louis 
Philippe  furnished,  the  former  an  example,  the  latter  an 
imitation,  in  their  more  successful  attempts  on  the  Spanish 
throne,  where  the  descendants  of  Louis  the  Fourteenth's 
grandson  yet  reign,  and  the  son  of  Louis  Philippe  is  closely 
allied  by  marriage.     But  while  Spain  and  Naples,  as  well  as 
Westphalia,  were  all  benefited  by  Bonaparte  kings,   great 
detriment  to  Napoleon  resulted  from  his  inordinate  aggran- 
dizement, in  unsuccessfully  placing  brothers  on  those  thrones. 
Nothing  but  success  can  justify  or  excuse  such  ambition. 
And,  except  Jerome,  every  one  of  Napoleon's  three  other 
brothers  revolted,  Lucien  and  Louis  forcibly,  Joseph  by  strong 
remonstrances,  against  the  Emperor.    Brotherhood  required 
and  authorized  declaratidns  and  acta  of  independence  which 
other  agents,  in  their  stead,  need  not  and  probably  would  not 
have  resorted  to.    Lucien  Bonaparte  was  inflexibly  opposed  to 


BONAPARTE   KINGS. 


251 


tcad  of  the  lawful  but 

that  kingdom,  Bcrna- 

limsolf  nominated,  and 

olcon's  assistance,  was 

crnadotto  had  so  often 

)r  said  ho  would  rather 

1  throne,  and  therefore 

wife  did  not  choose  to 

ange  Italy  for  Sweden, 

the  sub'Mtute.     Had 

King        i-rei^r     and 

ve  been  snperai.^       to 

'om  the  extreme  boath 

ling  many  of  the  finest 

h  to  endow  his  mother 

ncess  of  Corsica,  which 

domesticity  with    her 

Rome,  and  the  modera- 

Uniperor. 

'upulous  ambition  were 

poleon's    heart    misled 

thers,  instead  of  other 

?enth   as  well  as  Louis 

ixample,  the  latter  an 

tempts  on  the  Spanish 

Jouis  the  Fourteenth's 

ouis  Philippe  is  closely 

and  Naples,  as  well  as 

Bonaparte  kings,   great 

his  inordinate  aggran- 

tthers  on  those  thrones. 

excuse  such  ambition. 

Napoleon's  three  other 

rcibly,  Joseph  by  strong 

Brotherhood  required 

of  independence  which 

and  probably  would  not 

vas  inflexibly  opposed  to 


any  crown.  When  he  married  his  second  wife,  the  widow 
Joubcnthou,  as  before-mentioned,  in  defiance  of  Napoleon's 
resistance  to  that  marriage,  the  brothers  quarrelled,  separated, 
and  lived  apart  for  several  years.  Lucien  retired  to  Rome, 
whore  ho  was  welcomed  and  favoured  by  Pope  Pius  tho 
Seventh,  who,  as  Bishop  of  Imola,  had  avowed  sentiments 
almost  as  democratic  as  those  of  Lucien.  In  1807,  when  Na- 
poleon was  at  Venice,  Joseph,  then  King  of  Naples,  on  »  visit 
to  the  Emperor,  always  conciliating,  obtained  tho  Emperor's 
consent  to  a  private  interview,  requested  by  Lucien,  in  a  letter 
from  Modena  to  Joseph.  At  night,  the  Emperor's  secretary, 
1  liiu'.  I,  conducted  Lucien  from  the  inn,  where  he  was  incog- 
nito, by  private  ways,  to  the  Emperor's  cabinet.  They 
were  together  till  near  midnight,  when  Lucien  left  the  apart- 
ment, his  eyes  red  with  tears  shed  in  angry  controversy 
between  the  two  equally  unyielding  brothers.  Napoleon 
warmly  urged  Lucien  to  renounce  his  wife,  for  whom  splendid 
provision  should  be  made,  and  return  to  France,  whence  Napo- 
leon would  place  him  on  the  throne  of  Portugal.  Lucien  per- 
emptorily and  passionately  refused  a  throne,  on  condition  that 
he  should  renounce  the  wife  by  whom  he  then  had  several 
children.  With  deep  emotion,  and  eyes  inflamed  with  tears, 
as  he  left  the  Emperor's  room,  Lucien  said  to  Meneval,  that 
nothing  should  induce  him  to  sacrifice  his  family,  or  forego  his 
independence,  and  that  he  then  left  bi's  brother  Napoleon,  pro- 
bably, for  ever.  The  Emperor,  still  hoping  to  prevail  on 
Lucien  to  marry  a  princess,  and  mount  a  throne,  charged  both 
Talleyrand  and  Fouch^  to  endeavour  to  induce  him  to  consent. 
But  so  indignantly  averse  was  Lucien,  that,  when  Napoleon 
intimated  that  the  handsome  widow  Lucien  married  was  not 
as  virtuous  as  she  was  handsome,  Lucien  is  said  to  have 
fiercely  retorted,  "And,  pray,  how  virtuous  was  the  widow 
you  married  ?" 

At  that  angry  midnight  interview,  Napoleon,  however,  got 
Lucien's  consent  to  allow  his  daughter  Charlotte  to  be  mar- 
ried to  the  Prince  of  Asturias,  then  soliciting  a  wife  of  the 
Bonaparte  family.  Charlotte  was  accordingly  taken  from 
Italy  to  Paris,  preparatory  to  her  marriage  with  Ferdinand 


252 


BONAPARTB  KINGS. 


VIL,  but  finally  declined  the  royal  match,  returned  to  hor 
father,    and    married    the   Italian    prince    Gabrielli.      Pope 
Pius   the   Seventh   created  Lucien'B  estate,    called   Canino, 
near  Rome,  a  principolity,  where  Lucien  remained,  estranged 
from  Napoleon,  and  speaking  contemptuously  of  his  imperial 
follies,  as  he  called  them.    When  the  Emperor  repudiated 
Josephine,  to  marry  another  wife,  alarmed  by  that  extreme 
transaction,  Lucien  fled  from  the  possibility  of  being  himself 
forcibly  married  to  some  princess.    With  the  Emperor's  per- 
mission, which  he  solicited,  Lucien  sought  an  asylum  in  Ame- 
rica, where  alone  he  would  be  safe  from  the  possibility  of  his 
being  forced  to  mount  a  throne.     On  the  6th  August,  1810, 
embarking  with  his  family  for  this  country,  he  was  driven-  by 
a  storm  on  the  coast  of  Cagliari,  where  the  King  of  Sardinia 
was  too  fearful  of  Napoleon's  displeasure  to  let  his  disobedient 
fugitive  brother  even  land.    Putting  to  sea  again,  Lucien's 
vessel  was  taken  by  an  English  cruiser  to  Malta;  whence, 
after  some  months'  detention,  he  was  conveyed  to  England. 
Landed  at  Plymouth,  the  18th  December,  1810,  he  wos  suf- 
fered, as  a  prisoner  at  large,  to  establish  himself  at  Tomgrave, 
near  Ludlow,  where  he  spent  the  four  last  years  of  Napoleon's 
empire,  in  literary  retirement.    In  April,  1814,  the  treaty  of 
Paris  set  him  free,  when  he  returned  to  Rome,  welcomed  as 
usual  by  the  Pope.    While  in  England,  he  completed  his  poem 
called  Charlemagne,  an  epic  in  twenty-four  books,  of  which  I 
have  a  copy,  presented  by  Joseph. 

Louis  Bonaparte's  aversion  to  the  throne  which  Napoleon 
compelled  him  to  mount  was  as  marked  as  Lucien's.  His  bro- 
ther, by  whom  he  was  brought  up,  compr  iled  him  to  marry 
Hortensia  Beauharnois,  when  Louis's  affection  was  avowed  for 
her  cousin  Lapagerie.  Four  years  afler  that  event,  which  Louis 
never  ceased  to  deplore  as  worse  than  any  mis-alliance,  giving 
rise  to  continual  alienation  between  him  and  his  brother's  step- 
daughter, and  suspicions  of  her  amours  with  other  men,  Louis 
was  commanded  by  the  Emperor  to  assume  the  royal  sceptre  of 
Holland,  changed  from  a  republic  to  a  kingdom,  for  the  better 
enforcement  of  Napoleon's  continental  system,  by  which,  un- 


UONAPARTE   KINOP. 


268 


mtch,  returned  to  licr 

inco    GabricUi.      Popo 

estate,   called   Canino, 

m  remained,  estranged 

tuously  of  his  imperial 

le  Emperor  repudiated 

.rmed  by  that  extreme 

}ilit7  of  being  himself 

Tith  the  Emperor's  pcr- 

;ht  an  asjlum  in  Amc- 

n  the  possibility  of  his 

the  5th  August,  1810, 

ntry,  he  was  driven-  by 

e  the  King  of  Sardinia 

re  to  let  his  disobedient 

to  sea  again,  Lucien's 

ser  to  Malta;  whence, 

conveyed  to  England. 

nber,  1810,  he  was  suf- 

ih  himself  at  Tomgrave, 

ast  years  of  Napoleon's 

)ril,  1814,  the  treaty  of 

to  Rome,  welcomed  as 

I,  he  completed  his  poem 

f-hvtr  books,  of  which  I 

throne  which  Napoleon 
d  as  Lucien's.  His  bro- 
ompfil«d  him  to  marry 
affection  was  avowed  for 
r  that  event,  which  Louis 
any  mis-allianco,  giving 
a.  and  his  brother's  step* 
8  with  other  men,  Louis 
lume  the  royal  sceptre  of 
,  kmgdom,  for  the  bettier 
d  system,  by  which,  un- 


alilc  to  rcnch  England  on  land,  or  to  cope  with  her  at  sea,  ho 
was  to  conquer  the  sea  ashore.  Louis,  professing  his  antipathy 
to  tiiut  subserviency,  to  all  wars  as  barbarous,  and  to  hiu  ploan- 
iiig  wife  as  odious,  was  nevertheless  proclaimed  King  of  Holland, 
the  5th  June,  1806,  with  undisguised  insubordinction  to  hi? 
imperial  brother's  mandate ;  on  the  15th  of  that  month  and 
year,  took  possession 'of  his  royal  palace  at  the  Hague,  and 
soon  after  lost  the  elder  of  his  two  sons,  who  died  of  the  croup, 
]ieir-pre8umpti\e  to  the  Napoleon  throne.  Ly  patriotic,  con- 
scientious, and  wise  perforu>anco  of  his  duties  as  King  of  Hol- 
land, reducing  the  taxes,  economizing  the  expenses,  developing 
the  commerce,  mitigating  the  penal  code,  and  other  im- 
provements, Louis  rendered  himself  welcome  to  his  Dutch 
subjects.  But  by  extending  their  commerce,  which  interfered 
with  the  continental  system,  he  offended  the  Emperor ;  who, 
after  several  fruitless  complaints,  sent  for  King  Louis  to  Paris, 
pcrHonally  reproached  his  disobedience,  and  threatened  to  oc- 
cupy Holland  with  French  troops,  in  order  to  enforce  the  ex- 
clusion of  English  commerce  and  manufactures.  Louie's  reply 
was,  that,  as  soon  as  the  first  French  soldier  set  foot  in  Hol- 
land, he  would  have  the  dikes  cut,  inundate  the  country, 
druwn  the  French  invaders,  abdicate  the  crown,  and  leave  the 
kingdom.  Soldiers,  under  Oudinot,  and  M.  Serruri^r,  after- 
wards French  jainister  in  this  country,  being  sent  to  Holland, 
as  imperial  charg^  d'affaires  to  execute  Napoleon's  orders,  on 
the  1st  of  July,  1810,  King  Louis  abdicated  the  throne  in 
favour  of  his  oldest  son,  retired  into  Austrian  territory, 
and  afterwards  to  Gratz,  in  Styr!^,  where  he  remained,  under 
the  assumed  title  of  Count  oi  St.  Leu,  living,  like  Lucien,  in 
literary  seclusion,  till  Napoleon's  disasters  in  Russia,  when 
Louis  tendered  his  services  to  the  Emperor,  in  any  way  in 
which,  with  his  dilapidated  health,  they  could  be  rendered 
useful. 

Louis,  most  of  his  life  a  valetudinarian,  mortified  and  cha- 
grined by  marriage  with  a  handsome,  accomplished,  and 
attractive  woman,  and  still  more  by  his  deportation  to  a 
throne,  sickly^  proud,  querulous,  honest,  humane,  conscien- 
tious, and  uncompromising,  brought  up  by  his  brother  Nape- 


2M 


DONAl'ARTi:   KtNtiS. 


Icon,  who  assumed  over  him  piirontal  authority,  to  which  Tiouis 
rcluctiintly   submitted,    Biways    restive   under   his   impt'rious 
brother's  yoke,  solitary  and  devotional,    sought    consolation 
iu  literary  pursuits.     While  a  youth  with  Nopoleon,  in  Egypt, 
his   letters,    gome   of  which   wore    captured   and   published, 
were    remarkable    for   their  benevolent    spirit.     At   Orat«, 
after  his  abdication,  he  published  a  irovel  called  Marin,  de- 
scriptive of  Dutch  menners,  and  of  his  relish  for  the  plain, 
frugal,  manly  charaocer  of  the  Ilollanders ;  also,  a  Memoir 
on  Versification,  and  an  Essay  on  that  subject;   an  opera 
called  Ruth ;  and  a  tragedy,  Lucretia,  in  blank  verse.     After- 
wards, at  Florence,  in  1828,  ho  published  another  collec- 
tion of  poems.     But  his  best-known  work  is  a  Vindication  of 
Napoleon  from  the  aspersions  of  Walter  Scott ;  in  which  Lciig 
deplores  the  fame  of  all  conquerors.     With  extreme  but 
sincere  horror  of  their  renown,  he  declares,  that  he  cannot 
conceive  how  reasonable  beings  can  employ  their  short-lived 
existence,  instead  of  loving  and  helping  each  other,  and  pass- 
ing through  life  as  gently  as  possible,  only  in  mutual  destruc- 
tion, as  though  inexorable  time  did  not  perform  that  task  fast 
enough.    In  another  of  his  publications,  Louis  declares  that 
fulfilment  of  duty  was  the  invariable  rule  of  his  conduct; 
striving  to  harm  none ;  sacrificing  bis  happiness,  tranquillity, 
and  reputation,  to  that  primary  motive  of  man'»  being.     In 
sour,  unhealthy  independence,  escaping  from  a  throne  and 
charming  wife,  Louis  Bonaparte  spent  the  residae  of  his  pecu- 
liar life  in  literature  and  devotion^     Yet,  notwithstanding  his 
aversion  to  and  desertion  of  the  Dutch  throne,  he  claimed  it 
as  his  son's  right,  when,  in  1814,  the  French  were  finally 
expelled  from  Holland,  and  the  Dutch  people  offered  the  crown 
to  their  former  stadtholder,  the  Prince  of  Orange.    Louis  pro- 
tested ogainst  King  William's  coronation,  insisting  that  by  his 
(Louis's)  abdication  in  favor  of  his  son,  the  crown  was  lawfully 
that  son's,  by  better  right  than  William's,  given  by  the  people ; 
a  pretension  apparently  inconsistent  with  Louis's  whole  life, 
and  all  Bonaparte  assertion  of  popular  sovereignty. 

The  self-willed  ttuff,  which  Napoleon  called  his  sister  Caro- 
line's independent  spirit,  he  found  an  obstacle  to  his  plans  in 


«;ftf««r^ 


IS. 

utliority,  to  which  Louis 
under   hiit   impfrious 
lal,    sought    consuhition 
ith  Napoleon,  in  Egypt, 
aptured   and   published, 
ent    BpLrit.     At   OrfttK, 
travel  called  Marin,  de- 
lis relish  fur  the  plain, 
nders ;  also,  a  Memoir 
that  subject;   an  opera 
,  in  blank  verse.     After- 
iblished  another  collec- 
work  is  a  Vindication  of 
er  Scott ;  in  which  Lc  lis 
rs.     With  extreme  but 
leclares,  that  he  cannot 
employ  their  short-lived 
ng  each  other,  and  pass- 
only  in  mutual  dostruc- 
)t  perform  that  task  fast 
ons,  Louis  declares  that 
le  rule  of  his  conduct; 
i  happiness,  tranquillity, 
ive  of  man's  being.    In 
dng  from  a  throne  and 
i  the  residue  of  his  pecu- 
Yet,  notwithstanding  his 
oh  throne,  he  claimed  it 
the  French  were  finally 
people  offered  the  crown 
)  of  Orange.    Louis  pro- 
ion,  insisting  that  by  his 
1,  the  crown  was  lawfully 
o's,  given  by  the  people ; 
with  Louis's  whole  life, 
X  sovereignty. 
}n  called  his  sister  Caro- 
obstade  to  his  plans  in 


UONAPARTF.    KINOj. 


2r>6 


nearly  all  his  family;  in  his  mother,  hia  sister  Pauline  —  in 
his  brothers  Lucien  and  Louis  emphatically.  JoHcph  refused 
the  kingdom  of  Lombardy,  reluctantly  accepted  tlint  of  Hpain, 
frequently  and  sharply  remonstrated  with  Napoleon  agninst 
hiii  interference  there,  and  strove  to  govern  as  King  of  Spain, 
not  as  Viceroy  of  the  French  Emperor.  Fraternal  discord 
between  the  French  Emperor  and  Dutch  King  is  curious  proof 
of  the  mixture  of  affection  with  ambition  in  Napoleon's  ag- 
grandizement ;  suffering  his  heart  to  lead  his  head  in  the 
selection  of  vassal  kings.  Alarming  all  mankind  by  the  enor- 
mity of  his  empire,  he  fondly  but  unwisely  stationed  at  its 
outposts  those  who,  to  be  respected  by  their  subjects,  foU,  and 
wore  not  afraid  to  show,  independence  of  their  imperial  con- 
Ktituent,  and  preference  for  their  own  dominions.  A  Dutch 
king  for  Holland,  or  a  French  king,  provided  that  he  was  not 
a  Bonaparte,  might  have  been  the  Emperor's  willing  viceroy, 
subservient,  anxious  to  obey  his  commands,  and  merit  his  ap- 
probation. A  brother's  palpable  policy  was  to  convince  his 
subjects  that  their  monarch  was  their  patriotic  chief,  not  ano- 
ther distant  moUarch's  obsequious  instrument.  Napoleon  mult 
have  found  any  deputies  more  subordinate  than  the  brothers 
ho  chose  for  his  occasional  kingdoms.  When  apprised  of  Louis' 
flight  from  Holland,  the  Emperor  shed  tears  of  passionate  dis- 
appointment. "  Think,"  he  exclaimed,  "  of  the  brother  whom 
I  educated  out  of  my  lieutenant's  slender  pay,  with  whom  I 
shared  my  mattress,  disobeying  and  deserting  me !"  Chan- 
ning,  Emerson,  and  other  mere  American  echoes  of  British 
often  absurd  misapprehension,  denounce  as  selfishness  what 
was  but  natural  weakness,  in  the  great  dictator,  who  loved 
power  of  all  things,  but  loved  his  family  too. 

Louis,  an  ardent  lover  of  peace,  conscientiously  bound  by 
his  coronation  oath  to  serve  Holland,  flatterol  himself  that  he 
could  make  terms  with  England ;  and  sent  Labouchere,  a  re- 
spectable Dutch  merchant,  to  London  on  that  errand,  with  the 
Emperor  Napoleon's  consent,  who  made  repeated  efibrts  and 
overtures  for  peace,  which  England  always  rejected.  Annexa- 
tion of  Holland  to  France  was  the  result.  The  Dutch  national 
deputies  being  consulted,  declared  that  it  was  better  for  Hol- 


■    :h 

i. 


?>f 


-I 


8M 


BO.«APABTI  KIKSf. 


land  to  form  part  of  Franco,  if  conBtruinetl  to  support  the 
coptinontul  nyHtcin,  thim  to  rciiinin  iii»  iii(U>|)ctulent  nation  dc- 
privcil  of  inuritimo  comnierce.  The  Kmperor  Napoleon's  offioini 
letter  to  hin  brother,  King  Louiit,  on  that  occasion,  is  one  of  tin- 
most  remarkable  Hpecimens  of  family  affection,  imperial  logic, 
and  national  policy.  "Your  majcHty,  mounting  the  Dutoli 
throne,  forgot  that  you  are  French,  strained  all  the  springs  of 
your  reason,  and  tortured  the  delicacy  of  your  conscience,  to 
persuade  yourself  that  you  aro  Dutch.  Dutch,  well  disposed 
to  the  French,  have  been  neglected  or  persecuted  ;  those  favor- 
able to  England  promoted.  Your  miycaty  has  misconceived 
my  charootor,  my  kindness  and  forboaranoo  towards  yourself. 
I  insist  on  tho  interdiction  of  all  commerce  and  communioation 
with  England,  a  fleet,  an  army,  and  abolition  of  all  privileges 
of  nobility  contrary  to  the  constitution  which  I  drew  myself  for 
Holland.  Y'our  majesty  will  find  a  brother  in  me,  if  you  are  a 
Frenchman.  But  if  you  forgot  community  of  country,  you 
must  not  take  it  amiss  that  I  forget  ties  of  nature.  Annexa- 
tion of  Holland  to  France  is  best  for  Franco  and  Holland,  and 
most  injurious  to  England." — Tho  continental  system,  so  called, 
ascribed  by  most  English  and  Americans  to  Napoleon,  was  not 
his  device,  but  part  of  tho  powerful  republican  policy  which  he 
iiilieritcd  from  the  revolution ;  obvious  and  natural  continental 
counter-action  of  British  insulated  commercial  and  manufactur- 
ing aggrandizement ;  which  convinced  the  Emperor  of  Russia, 
on  his  visit  to  England,  in  1814,  that,  if  thoroughly  enforced, 
it  must  have  compelled  Great  Britain  to  make  peace ;  and  whose 
revival,  since  Napoleon's  overthrow,  demonstrates  its  republican 
aud  imperial  wisdom.  Louis  Bonaparte's  honest  and  invincible 
maintenance  of  the  interests  of  his  Dutch  subjects,  provoking 
tlio  annexation  of  Holland  to  tho  French  Empire,  is  commonly 
sot  down  08  one  of  the  unjustifiablo  acts  of  Napoleon's  bound- 
less rapacity.  My  .argument  is  less  his  justification  than  his 
description.  The  policy  of  the  continental  system  I  have  but 
cursorily  touched,  merely  to  explain  it,  more  to  describe  its 
supposed,  but  who  was  not  its  real  author.  For  its  effectual 
enforcement  Holland  was  indispensable.  It  was,  in  Nopdleon's 
management,  like  our  indefinite  embargo  devised  by  President 


e<. 


RONAIMIITE   KINiiS. 


257 


triiined  to  support  the 
iiidopondont  nation  *lc- 
pcror  Nnpoleon'M  oflioinl 
it  occiuiion,  is  ono  of  the 
iifToction,  imperial  logic, 
r,  mounting  tho  Dutch 
ainod  all  tho  springs  of 
y  of  your  conscience,  to 
Dutch,  well  disposed 
)orsccutod ;  those  favor- 
ijcHty  has  misconceived 
iranco  towards  yoorsolf. 
eroe  and  communioation 
bolition  of  all  privileges 
which  I  drew  myself  for 
other  in  me,  if  you  are  a 
tnunity  of  country,  you 
los  of  nature.  Annexa- 
ranco  and  Holland,  and 
inental  system,  so  colled, 
IDS  to  Napoleon,  was  not 
publican  policy  which  he 
I  and  natural  continental 
mercial  and  manufactnr- 
the  Emperor  of  Russia, 
,  if  thoroughly  enforced, 
)  make  peace ;  and  whost- 
monstrates  its  republican 
e's  honest  and  invincible 
utch  subjects,  provoking 
ich  Empire,  is  commonly 
its  of  Napoleon's  bound- 
his  justification  than  his 
lental  system  I  have  but 
it,  more  to  describe  its 
iithor.  For  its  effecturvl 
i.  It  was,  in  Napoleon's 
;go  devised  by  President 


Jefferson,  a  weapon,  not  for  war,  but  to  prevent  or  put  a  utop 
to  its  suffering:*,  by  peace.  In  tho  resilient  obsorption  of  Hol- 
land by  B'rance,  the  parts  performed  by  Louis  and  Nnpoloou 
llonaparto,  grossly  misrepresented  and  much  misunderstood, 
liiivo  been  dwelt  upon  in  this  sketch,  however,  ua  characteristic, 
not  political  rectifications. 

Jerome's  American  marriage  was  said  to  be  tho  cause  of  IiIm 
exclusion  from  succession  to  the  empire  founded  by  Napoleon. 
As  before  mentioned,  Pope  Pius  VH.  refusing  to  sanction 
.lorome's  divorce  from  Miss  Patterson,  tho  Emperor,  by  what 
niuny  of  his  confidential  advisers  deemed  sovereign  authority, 
dissolved  his  brother's  marriage.  George  the  Third's  dlssolv* 
ing,  by  that  said  to  be  royal  privilege,  the  marriage  of  his 
youngest  son,  the  Duke  of  Sussex,  with  Lady  Augusta  Mur- 
r  y,  was  quoted  as  i.  precedent ;  and  many  other  acts  of  simi- 
lar power.  Br!;  for  Jerome's  exclusion  from  the  succession, 
nnd  had  it  remfiinod  in  force  after  Napoleon's  last  abdication, 
and  after  the  death  of  his  son  by  Maria  Louisa,  Jerome's 
American  Bt>n,  next  ...er  the  present  President  of  France, 
might  be<iome  entith  i  as  successor  to  tho  French  throne. 
Nor  would  the  gr^nuson  of  a  Baltimore  merchant,  in  the 
drama  of  '.■  "rvDg  Bonaparte  'ents,  be  more  foreign  to  the 
scene  thrt  th(  grandson  of  a  merchant  of  Marseilles.  Some 
of  the  Emperor's  flatterers,  and  among  then  our  fellow-citizen 
Talleyrand,  held,  however,  American  oonnoxion  in  peculiar  dis- 
taste. Joseph  showed  me  a  letter  from  Talleyrand  to  Napo- 
leon, dissuading  him  from  violent  or  arbitrary  measures  to 
break  up  iTaromo's  American  marriage,  and  counselling  gentler 
proceedings  with  th«  delinquent  young  prince ;  which  oharao> 
teristic  letter  flattered  the  Emperor's  vanity  by  an  aristocratic 
sarcasm  at  the  American  match,  somewhat,  as  I  recollect  them, 
in  these  terms :  "  Not,  sire,  that  I  advise  your  majesty  to  sub- 
mit to  the  transatlantic  connexion,  for  I  can  unagine  few 
Ijreater  domestic  annoyances  than  twenty  or  thirty  American 
cousins." 

In  August,  1807,  Jerome's  atonement  for  the  American 
marriage,  and  obsequious  submission  to  his  imperial  brother, 
were  signalised  by  marrying  the  King  of  Wirtemburg's  daughter 

Vol.  IIL  — 17 


■; '.  .  « 


258 


BONAPARTB  KINGS. 


The  wedding  was  celebrated  at  Paris,  with  great  splendor,  in 
the  midst  of  a  violent  thnnder-storm,  striking  the  Tuilleries, 
which,  like  the  calamitous  ooourrences  at  the  wedding  of  the 
last  Queen  and  first  Empress  of  France,  seemed  portentous  of 
times  of  trouble.  Jerome's  princely  wife,  however,  handsome 
and  excellent,  took  her  upstart  divorced  husband  for  better, 
for  worse,  for  richer,  for  poorer,  with  admirable  constancy; 
and,  throughout  a  life  of  vicissitudes,  from  royal  splendor  to 
painful  destitution,  performed,  to  the  last,  every  duty  with 
heroic  feminine  yirtue.  After  her  husband's  >'  jgradation  by 
his  brother's  downfall,  the  King  of  Wirtemburg's  daughter 
resisted  all  the  harsh  efforts  of  her  own  royal  family  to  sepa- 
rate her  from  her  husband^  with  a  constancy  which  he  had  not 
evinced  when  submitting  to  be  divorced  from  the  humbler 
American  wife,  to  whom  he  was  as  lawfully  married. 

The  constitntioi^  which  Napoleon  dictated  for  Jerome's  king- 
dom of  Westphalia  is  too  memorable  a  proof  of  the  liberal  pro- 
cliyity  of  their  progressive  age,  .countervailiog  the  Emperor's 
military  despotism,  not  to  deserve  to,  be  incorporated  Witii  any 
acsount  of  him.  A  kingdom,  called  Westphalia,  was  con- 
structed tot  Jerome  in  part  of  that  Hessian  portion  of  Ger- 
many whose  prince,  during-  the  war  of  the  American  Revolu- 
tion, supplied  hirelings  in  arms  to  subdud  transatlantic  inde- 
pendence :  an  ephemeral  kingdom,  which  sooia  vanished,  to  be 
replaced  by  the  most  flagrant  of  the  German  petty  despotisms. 
From  the  towering  eminence  of  his  vastest  empire,  Napoleon 
prescribed  to  his  youngest  brother  ai?rittto  ooostitntion  for 
the  kingdom  of  Westphalia,  strongly  marked  with  the  popular 
spirit  of  Amerioan  institutions,  which,  whether  voluntarily 
or  involuntarily,  the  loightiest  Europetm  monarch  was  .one  of 
the  greatest  instruments  to  introduce  and  establish.  In  that 
tone  of  abso^te  command,  which,  if  not  part  of  his  nature, 
had  become  habitual  with  Napoleon,  so  as  to  be  stronger  than 
n^iture,  Jerome  was  directed  to  "  convoke-  the  d^uties  of  his 
kingdom,  half  noble,  half  plebeian ;  keep  the  third  estate 
always  a  ipajority ;  in  your  ministries,  cabinets,  if. possible,  in 
your  appelate  tribunals,  in  your  administrations,  let  the  greater 
number  of  persons  you  employ  not  be  nobles;  that  system  will 


m^w^im 


ith  great  splendor,  in 
briking  the  Tuilleries, 
,t  the  wedding  of  the 
seemed  portentous  of 
te,  however,  handsome 
1  husband  for  better, 
admirable  constancy; 
rom  royal  splendor  to 
last,  every  duty  with 
band's  >  ogradation  by 
^irtemburg's  daughter 
1  royalfiMaaily  to aepa- 
uacy  which  he  had  not 
ed  from  the  humbler 
'ully  married, 
ited  for  Jerome's  king- 
woof  of  the  liberal  pro- 
rvailing  the  Emperor's 
)  incorporated  With  any 

Westphalia,  was  con- 
[essian  portion  of  Ger- 
'  the  American  Revolu- 
due  transatlantic  inde- 
ch  soo|i  vanished,  to  be 
)rman  petty  despotisms, 
istest  empire,  Napoleon 
irrittto  constitution  for 
uu-ked  with  the  popular 
th,  whether  yolnntarily 
in  monarch  was  .one  of 
and  establish.    In  that 
not  part  of  hb  nature, 
}  as  to  be  stronger  than 
'oke>  the  dc|>uties  of  his 

keep  the  third  estate 
,  cabinets,  if  .possible,  in 
istratioBS,  let  the  greater 
nobles ;  that  system  will 


BONAPASTE   KINGS. 

go  right  to  the  heart  of  (Germany ;  and  never  mind,  though  it 
annoys  the  other  class.  Do  not  affect  to  raise  up  the  third 
estate,  but  take,  for  a  principle  avowed,  to  choose  talents, 
wherever  they  are.  Adbpt,  at  once,  the  Code  Napoleon. 
Your  throne  will  be  founded  truly  and  only  on  the  coufidence 
and  love  of  the  people.  What  all  the  German  people  impa- 
tiently desire  is,  that  persons  not  noblCj  but  with  talents,  shall 
haVe  an  equal  right  to  consideration  and  employment ;  that  all 
sorts  of  servitude  and  of  intermediate  oonnezions  between  thft 
sovereign  and  the  lowest  of  his  people  should  be  abolishedt 
The  benefits  of  tlie  Code  Napoleon,  and  public  trials  by  juries, 
will  be  distinctive  characteristics  of  your  monarchy,  on  whose 
effects  I  count  more  for  its  establishment  and  extension  thah 
the  greatest  victories.  The  people  must  enjoy  liberty,  equality, 
and  happiness  unknowA  to  the  other  people  of  Germanj.  Such 
govemm^t  will  be  a  stronger  barrier  for.  yott  against  Russia 
than  fortified  places  or  French  protection.  What  people  Would 
wish  -to  return  under  the  arbitrary  rule'  of  Russia^  after  tasting 
the  benefits  of  a  wise  and  liberal  administration  ?  The  peppld 
of  G«rmaqy,  those  of  France,  of  It^y,  and  of  Spain,  desire 
equality  and  liberal  ideas.  In  the  many  years  that  I  have 
been  conducting'  the  afihirs  of  Europe,  I  have  had  occasion  to 
be  convinced  that  the  grumbling  of  the  privileged  is  contrary 
io  general  opinion.  Be  a  constitutional  king,  which j  if  even 
the  reason  and  Hghts  of  the  age  'Were  not  enough^  in  your  po- 
sition, good  p^i'licy  would  dirpct." 

Thus  created,  ctoifneA  and  regulated,  Jerome  estabkshed 
himself  a*  Gasselj '  anodiep- not  unconscious  but  voluntary 
agent  of  the  freedom  i^eh,  from  France  and  an  Emper<nr, 
was  spreading  titf  oughout  all  Europe,  precursor  of,  at  any  rate, 
representa^ve,  and  perhaps  r^ublioan  government.  King 
Jerome  was  reco^piiMd  aa  a  constitutional  monarch  by  all 
the  powers  of  Etirope,  except  England— especially  by  the  Rus- 
sian Emperor,  concealing  his  anpoyance  at  the  erection  of  the 
kingdom  of  Westphalia.  As  in  Naples,  and- in  Spain,  Napo- 
leon aad  Joseph^  so  Jerome  foiinded  liberty  and  equality  in 
Westphalia^  where  the  youngei^  brother  governed  with  good 


% 


260 


BONAPARTB  KINGS. 


sense,  establishing  useful  institutions,  and  constructing  monu- 
mental embellishments. 

In  Naples,  in  Spain,  in  Germany,  wherever  Napoleon  en- 
throned his  brothers,  they  were,  each  one  of  them,  and  his  two 
reigning  sisters  likewise,  much  better  rulers  than  the  monarchs 
they  supplanted.  And,  while  Napoleon's  ambition  was  the 
leading  motive  for  their  enthronement,  yet  family  attachment 
was  also  an  amiable  but  fatal  motive.  The  policy  which  builds 
and  enlarges  empires,  which  necessitates,  and  thereby  warrants 
Great  Britain  to  subdue  hundreds  of  millions  in  India,  Russia 
to  incorporate  Poland,  Austria  to  annex  Himgary  and  parts 
of  Italy,  and  this  pacific  republic  the  vast  dominions  already 
annexed,  by  purchase  and  conquest,  to  its  Union,  that  policy 
may  better  justify  Napoleon's  occupation  of  Spain,  or  invasion 
of  Russia,  than  his  attempts  can  be  vindicated  to  establish,  at 
once,. so  many  brothers  and  sisters  on  more  than  half  a  dozen 
thrones.  No  acts  of  despotic  aggrandizement  were  so  inju- 
rious to  him  as  those  domestii:  weakneeees.  The  Bonaparte 
family  ruined  the  Napoleon  dynasty.  For  one  apd  th6  same 
household  to  mount  the  thrones  of  France,  Spain,  Naples, 
Holland,- parts  of  Germany  and  Italy,  as  so  many  separate 
monifi'chs,  was  monstrous  and  insufferable  violence  to  all  esta- 
blished ideas  of  balanced  power,  and  shocked  the  common 
sense  of  Europe  altogether.  It  was,  moreover,  as  contemptible 
as  it  was  formidable.  Aristocracy  sneered,  royalty  revolted  at 
sudden  upstarts,  whom  no  power,  pomp,  or  talents,  could  save 
from  even  popular  contempt.  Not  only  did  the  pettiest  princes 
look  down  on  them,  but  they  were  obliged  to  look  up  to  the 
pettiest  descendants  of  princely  ancestral  families.  Military 
subjugation  might  dethrone  and  intimidate,  but  it  could  not 
reconcile  people  to  novel  installations  so  numerous,  of  whom 
every,  and  even  one,  was  extremely  difficult  of  acceptance. 
The  principle  of  legitimate  succession,  by  primogeniture,  to 
thrones  and  possessions,  is  a  reasonable  method,  for  prevent- 
ing controversy  and  civil  wars,  like  last  wills  and  testa- 
ments, which  ages  sanction.  To  tread  such  traditions  under 
foot,  at  once,  by  the  substituted  principle  of  elective  right, 
hard  to  be  adopted  by  one  nation,  when  asserted  fi^  six  or 


'^issmsm 


1. 


BOKAFAllTE   KINGS. 


261 


nd  constructing  monu- 

ivherever  Napoleon  en- 
le  of  them,  and  his  two 
lers  than  the  monarchs 
on's  ambition  was  the 

yet  family  attachment 
The  policy  which  builds 
I,  and  thereby  warrants 
lillions  in  India,  Russia 
ex  Htmgary  and  parts 
<rast  dominions  already 

its  Union,  that  policy 
m  of  Spain,  or  invasion 
adicated  to  establish,  at 
more  than  half  a  dozen 
dizement  were  so  inju- 
lesses.     The  Bonaparte 

For  one  apd  thd  same 
France,  Spain,  Naples, 
r,  as  BO  many  separate 
kble  violence  to  all  esta- 
1  shocked  the  common 
oreover,  as  co&temptible 
jred,  royalty  revolted  at 
p,  or  talents,  could  save 
J  did  the  pettiest  princes 
liged  to  look  up  to  the 
tral  families.  Military 
uidate,  but  it  could  not 
;  so  numerous,  of  whom 

difficult  of  acceptance, 
a,  by  primogeniture,  to 
ble  method  for  prevent- 
e  last  wills  and  testa- 
ul  such  traditions  under 
Qciple  of  elective  right, 
hen  asserted  for  six  or 


seven  chief  magistrates  all  at  once,  and  then  coupled  with  the 
exploded  hereditary  rule,  appeared  irrational,  alarmed  predi- 
lections, was  displeasing  to  the  common  people.  Napoleon 
was  obliged  to  adopt  election  as  the  basis  of  his  own  empire ; 
and  novel  methods  for  all  the  kingdoms,  dukedoms,  royalties 
and  aristocracies  he  established  by  great  ohanges,  proclaimed 
as  reforms,  which,  tending  to  overthrow  absolute,  introduce  a 
representAtive  government.  But  for  a  Bonaparte  dynasty 
to  force,  all  at  once,  any  novelty  on  several  countries,  for  the 
advancement  to  royalty  of  seven  brothers  and  sisters,  was  an 
undertaking  unexampled,  much  more  disturbing  of  old  habits 
than  revolution  in  any  one  of  those  countries.  The  enchant- 
ment of  Napoleon's  exploits  and  talents,  together  with  the  state 
of  France,  i^co%dled  that  nation  not  only  to  submission  to  his 
sway,  but  also,  perhaps,  to  perpetuate  it  by  substituting  his 
family  for  one  bom  to  rule  thefn.  But  trhat  had  Joseph  done 
to  entitle  him  to  the  Sicilian  or  the  Spanish  thrones,  on  ooth 
of  which  he  was  forced  by  French  armies  ?  Or  Louis,  who  was 
by  like  mtians,  and  almost  against  his  own  will,  seated  on  the 
Dutch  throne  ?  or  Murat,  or  Eliza,  or  -Caroline,  or  Jerome,  in 
German  grand-duchies,  Neapolitan  and  German  kingdoms  ;  all 
conquered  for  them  by  Napoleon;  all  but  satellites  of  his 
orb?  Neither  circumstances  nor  reason  Warranted,  nothing 
but  force  eflTected,  their  ascension  to  five  or  six  foreign  thrones, 
of  which  they  wore  usurpers.  The  simple  sagacity  of  mother 
wit,  like  animal  instinct,  truer  than  reason,  warned  their  illi- 
terate mother  to  foretell  that  such  contrivances  would  not  end 
well.  And  the  also  but  little  educated  American  Empress, 
however  enamoured  of  rcgai  and  aristocratic  splendor,  con- 
fessed inexplicable  apprehension  that,  fVom  that  immense 
elevation,  there  was  imminent  danger  of  a  fall.  The  whole 
Spanish  people  unanimously  revolting  against  Joseph,  Louis's 
flight  from  Holland,  and  Locien's  Escape  from  Italy,  Je- 
rome's Westphalian  kingdom  provoking  the  Russian  war, 
and  Murat^s  desertion  of  Napoleon  at  the  crisis  of  his  fate, 
all  proved  the  fatal  mistakes  by  which,  whether  from  family 
affection,  or  selfish  ambition,  he  forced  so  many  nations 
to  submit  to  his  brothers  and  sisters  as  their  illegitimate  mo- 


''   J 


.      NOBILITT. 

nwchfl.    He  might  plead,  with  truth,  that  the  present  reigning 
house  of  Hapsburg  began  to  rule  much  of  Germany  with  no 
older  or  stronger  right  than  his  to  make  France  his  hereditary 
empire;  that  Louis  XIV.,  in  spite  of  all  Europe  in  arms  to 
•prevent  it,  estabUshed  his  grandson  on  the  Spanish  throne; 
and  that  William  III.,  by  revolution,  supplanted  the  roya 
family  expelled  from  the  English  throne.    But  those  were  all 
individual,  and  two  of  them  royal,  instances  of  one  ruler,  by 
force  or  chance,  seated  on  the  throne  of  one  nation.    Never, 
before,  was  the  attempt  made  by  arms  to  compel  many  nations 
of  Europe  to  accept  several  members  of  one  family  as  their 
hereditary  monarchs  all  at  once.  ' 

As  a  neoessary  consequence  of  Napoleon's  French  Empire, 
an  aristocracy  was  constituted,  an  imperial  nobiiity,  baseless, 
transient,   and   incongruous,  with    aristocratic  vitality.     A 
throne,  mounted  sword  in  hand  by  one  of  the  people^  by 
their  election,  but  no  other  sovereignty  than  popular  basis, 
must  be  precarious  of  tenure.    Has  there  ever  been  such  a 
oneinmodern^Europe?    Dynasties  have  been  changed.    But 
when  Louis  XIV.  put  his  grandson  on  the  Spanish  throne,  and 
when  ParUament  elected  WUUam  IH.  to  the  English  throne, 
there  were  royal  pretensions  and  eonnerions  to  give  color  of 
right.    Before  Bernadotte  became  Kii)g  of  Sweden,  he  was 
famiUariaed  to  the  nation  as  th^ir  prince  and  heir-presumptive 
to  the  crown,  andto  all  Europe  as  successful  leader  of  their 
combined  armies  against  Napoleon.    A  conqueror  may  capture 
a  throne,  peradventure  keep  and  transmit  it  in  his  family.    But 
to  create  a  ckss  without  privUeges,  as  the  French  Emperor 
attempted,  to  endow  thesji  with  imposing  titles  and  gorge  them 
with  enormous  wealth,  without  any^ower  but  that  of  wealth, 
or  any  distinction  but  title,  will  not  xfiake  an  aristocracy. 
Wealth  alone,  hoifever  powerful,  will  not  ennoble;  nor  mere 
title,  without,  both  wealth  and  power.    To  render  men  noble, 
they  inust  have  privileges.    Give  the  v»nquii>er  of  Napoleon 
at  Waterloo  the  ten  millions  bestowed  o»  Wellington,  legaliae 
their  exclittive  posaession  and  transmission  te  an  heir  by  entail 
and  primogeniture,  wid  make  h'm.  with  his  heir,  hereditary 
lawgivers,  irith  all  the  attributes  and  anmuoitiea  of  legislation, 


NOBILITT. 


268 


lat  the  present  reigning 
cb  of  Germany  ytith.  no 
:e  France  hie  hereditary 
all  Europe  in  arms  to 
m  the  Spanish  throne; 
supplanted  the  royal 
ne.  But  those  were  all 
stances  of  one  ruler,  by 
of  one  nation.  Never, 
to  compel  many  nations 
I  of  one  family  as  their 

>oIeon's  French  Empire, 
iperial  nobiiity,  baseless, 
iristocratic  vitality.  A 
'  one  of  the  people;  by 
;nty  than  popular  basis, 
there  ever  been  such  a 
lave  been  changed.  But 
i  the  Spanish  throne,  and 
I.  to  the  English  throne, 
nenons  to  give  color  of 
^g  of  Sweden,  he  was 
nee  and  heir-presumptive 
successful  leader  of  their 
A  cpnqueror  may  capture 
imit  it  in  his  family.  But 
as  the  French  Emperor 
ing  titles  luad  gorge  them 
power  but  that  of  wealth, 
ot  lOake  an  aristooracy. 
il  not  ennoble;  nor  mere 
To  render  men  noble, 
)  vanquii^er  of  Napoleon 
(l  on  Wellington,  legalise 
i^ion  te  an  heir. by  entail 
irith  his  beiX)  hereditary 
immunities  of  legislation, 


and  Arthur  Wellesliey,  not  only  the  father,  but  the  son,  would 
be  ais  eminent  and  dignified  without  as  with  title.  There  would 
be  no  occasion  to  call  him  Duke :  for  it  is  not  the  title,  but 
w6alth  and  privilege  perpetuated  in  exclusion  of  other  people, 
that  ennoble  a  class  unknown  to  antiquity,  and  the  creation  of  ' 
feudality.  When  Napoleon  abolished  that,  with  their  privi- 
leges, he  created  a  short-lived,  baseless  class,  like  his  family 
kings,  militant  with  his  own  method  of  government,  with  his 
dynasty,  and  with  the  nature  of  things. 

His  consular  amnesty  recalled  nearly  all  the  emigrant  aris- 
tocracy ;  of  whom  the  imperial  court  captivated  from  the  for- 
gotten Bourbons  most  of  the  few  still  abiding  their  forlorn 
chance.  Josephine,  foremost  to  surround  her  person  with 
ancient  nobility,  knew,  what  her  husband's  secretary  Meneval 
says,  that  the  Emperor's  inclination  for  them'  proceeded  from 
the  sympathy  he  always  felt  for  classes,  the  antiquity  of  whose 
services,  as  well  as  their  good  education,  pointed  them  out 
particularly  to  his  attention.  He  thought  them  more  inte- 
rested in  the  order  of  things  which  he  founded  than  republi- 
cans, always  iniipioal  to  the  principles  of  his  administration, 
and  dreaming  an  ideal  govermnent.  He  considered  himself  as 
having  taken  the  succession  of  the  monarchies  which  preceded 
his,  but  not  their  maxims.  That  was  one  of  the  motives,  of  his 
partiality  for  Talleyrand,  as  a  leading  intermediate  in  the  work 
of  fusion  and  conciliation  between  the  old  nobility  and  new. 
He.  made  some  of  the  old  dukes  senators.  For  the  foreign  re- 
lations, he  considered  that  ambassadors  t&ken  from  the  ancient 
castes  would  better  suit  courtly  intimacies,  and,  by  affiliating 
with  the  freemasonry  of  aristoorao^,  be  of  great  advantage  to 
him.  With  these  inclu|tion8  <^  the  Emperor,  the  poverty* 
vanity,  and  habita  ef  jme  pld  nobles  coincided.  In  a  short 
time  there  was  not  a'l^ench  old  noble  family,  some  of  whose 
members  were  not  in  the  U'  ry  of  the  new  court,  insinuating 
themselves  into  nameroos  plaiei  at  the  capital  ^and  in  the  pro- 
vinces, bom,  as  they  believed,  to  live  without  labor,  on  public 
bounty.  The  small  remnant  of  still  Bonrbon-adhering  and 
exiled  royalists  were  glad  to  see  their  children  taking  office 
under  the  Empire.    The  French  minister  in  this  country,  Ser- 


'm, 


\ 


9M 


NOBILITT. 


nirier,  a  man  of  the  republic,  without  ancestry,  had  for  secre- 
tary the  son  of  an  ancient  duke,  Caraman,  adhering  to  the 
Bourbons,  another  of  whoso  soas  was  serving  the  Emperor  in 
arms.  '         - 

Thus  inclined  himself,  urged  by  his  wife,  who  was  its  first 
great  victim,  and  encouraged  by  the  aristocracy,  who  more 
than  reciprocated  his  caresses,  Napoleon  attempted  a  compo- 
site order,  on  a  perilous  basis.  His  meddlesome  governance, 
intruding  in  every  household,  regulating  ladies'  dress,  gentle- 
men's entertainments,  and  the  marriages  of  both,  anciently 
royal,  was  not  perhaps  so  erroneous,  in  the  essayed  fusion  and 
consolidation  of  the  old  with  a  new  nobility,  as  his  attempt  to 
establish  unprivileged  and  merely  titular  opulent  aristocracy. 
Equality  was  carried  to  strange  extremes,  when  the  barefooted 
tailor-boy,  who  ran  Joseph's  errands  in  Corsica,  Sebastiani,  was, 
by  authority,  married  to  a  daughter  of  the  Duke  of  Coigny, 
and  the  issue  of  that  union  to  a  son  of  the  Duke  of  Ghoiseul, 
Praslin,  whose  tragic  murder  of  his  wife  was  one  of  its  results. 
Granting,  however,  the  policy  of  the  monarcli's  marrying  his 
military  upstart  celebrities  to  the  daughters  of  ancient  nobles, 
it  was  a  capital  mistake  to  create  an  aristocracy  without  pri- 
vileges, because  it  induced  all  nobles,  new  and  old,  to  combine 
for  the  restoration  of  a  master  who  would  restore  their  privi- 
leges, and  uphold  them  altogether  as  a  privileged  class.  The 
new  nobles  were  gorged  with  enormous  wealth,  taken,  with 
most  of  their  titles,  from  the  inexhaustible  stores  of  the  foreign 
conquests  Napoleon  made  by  their  instrumentality.  The  old 
nobles  were  mostly  impoverished  by  confiscation,  banishment, 
and  depreciation  of  property.  Inimical  to  each  other,  what  they 
|)oth  best  agreed  in,  was  desire,  the  old  to  be  restored  to  former 
privileges,  the  new  to  be  invested  with  the  like.  New  and 
old,  welded  by  Napoleon's  iron  grasp  into  one  heterogeneous 
and  invidious  mass,  they  were  altogether  opposed  to  his  novel 
monarchical  system.  They  wanted  a  master  to  ennoble  them 
as  before  the  revolution.  Napoleon's  retrenchment  of  noble 
privilege  was  a  two-edged  sword,  which  struck  at  his  dynasty, 
and  for  the  eventual  alternative  of  either  a  Bourbon  king  pr  a 
republic.    All  new  nobility  must  be  more  or  less  socially  insig- 


KOBILITT. 


265 


ancestry,  had  for  secre- 

iraman,  adhering  to  the 

serving  the  Emperor  in 

.8  wife,  who  was  its  first 
aristocracy,  who  more 
eon  attempted  a  compo- 
meddlesome  governance, 
ing  ladies'  dress,  gentle- 
iages  of  both,  anciently 
n  the  essayed  fusion  and 
)bility,  as  his  attempt  to 
ular  opulent  aristocracy, 
nes,  when  the  barefooted 
Corsica,  Sebastiani,  was, 
of  the  Duke  of  Coigny, 
>f  the  Duke  of  Ghoiseul, 
ife  was  one  of  its  results, 
monarch's  marrying  his 
ghters  of  ancient  nobles, 
aristocracy  without  pri- 
new  and  old,  to  combine 
rould  restore  their  privi- 
a  privileged  class.  The 
10U3  wealth,  taken,  with 
tible  stores  of  the  foreign 
istrumentality.  The  old 
confiscation,  banishment, 
,1  to  each  other,  what  they 
1  to  be  restored  to  form^ 
rith  tho  like.  New  and 
I  into  od6  heterogeneouB 
;her  opposed  to  his  novel 
>  master  to  ennoble  them 
i  retrenchment  of  noble 
!h  struck  at  his  dynasty, 
her  a  Bourbon  king  pr  a 
lore  or  less  socially  insig- 


nificant ;  the  old  look  down  on  them,  the  community  hardly 
look  up  to  them.  The  new  imperial  nobles  were  patented  with 
splendid  old  titles  —  dukes,  counts,  barons.  The  old  nobles 
were  deprived  of  their  titles :  in  order  to  get  one,  they  had  to 
take  the  Emperor's  grant,  which  sometimes  degraded  a  duke 
to  a  count,  or  even  a  baron.  Furthermore,  as  all  wanted  pri- 
vileges, so  all  desiderated  splendid  repose.  Thoy  did  not  like 
to  be  continually  fighting  for  their  fortunes,  their  titles,  and 
their  lives,  in  order  to  maintain  on  the  throne  of  France  a 
monarch  who  denied  them  all  the  privileges  they  coveted,  and 
required  them  to  expose  themselves,  not  only  for  his  dynasty, 
but  those  of  six  brothers  and  sisters,  on  as  many  foreign 
thrones.  They  longed  for  a  monarch  who  would  protect  them 
privileged  in  peace  and  splendor.  The  old  by  ancestry,  the 
new  by  wealth,  were  rendered  so  independent  of  the  Emperor, 
that  nearly  all  the  old,  and  many  of  the  new,  were  prompt 
to  desert  their  benefactor  in  the  hour  of  his  need.  Savary, 
Duke  of  Bovigo,  one  of  the  new,  testifies  that  the  new  nobility 
were  more  faithless  than  the  old.  The  new,  nearly  all  the 
most  prominent  being  military,  may  have  been  sooner  put  to 
choose  between  themselves  and  the  creator  of  their  aristocracy. 
Still,  if  the  fact  be  as  averred  by  Savary,  it  tells  favorably  to 
those  educated  to  honor  and  truth,  and  discreditably  to  the 
ignoble  ennobled.  Although  in  all  the  wars  he  waged,  the 
Emperor  might  insist  that  he  was  not  tho  aggressor;  yet  his 
soldier  aristocracy  were  tired  of  war.  What  more  could  they 
get  by  it  ?  The  old  aristocracy  could  not  vie  in  magnificence 
or  favor' with  the  new;  the  new  were  eclipsed  by  the  old,  in 
all  that  homage  bestowed  on  respectable  ancestry  in  all  coun- 
tries and  ages.  To  reconcile  equality  wHh  nobility  is  impossi- 
ble. Napoleon  swerved  from  the  people,  when  he  crowned 
himself,  with  nearly  all  his  family,  and  put  coronets  on  hun- 
dreds of  his  followers :  else  the  people  would  not  probably 
have  cooled  to  hjm.  And  when,  without  Uieir  cordial  support, 
he  appealed  to  that  of  his  enthrimed  family  and  ill-contrived 
aristocracy,  Murat,  on  one  of  the  thrones,  Marmont,  a  semi- 
noble,  endowed  with  one  of  the  imperial  dukedoms,  were  the 
first  to  betray  their  creator,  and  ensure  his  overthrow.    His 


266 


KOBILITT. 


f'^t 


I 


monarchy,  his  family,  and  his  aristocracy,  combined  to  de»troy 
him  more  fatally  than  hia  tyranny.  From  the  execution  of 
the  Duke  of  Enghein,  which  precipitated  his  coronation,  and 
the  victory  of  Austerlitz,  whiult  emboldened  him  to  enthrone 
his  whole  family,  with  the  invariable  and  prodigious  succcsaei 
that  followed  the  further  creation  of  his  compounded  arioto- 
eracy,  during  eight  years  of  vast  aggrandizement,  from  1804 
to  1812,  the  true  glory,  the  real  power,  and  the  happiness  of 
the  dictator,  decreased ;  dread  of  bim  was  universal,  but  no 
longer  love. 

As  citizen,  general,  and  consul,  Bonaparte,  notwithstanding 
hostile  traduction,  was  really  not  only  the  greatest,  but  the 
brightest  and  purost  of  potentates,  and  might  have  lived  and 
died  with  that  claractor.     As  Emperor,  he  did  whatever  de- 
tracts from  his  lenown  as  a  man,  however  ho  may  Lave  in- 
creased his  military  fame,  or  inordinate  power.     Always  kind 
and  affectiouato,  and  mostly  judioiuus,  his  temptations  were 
immense,  and  his  advisers  many  of  them  worse  tempters  than 
even  his  triumphs.     From  the  first  moment  of  his  consular  to 
the  last  of  his  imperial  career,  two  extraordinary  traitors, 
whom  nearly  all  concur  in  denouncing  as  extremely  bad  men, 
Talleyrand  and  Fouch^,  were  nearly  always  in  his  councils. 
Family  crowns  and  multiplied  coronets  disaffected  the  French, 
and  disgusted  other  nations.    Neither  the  crowned  heads  nor 
the  coroneted  proved  reliable  in  the  agony  of  overthrow,  when 
the  dictator,  as  a  last  resort,  attempted,  too  late,  to  rally  the 
people  to  his  support.     Like  considerable  donations  from  the 
opulent  in  time  of  trouble  to  public  revenue,  which  can  never 
be  maintained  but  by  taxation  of  all  the  community,  aris- 
tocratic and  military  contributions  proved  insufficient,   the 
popular  bulk  was  indispensable,  and  though  the  common  people 
di|  not  entirely  desert,  they  ceased  cordially  to  support  the 
chief  who  had  long  shown,  and  even  in  that  supreme  emer- 
gency betrayed,  estrangement  from  them.    If  the  new-made 
Duke  of  Rovigo  is  to  be  believed,  the  new  nobility  were  mote 
faitUess  than  the  old.    But  all  nobility,  old  and  new,  were  un- 
availin|(,  without  cordi^ity  of  the  people.     If  Bonaparte  had 
never  crowned  himself  and  nearly  all  of  his  family,  and  mwy 


i'.n^iJ»'.;i4^»a%.W.i^'. 


-rrEfs*7T 


KOBILITY. 


267 


Acj,  combined  to  destroy 

From  the  execution  of 

ted  hid  coronation,  and 

Idouod  him  to  enthrone 

and  prodigious  Bucccaaeii 

his  compounded  arittto- 

;raudizemont,  from  1804 

cr,  and  the  happiness  of 

was  universal,  but  no 

na]iurtc,  notwithstanding 
ly  the  greatest,  but  the 
id  might  hare  lived  and 
)ror,  he  did  whatever  de> 
owever  he  may  Lsve  in- 
ito  power.  Always  kind 
us,  his  tomptatiuns  were 
hem  worse  tempters  than 
loment  of  his  consular  to 
p  extraordinary  traitors, 
\g  as  extremely  bad  men, 
f  always  in  his  councils. 
ts  disaffected  the  French, 
r  the  crjowned  heads  nor 
fcgony  of  overthrow,  when 
ted,  too  late,  to  rally  the 
rable  donations  from  the 
evenue,  which  can  never 
all  the  coHuuuuity,  aria- 
proved  insufiBcient,  the 
bough  the  common  people 
cordially  to  support  the 
n  in  that  supreme  emer- 
them.  If  the  new-made 
)  new  nobility  were  laoce 
ty,  old  and  new,  were  un- 
ople.  If  Bonapurte  had 
i  of  his  family,  uid  mmj 


of  his  favorites,  the  people  would  never  hnve  abandoned  him ; 
for  thoir  instinctive  attacbthont  seldom  fails  to  be  stcadfust  to 
any  man  true  to  them.  Napoleon,  in  the  anguish  of  obdication, 
reaaonod  wisely  on  the  force  of  popularity;  bcoanso  ho  had 
diminished,  almost  sacrificed,  his  own  to  imperial  elevation  and 
factitious  aristocracy.  That  society  in  Europe  may  need  to  be 
classed,  some  with  privileges  superior  to  others,  my  argument 
does  not  deny.  Several  fungi  of  aristocracy  in  this  republic 
already  attest  that  mankbd  are  prone  to  social  orders  and 
degrees.  Worthless  penonal  designations  annul  constitutional 
provision  that  the  Unit«d  States  shall  grant  no  titles  of  no- 
bility, But  our  fuDgi  aristocracies  arrogate  some  privileges, 
whereas  the  dukes,  counts,  and  barons  of  the  Emperor  Napo- 
leon, endowed  with  imposing  titlen  and  prodigious  wealth,  wore 
to  hold  both  on  the  impracticable  condition,  that  it  should  be 
without  privilege,  for  which  they  SAcrifioed  thoir  creator,  in 
ho^iO  that  another  grantor  would  restore,  as  of  old,  and  add 
that  advantage  to  wealth  and  title.  French  traditions  and 
national  vanity  required,  perhaps,  notwithstanding  the  renunci- 
ation of  noble  titles,  their  revival  for  a  monarchy.  Notorious 
revolutionists,  like  FouchtS,  to  be  conciliated  by  public  employ- 
ment, an  elective  sovereign,  with  di£Soulty  reducing  former  po- 
litical equals  or  superiors  to  inferiors,  degraded  by  titles  and 
court  garbs.  All  the  imperial  nobility  enriched  und  entitled, 
but  not  otherwise  dignified,  nnless  by  o£5ce,  barons  in,  out- 
ranking dukes  oat  of,  public  service ;  nobles,  without  privilege 
or  office,  were  without  authority.  Napoleon's  nobility,  like  his 
moilarchy,  reducing  the  pristine  influence  of  both  princedom 
and  aristocracy,  French  titles  become  insignificant,  as,  without 
both  wealth  and  privilege,  title  always  must  be ;  and,  whether 
willing  or  unwilling,  degraded* 

Similar,  and  still  more  fatal,  mistakes  of  vain  aggrandise- 
ment w^e  Napoleon's  divoroe  from  his  first  wife  and  manriage 
with  a  second.  Execution  of  the  Bourbon.prince  irnfi  extremely 
detrimental  to  Bcmaparte ;  usurpation  of  the  Spanish  throne 
was  a  carding  mistake  <tf  Napoleon,  the  fraudulent  method  more 
indefensible  tluui  the  violent  act.  But  more  pernicious  than 
any  thing  else,  tyea  more  cmsbing  than  the  ruinous  Russian 


*'\,ui 


268  DTVOROB. 

campftign,  was  the  conqueror's  servile  virtnal  confe«»ion,  that 
ho  felt  unsafe  on  his  plebeian  throne,  while  sastainod  by  only 
tho  sovereignty  of  the  people ;  and  that,  although  ho  could 
vanqui»h  and  dethrone  emperors  and  kings,  yet  his  own  throne 
required  the  cement  of  their  matrimonial  allianoo.     Josephine, 
too  old  for  any  hope  of  children,  during  fourteen  years  of  fabu- 
lous prosperity  an  affectionate  consort,  anxiously  and  admira- 
bly  rectunmended  by  her  grace,  benevolence,  and  winning 
manners,  if  sacrificed  to  state  or  dynastic  necessity,  history 
could  palliate  with  precedent,  policy  might  pardon,  and  a  more 
fruitful  wife,  if  French,  perhaps  would  not  be  out  of  keeping 
among  the  miracles  of  Napoleon's  enormous  reign.     But  a 
foreigner,  an  emperor's  daughter,  niece  of  the  last  deplorable 
queen  of  France,  was  mightiest  of  the  mistakes  of  the  infatu- 
ated conqueror,  who,  abandoning  elective  right,  meanly  knelt 
in  idolatrous  veneration  of  hereditary  illusion,  and  proc' aimed 
to  the  people  who  unointed  him  that  their  unction  and  his 
sword  were  unavailing,  without  regal  sanction.     Some  of  his 
most  incredible  victories  and  conquests,  having  brought  him 
again  triumphant  to  Vienna,  the  imperial  house  of  Hapsburgh 
was  at  his  feet,  for  a  sentence  that  it  had  ceased  to  reign,  as  the 
same  demolisher  had  said  of  the  older  and  more  royal  Bourbons 
reigning  in  France  and  Spain  and  the  Two  Sicilies.    Instead 
of  that,  by  the  treaty  of  Vienna,  signed  there  tho  14th  No- 
vember, 1809,  Napoleon  surrendered  nearly  all  he  had  won 
for  monstrous  misalliance.     The  force  of  tradition,  of  anciestry, 
of  family,  of  caste,  of  mere  fashion,  subjugated  the  victor  to 
the  vanquished.     The  humblest  of  any  of  the  American  toiling 
millions,  illiterate,  and  howsoever  ignorant,  is  proud  of  a  father, 
grandfather,  uncle,  or  kinsman,  who  may  have  served  as  a 
common  soldier,  dnimmer,  or  servant  in  the  revolutionary 
army.     Slaves  are  '  dued  for  their  families ;  horses,  dogs,  and 
cattle  by  their  races ;  and  Napoleon  yielded  to  'uoiVerBal  hnraan 
nature,  when  his  vanity  desired  ancestrail  help.    It  was  not 
true,  when  he  told  his  imperial  father-in-law  that  he  preferred 
to  be  Bodolph  of  HapsWgh ;  Napoleon,  in  all  his  immensity, 
was  not  proud  enough  to  feel  that  he  was  himself  an  ancestor. 
If,  as  long  afterwards  he  said,  with  bitter  pain  of  memory,  the 


DIVOBCl. 


269 


J  virtual  confoBMon,  tb.i^ 

,  while  Bostainod  by  only 

that,  although  ho  could 

ings,  yot  hlB  own  throne 

lial  alliance.     Josephine, 

ig  fourteen  years  of  fabu- 

rt,  anxiously  and  adniira- 

anevolence,  and  winning 

rnastio  neccf>8ity,  history 

night  pardon,  and  a  more 

d  not  be  out  of  keeping 

enormous  reign.     But  a 

!Oo  of  the  last  deplorable 

le  mistakes  of  the  infatu- 

ictive  right,  meanly  knelt 

J  illusion,  and  proclaimed 

at  their  unction  and  his 

A  sanrtion.     Some  of  his 

ests,  having  brought  him 

erial  house  of  Hapsburgh 

nad  ceased  to  reign,  as  the 

'  and  more  royal  Bourbons 

he  Two  Sicilies.    Instead 

gned  there  the  14th  No- 

d  nearly  all  he  had  won 

«  of  tradition,  of  ancestry, 

,  subjugated  the  victor  to 

ly  of  the  Americ&a  toiling 

orant,  is  proud  of  a  father, 

,0  may  have  served  as  a 

ant  in  the  revolutionary 

amilies ;  horses,  dogs,  and 

yielded  to  liQiterGal  human 

cestrail  help.     It  was  not 

ir-in-law  that  he  preferred 

leon,  in  all  his  immensity, 

)  was  himself  an  ancestor. 

)itter  pain  of  memory,  the 


nt<!*nHHin  hiid  succeeded  who  attcmptc<l  his  life  in  the  pulnco 
where  Maria  Louisa  was  born,  that  calamity  would  huvo  been 
much  IcHS  deplorable  for  the  victim,  ond  much  Ichh  calamitous 
for  Franco,  than  his  Austrian  marriage.  In  special  romoi-Hu 
for  that  offence  against  morality  and  policy,  but  still,  when 
expiring  on  his  rook  at  St.  Helena,  unworthily  sighing  for 
a  throne,  the  fallen  Emperor  justly  termed  that  marriage  an 
nbyss  covered  with  flowers,  in  which  ho  plunged  to  destruc- 
tion. Ostentatious  magnanimity  by  the  treaty  of  Vienna,  was 
but  false  forbearance  for  Napoleon's  greatest  misstep  on  the 
road  to  ruin. 

Louis  Bonaparte's  sons  wore  in  the  established  line  of  sue* 
cession  to  the  imperial  throne.  Jerome  soon  had  sons,  and 
bom  of  a  king's  daughter.  Lucien  had  several  sons,  though 
not  in  the  line  established.  Eugene,  the  step-son,  waa  a 
worthy  favorite  of  the  Emperor ;  though  I  know  it  was  Jo- 
noph's  belief,  contrary  to  a  common  impr'>sBion,  t!iat  Josephine 
had  never  pressed  her  husband  to  adopt  her  s  jn  as  his  imperial 
heir.  She  was  weak,  timid,  and  unaiibltious.  Her  son  was 
not  a  man  whom  his  step-father  deemed  capable  of  ho^Iiig  the 
reins  of  his  vast  empure.  Nor  did  Napoleon's  family  counte- 
nance hi^  divorce,  as  has  also  been  said.  Lucien  and  Louis 
were  absent  and  estranged ;  Joseph  was  engrossed  in  Spain, 
and  always  discountenanced  the  Emperor's  onion  with  any 
foreign  wife ;  Jerome  was  in  Westphalia,  and  of  no  weight  with 
Napoleon.  Theur  mother  and  Joseph's  wife,  Queen  Julia,  as 
she  was  called,  were  both  much  attached  to  Josephine.  Eliza, 
Pauline,  and  Caroline,  with  occasional  little  feminine  jealousies 
of  Josephine's  influence  and  grandeur,  werd  not  averse  to  her. 
The  divorce  was  the  Emperor's  own  act,  by  advice  of  bad  coun- 
sellors, of  whom  Fouoh^,  Dnke  of  Otranto,  the  omnipresent 
instigator  of  misrule,  was  one  of  the  earliest  suggesters,  and 
the  most  cruol  and  periinacioda  persuader.  The  idea  did  not 
originate  with  the  Emperor,  but  was  conceived  by  its  unhappy 
victim,  long  before  entertained  by  her  husband.  "^Frbm  the 
death,  as  heretofore  mentioned,  of  Louis's  eldest  son,  in  Hol- 
land, in  180'^.  Josephine  had  been  uneasy,  and  parasites  busy, 
about  a  Buccessor  to  the  Empire,  which  the  monarch's  family 


n 


^  t 


h 


270 


DIVOROB. 


It"!  tho  murshaU  might  dispute,  on  Fouoh«^  iiiHiHtctl ;  aiul,  Maid 
that  Jticobin  courtier  to  SonatorH,  the  Emperor  iit  too  fond  of 
thu  Frnpieoi  JoHcphino ;  too  good,  too  tonuor-koarted,  to  inflict 
on  her  the  pain  of  Much  a  tiacrifioo,  unlets  we  constrain  him  to 
do  what  in  indiwpcnMable  to  his  dynasty.     Nor  were  Fouoh* 
and  Talleyrand  the  only  contrivers  of  the  ill-fated  divorce,  as 
they  adviHcd  the  lamentable  execution  of  the  Duko  of  Enghein. 
If  the  most  authentic  French  history  is  to  be  believe*!,  the 
Emperor  of  Russia,  in  the  apparent  warmth  of  his  attachment 
to  Napoleon,  among  their  confidential  obaffering  at  Tilsit,  for 
Turkey  and  Poland,  not  only  yielded  Spab,  Naples,  and  the 
continental  system,  to  the  Empire  of  the  modern  Charlemagne, 
but  craftily  suggested  a  princess  of  the  Russian  imperial 
family  as  Napoleon's  wife,  if  divorced  from  his  jshildless  Em* 
press.     Afterwards,  dutring  the  war  of  1809,  between  France 
and  Austria,  ending  with  the  battle  of  Wagram,  Russia,  be< 
come  a  cold  ally  of  France,  was  preparing  to  got  rid  of  the 
distressing  trammels  of  the  continental  system.    When,  there- 
fore, an  Austrian  princess  was  tendered,  and  the  expected  Rus- 
sian  princess,  if  not  withheld  on  demand,  at  any  rate  was  not 
promptly  forthcommg,  the  same  never-failing  evil  counsellors, 
Fouch^  and  Talleyrand,  overruling  Murat  and  others,  who, 
when  consulted,  adhered  to  the  Russian  allianee,  advised  the 
Austrian  wife.    And,  as  Joseph  always  said,  the  Greek  reli- 
gion  determined  the  mikttei-.     A  large  minority  of  France, 
including  nearly  all  the  nobility,  Italy  almost  a  French  pro- 
vince, and  Spain  to  be  subdued  to  Joseph  Bonaparte's  sway, 
word  Roman  Gathelic :  and  it  might  have  alarmed  the  clergy, 
as  well  aa  otherwise  shock  public  Sentiment,  to  place  a  Russian 
princess  on  the  French  throne,  with  her  Greek  rites,  pope  and 
priests.    Napoleon's  gradual  aoqniesoenoe  in  the  .repudiation 
of  an  amiable,  devoted  and  fond  wife,  long  the  exclusive  part- 
ner of  his  bed,  was  probably  not  entirely  from  oonviction  that 
a  son  was  neoessiary'to  his  dynasty.    He  had  betrayed  so  much 
desire  to  advance  his  family  by  royal  marriages,  that  he  must 
have  deemed  such  a  one  promotion  for  himself.    The  feelbg  is 
intense  which  ranks  social  respeotahility  ahoTe  political  power. 
Campaigns,  absences,  and  flatterers,  had  also  loosened  the  hold 


•f 


tuoht^  iiiHiittcd  ;  arul,  Maid 
Etnporor  in  too  fond  of 
t«nuor-hoart«d,  to  inflict 
iloM  we  ouniitraiii  him  to 
ty.  Nor  vrerc  FouoW 
f  tb«  ill-fated  divorce,  m 
of  the  Duke  of  Enghein. 
y  is  to  be  bolievol,  the 
varmth  of  hit  attnchment 
obafiering  at  Tiluit,  for 
Spain,  Naples,  and  the 
;he  modern  Charlemagne, 
the  Russian  imperial 
from  bis  childless  Em* 
of  1809,  between  France 
of  Wagram,  Russia,  be< 
paring  tc  got  rid  of  the 
tl  system.  When,  there- 
id,  and  the  expected  Ras> 
land,  at  any  rate  was  not 
»r-failing  evil  counsellors, 
Murat  and  others,  who, 
sian  alliance,  advised  the 
ays  said,  the  Greek  reli- 
urge  minority  of  France, 
dy  almost  a  French  pro- 
Foseph  Bonaparte's  sway, 
have  alanned  the  clergy, 
iment,  to  plaoe  a  Russian 
ler  Greek  rites,  pope  and 
icenoe  in  the  .repudiation 
I,  long  the  ezolusive  part- 
rely  from  oonviction  that 
He  had  betrayed  so  much 
1  marriages,  that  he  must 
tr  himself.  The  feelbg  is 
lity  above  political  power, 
lad  also  loosened  the  hold 


nivoRci. 


271 


which  old  Josephine  had  on  his  constancy,  when  all  bopo  of 
an  heir  by  her  was  at  an  end.  Lamartine's  prurient  and  scan- 
dalous imagination  of  numerous  fugitive  amours  bus  been 
already  noticed  as  *ho  mere  royalist  fancy,  that  Napuluun  bud 
luiiitrosses  because  kings  and  princes  multiply  such  baublen 
with  impunity  and  applause.  Napoleon's  amours  is  one  of  tho 
many  fables  told  of  bim,  of  whom  all  sorts  of  absurd  inven- 
tions abounded.  So  little  prone  was  be  to  that  royal  privilege, 
that,  if  given  to  it  at  all,  it  would  have  been  more  from  vanity, 
because  it  was  king-like,  than  any  amorous  propensity.  Ilis 
rare  amours  were  like  occasional  campaign  meals,  snatched 
under  trees,  or  in  hovebi,  as  exciting  urrogularitios,  induced  by 
fascinating  women  courtiers,  vain  of  the  embraces  of  a  hero 
before  whom  all  monarchs  faded.  His  only  two  natural  chil- 
dren are,  one  called  Count  Leon,  son  of  a  French  mother,  who 
afterwards  married  a  German  ;  and  another,  Count  Walewski, 
son  of  a  Polish  lady  of  that  name,  both  strongly  resembling 
the  Emperor ;  Count  "Walewski  was  employed  by  King  Louis 
Philippe  as  a  foreign  minister,  and  is  now  ambassador,  in  Eng- 
land, of  the  French  republic. 

When  Napoleon  was  persuaded  and  resolved  to  espouse  a 
regal  wife,  for  an  heir,  there  were  no  marriageable  foreign 
princesses  but  Saxon,  Austrian,  and  Russian ;  ^e  latter  very 
young;  and  in  1809  the  Emperor  Alexander  was  alienated,  by 
Napoleon's  declining  to  let  Russia  subdue  Turkey.  The  Saxon 
princess  was  a  Frotdstant;  an  English  or  Bourbon  princess 
was  out  of  the  question ;  and  a  Frenchwoman  would  not  be  the 
regal  spouse  desired.  When  the  imperial  government  of  Aus- 
tria, certainly  the  royal  Saxon,  and,  aoowding  to  all  credible 
accounts,  the  Russian  likewise,  desired  their  princely  daughters 
to  be  the  wives  of  their  married  conqueror,  and  his  sycophants 
urged  his  divorce  for  that  purpose,  Maria  Louisa,  the  princess 
selected  for  the  saocifioe,  was  the  eldest  daughter  of  the  Em- 
peror Francis  I.  of  Austria,  by  the  second  of  his  four  wives. 
Educated  in  complete  seclusion,  and  passive  obedience,  she  was 
taught  to  consider  herself  an  instrument  of  imperial  policy, 
destined  for  whatever  might  contribute  to  her  father's  political 
welfare.    With  those  feelings  another  was  engrafted,  of  horror 


•  m 


272 


DIVORCE. 


at  the  monster  who,  she  -was  taught  to  helieve,  had  usurped  the 
throne  of  France,  steeped  in  crime,  <5oarse,  callous,  brutal, 
bloodthirsty,  and  disgusting ;  a  Minotaur,  whom  it  would  be 
monstrous  to  embrace.  The  imperial  family  of  Austria,  all 
the  nobility  of  Europe,  and  most  of  the  common  people,  con- 
sidered marriage  to  Bonaparte  as  the  worst  infliction  of  irre- 
sistible conquest.  In  such  repugnance,  princely,  aristocratic, 
and  popular— universal — Maria  Louisa  was  sacrificed  to  save 
a  shred  of  empire,  from  which  successive  conquests  had  torn 
much  away.     A  well-educated  young  woman,  tolerably 


so 


versed  in  several  langiiages,  though  not  speaking  French  per- 
fectly, somewhat  instructed  in  Latin,  which  is  spoken  iii  Hun- 
gary, could  paint  in  oil,  was  a  good  musician,  quiet,  timid,  well- 
formed,  healthy,  plump,  with  a  profusion  of  chestnut  hair,  and 
the  thick  lips  that  are  said  to  indicate  her  familyi  Josephine 
was  her  better  in  appearance,  grace,  manners,  and  experience 
of  the  world:  with  the  soft  negligence  and  sweet  familiarity 
of  a  Creole,  well  practised  in  the  ways' of  attraction ;  in  All 
but  prin9edom,  age,  and  fecundity,  much  the  best  wife.  The 
two  were  alike  in  placid,  even  tempers,  total  jkbstinence  from 
all  politics  and  intiiigue,  and  complete  subpiisslon  to  a  husband 
absolute  but  affectionate,  whose  lively  and  fond  attentions  they 
both  courted  and  enjoyed.  The  Austrian,  undeceived  as  to 
Napoleon's  manners,  habits,  and  tepper,  soon  learned  to  like 
as  much  as  she  had  dreaded  him ;  for  rarely  was  husband  more 
uxorious;  and  fi^om  Maria  Louisa's  arms  be  boasted  that  he 
never  strayed.  So  warm  had  her  attaohmebt  become^  that 
she  wished  at  one  time  to  follow  him  to  Elba,  but  was  told, 
among  other  means; of  deterring  her,  that  his  mistress,  Ma- 
dame. Walewski,  was  there  with  him.  Lamartine  paints  an 
affectipg  description  of  the  Emperor's  refusal,  at  Fontainebleau, 
either  to  consent  to  this  lady's  entreaty  to  be  allowed  to  accom- 
pany him  into  banishment,  or  even  to  see  her  for  farewell.  But 
how  preposterous  is  that  prejudice  which  imputes  it  as  unfeel- 
ing to  the  Emperor,  in  the  distraction  of  his  overthrow,  be- 
trayal, and  aMication,  to  misspend,  precious  moments  of 
extreme  disturbance  in  unavailing  sympathy  with  a  mistresfr 
vainly  deploring  his  departure,  and  urgent,  by,  going  with^ 


'*--'^^ 


DIVORCE. 


278 


believe,  had  usurped  the 
coarse^  callous,  brutal, 
taur,  whom  it  would  be 
family  of  Austria,  all 
be  common  people,  con- 
worst  infliction  of  irre- 
!e,  princely,  aristocratic, 
isa  was  sacrificed  to  save 
aive  conquests  had  torn 
roung  woman,  tolerably 
lot  speaking  French  per- 
which  is  spoken  iii  Hun- 
isician,  qmet,  timid,  well- 
ion  of  chestnut  hair,  uid 
her  family^  Josephine 
manners,  and  experience 
se  and  sweet  familiarity 
ays  of  attraction ;  in  tA\ 
tuch  the  best  wife.  !nie 
rs,  total  Abstinence  from 
subinission  to  a  husband 
and  fond  attentions  they 
urtrian,  tmdeoeived  as  to 
iper,  soon  learned  to  like 
rarely  was  husband  more 
irms  he  boasted  that  he 
attachment  become,  that 
n  to  Elba,  but  was  told, 
>,  that  his  mistress.  Ma- 
I.  Lamartine  paints  an 
refusal,  at  i'ontainebleau, 
y  to  be  allowed  to  accom- 
see  her  for  farewell.  But 
hioh  imputes  it  as  unfeel- 
on  of  his  overthrow,  he- 
el- precious  momeut»  of 
jrmpathy  with  a  mistress- 
I  urgent,  by.  going  with 


him,  to  give  unpardonable  offence  to  his  lawful  wife  and  all  the 
imperial  connexions,  whom,  no  doubt,  Napoleon  valued  infi- 
nitely more  than  any  object  of  illicit  love-j  for  love  was  not 
the  passion  of  a  man  who  said  of  himself,  that  his  absorbing 
passion  was  power. 

Fouch^  is  said  to  have  been  the  barbarous  serving-man  who 
first  told  Josephine  that  divorce  awaited  her.  The  Emperor 
having  come  to  that  determination,  afier  several  cold,  uncom- 
fortable interviews,  on  his  return  from  Vienna,  at  length 
plainly  annoitnccd  to  Josephine  the  cruel  degradation  designed 
for  her,  which  she  had  long  apprehended.  Her  son  and 
daughter  wei'e  then  employed  by  their  step-father,  and  sub- 
mitted to  the  revolting  task  of  engaging  their  mother's  acqui- 
escence. And  it  is  flagrant  proof  of  the  selfish  rapacity  for 
kingdoms  to  which  Napoleon  had  inuifed  all  his  household,  that 
at  the  first  interview  between  him  and  Josephine  in  her  son's 
presence,  he  pleading  for  her  submission,  she  entreated  the 
Emperor  to  make  Eugene  king  of  Italy,  where  he  was  then 
viceroy;  from  whieh  he  dissuaded  her,  lest  it  should  seem  to 
be  the  price  paid  for  lier  consent  to  the  divorce.  Among  the 
reflections  forced  upon  us  by  that  sacrifice  of  domestic  nffeo- 
tions  to  inordinftte  ambition,  is  the  remarkable  fact,  that,  while 
the  divorced  woman's  descendants,  the  Beauhamois,  are  now 
connected  with  several  royal  families,  the  family  of  the  hus- 
band, the  Bonapartes,  by  the  death  of  the  only  issue  of  Na- 
poleon's imperial  consort,  lost  in  a  single  life  all  such  oon- 
n^ions,  exeept  by  the  remote  an4  slender  tie  of  Jerome-s 
Wirtembturg  wife,  wliose  qhildren  were  excluded  from  the  Im- 
perial st^ccession.  Such  is  the  short-sightedness  of  worldly 
wisdom,  and  the  caprice  of  fortune.  If  Napoloon  had  lived 
as  long  as  Joseph,  or  their  mother,  he  would  have  survived 
his  son,  the  KIbg  of  Rome,  witnessed  his  wife's  cohabitation 
with  Niepperg,  the  dissolution  of  all  his  royal  connexions,  and 
the  permanent  establishment  of  those  of  his  divorced  wife. 

On  the  16th  December,  1800,  the  Senate  decreed  the  disso- 
lution of  the  civil  contract  between  Napoleon  and  Josephine ; 
and  thero'was  no  other,  no  religious  union-between  them  hav- 
ing ever  been  solemnized.     On  the  18th  January,  1810,.  the 


Ih. 


I 


..^.•^  -.x-ii^i^abi^J-^;. 


?!?l?tt1^iv  , 


274 


DIVORCE. 


diocesan  pffichtlity  of  Paris,  after  some  hesitation,  annulled 
whatever  spiritual  obligation  there  might  he.  Frofm  that  time 
till  her  death,  the  Emperor  divided  his'  attentions  between  Jo- 
sephine, whom  he  continued  to  treat  with  the  most  magnifi- 
cent respect,  and  Maria  Louisa,  to  whom  he'  was  alwayd  a 
devoted  husband.  After  his  last  interview  with  Josephine  as 
ta&n  and  wife,  daring  the  fortnight  that  elapsed  before  Maria 
Louisa's  arrival,  the  Emperor  withdrew  from  Paris  to  Trianon, 
and,  contrary  to  the  industrious  habits  of  his  busy  life,  for  the 
first  time  gave  himself  up  to  m^re  pastime,  shooting  and  hunt- 
ing ;  often,  however,  visiting  Josephine,  by  the  kindest  atten- 
tion ministering  to  her  comfort  and  enjoyments,  preservbg  her 
title  as  Empress,  granting  her  a  revenue  of  three  millions  of 
francs,  and  in  every  way  striving  to  soften  the  blow,  to  which 
she  submitted  with  gentle  but  melaAoholy  resignation. 

Although  the  first  monarch  of  the  imperial  German  or  Aas> 
trian  house  of  Hapsburgh  was  merely  a  fortunate  adventurer, 
who  succeeded  by  noble  alliances  to  found  a  dynasty  second  to 
none  in  Europe,  to  which  German  and  Hungarian  nobles  ral- 
lied ever  since,  as  Napoleon  flattered  himself  the  French  nobi< 
Jity  would  to  his,  yet  his  foreign  wife  was  parcel  of  the  con- 
quests by  whieh  he  humiliated  Austria,  whose  nobles  oould 
not  be  reconciled  to  it;  one  of  whom,  most  forward,  as  Us 
imperial  master's  repre^ntative,  to  tender  the  imperial  wife; 
and  rejoice  in  ber  marriage  to  the  conqnei'or*  Schwartzenburg, 
as  soon  as  Napoleon's  reverses  began,  w^  tie  first  to  declare 
that  the  match  which  policy  made,  polii^  might  undo.  On 
the  16th  February,  1810,  the  Emperor  Fraiois  signed  the 
marriage  contract  of  his  daughter  with  the  Empdror  Napoleon, 
whose  ambassador  extraordinary,  Berthier^  Prince  of  Wagram, 
to  marry  the  princess  by  proxy,  executed  the  eivil  contract 
with  the  great  Arehduke  Charles,  on  the  .9th  March,  and  the 
religious  ceremony  was  performed  the  11th  of  that  month, 
ISlQi.  Hollow  deraoniitrations  of  joy  and  tokens  of  amity  were 
paraded,  with  uopreoedented  concession  of  Gempian  ancient 
imperial  supreiba<^  to  that  of  recent  French.  But  t>>)  Ger- 
man imperial  family,  the  country  nobility,  and  the  people,  by 
uueqjairoeal  indications,  manifested  their  sense  ef  shaibe.    The 


DIVOlv.E. 


276 


>me  hesitation,  annulled 
ght  be.  Frorm  that  time 
is'  attentions  between  Jo- 

vith  the  most  magnifi- 

whom  h*  was  always  a 
erview  with  Josephine  as 
lat  elapsed  before  Maria 
w  from  Paris  to  Trianon, 
8  of  hia  busy  life,  for  the 
stim«,  shooting  and  hunt- 
ine,  by  the  kindest  atten- 
njoyments,  prMerting  her 
mue  of  three  millions  of 
soften  the  blow,  to  which 
iholy  resij^ation. 

imperial  German  or  Aos- 
y  a  fortunate  adventurer, 
found  a  dynasty  second  to 
ad  Hungarian  nobles  ral- 
l  himself  the  French  nobi- 
fe  was  parcel  of  the  con- 
stria,  whose  nobles  could 
torn,  moat  forward,  as  Us 

tender  the  imperial  wifc^ 
mquei^QT)  Sohwartzenburg« 
u),  w^  tie  first  to  declare 
,  policy  might  undo.  -On 
iperor  Frai^ois  signed  the 
ith  the  Emperor  Napoleon, 
jrthier^  Prince  of  Wagram, 
xecuted  the  eiyil  contract 
a  ^e  .9th  March,  and  the 

the  11th  of  that  month, 
y  and  tokens  of  amity  were 
ission  of  Genoan  ancient 
at  French.  But  t>>)  Ger- 
obility,  and  the  people,  by 
their  sense  of  shame.    The 


police  of  Vienna  were  constrained,  by  strong  precautions,  to 
prevent  insulting  popular  outbreaks.  An  old  archduke,  Albert 
of  Saxony,  who  had  been  present  when  Maria  Antoinette  was 
married  to  Louis  XVI.,  would  not  attend  the  marriage  of  her 
grand-niece  to  Napoleon.  Berthier's  magnificent  suite  entered 
Vienna  by  a,  temporary  bridge,  where  the  French  conquerors 
had  lately  destroyed  the  ^fortifications  of  the  German  capital. 
Metternich  followed  Kaunitz  precedent,  by  whose  advice  the 
haughty  EmpresB  Thpresa  complimented  Louis  XV.'s  mistress, 
De  Pompadour;  accepting  transient  dishonor,  as  not  reprehen- 
sible, If  conducive  to  ultimate  suecens.  Minor  aspirants  for 
less  power  daily  submit  to  less  conspicuous  elevation  of  castes, 
both  aristocratic  and  democratic,  and  kneel  to  vulgar  supe- 
riority for  preferment ;  like  kings,  princes,  and  statesmen  at 
unworthy  shrines.  Met^eriiich,  nevertheless,  adroitly  seized 
the  general  manifestatioh  of  Austrian  discontent  with  the 
French  marriage  to  remonstrate  against  the  hardest  conditions 
of  the  last  peace  dictated  to  his  father-in-law  by  Napoleon, 
whose  minister  replied,  that  to  his  magnanimity  the  Emperor 
Francis  as  indebted  for  his  very  throne,  and  the  Austrian 
Empire  for  its  existence.  Thus  the  inauspicious  marriage  was 
treated  by  th^  wife's  countrymen  as  odious,  and  by  the  hus- 
bai^d's,  as  conquered, -like  Italy,  lUyria,  and  mudi  more  of  the 
German  Empire,  torn  from  it^  foundations  and  annexed  to 
France.  At  Paris,  too,  there  was  .strong  feeling  of  supersti- 
tious depirecaticm.  Popular  instinct  recalled  historical  recol- 
lections of  the  misibrtanes  whick  followed  the  marriage  of 
Marift  LoiMaa's  great>^unt,  Maria  AAt(unette,  with  Napoleon's 
precuraor  on  the  French  throne, -both  brought  to  the  s\...Told, 
ta,\}  ill  Austrian  alliaaee  was  regarded  with  ominous  inisgiving. 
I^ievertoelesa,  Napoleon  and  his  court  consummated  his  unioa 
w:tli  'in  Austrian  imperial  princess^  as  the  indestructible  pledge 
of  his  peirpetuated  imperial  dyiuiaty.  AH  the  pomps  and  splen- 
dors of  demonstrative  Fnmoe  were  eclipsed  by  the  magnificent 
ostentit'on.of  M»iria  Louisa's  anriTsl  at  Strasburg  and  journey 
to  Compile,  the  place  appointed  for  meeting  the  Emperor. 
Fetes,  progresses,  and  rcgdcings  unexampled  signalized  her 
advent  with  ovation,  her  pregnancy  by  transpcHrts  of  f^cita- 


276 


harhiage. 


tion,  her  giving  birth  to  a  son,  (Sailed  King  of  Rome,  bj  deli- 
rium of  delight.  The  French  Emperor,  then  more  than  forty' 
yeara  old,  never  the  harsh  and  abrupt  despot  falsely  depicted,' 
always  gay,  communicative,  and  polite,  exemplified  one  of  his 
own  oft-quoted  adages,  that  from  the  BUbUme  to  the'  Hdiculous 
there  is  but  one  step.  The  hero,  for  fiftemi  years  absorbed  in 
achievements  filling  the  world  with  his  renown,  descended  at 
once  to  alt  the  frivolities  of  a  puerile  honeymoon ;  performing 
the  pqrt  of  a  giddy  enamoured  youth.  To  meet  his  bride,  he 
was  persuaded  by  his  sister  Pauline,  queen  of  no  other  realms 
than  those  of  fashion,  dress,  ftnd  female  elegance,  to  lay  aside  the 
regimentals  which  he  had  worn  ever  since  his  lieutenancy,  and 
throughout  his  whole  manhood,  and  put  on  a  suit  of  clothes 
made  by  Leger,  the  fashionable  tailor  of  Paris.  After  trying, 
however,  he  could  not  bear  the  change,  but  tesumed  the  uni-< 
form  and  black  stock,  whioh^  like  his  gray  surtout  and  small 
cocked  hat,  had  become  classical  a^  well  as  habituaL  Wher- 
ever Maria  Louisa  stopped  on  her  journey,  a  page  met  her 
with  a  love-letter  from  the  Emperor,  '^th  bouquets  of  flowers, 
and  game  which  he  had  killed  with  the  time  he  misspent)  long- 
itag  for  her  arrival.  He  personally  superintended  the  an;ange-' 
ment  of  her  apartments,  splendidly  furnished  the  wtdla  of  one 
room,  entirely  draped  with  Cashmere  jshawlu.  Whatever  royal 
precedents  established  for  the  reception  of  a  queen  of  France^ 
was  re-enacted  wiih  preposterous  servility.  A  soldier,  Mho 
had  followed  Napoleon  in  most  of  his  battles^  Savary,  Duke 
of  Bovigo,  aptly  sayd  of  these  backslidingt,  "  We  "were  already 
become  courtiers  more  obsequious  than  those  of  Louis  XIV., 
wd  no  longer  the  men  who  had  subdued,  so  many  peoples." 

As  the  princess  approached  Compi^gne  her  impatient  lover 
would  no  longer  bear  the  delay  of  forms  and  fetters  of  oere< 
mony;  but,  jumpiing  into  a  calasfae,  hastened,  incognito, 
with  no  One  but' Murat,  attended  by  a  single  outrider,  to 
meet,  surprise,  and  salute  his  eagerly  expected  and  Lalf-married 
bride.  Beturiiiiq;  wi&  her  after  night,  in-  a  pelting  rain,  the 
enamoured  dictator,  broken  to  no  denials,  and  yielding  to  no 
obstacles,  contrary  to  the  express  interdict  of  his  own  Code 
Napoleon,  would  not  await  either  the  dvil  contract  or  the  re- 


MARRIAai. 


27T 


1. 


King  of  Borne,  by  deli- 

7or,  then  more  than  forty 

t  despot  falsely  depicted,' 

te,  exemplified  one  of  his 

BTibUme  to  the'  ridiculous 

fifteen  years  absorbed  in 

lis  renown,  descended  at 

honeymoon;  performing 

To  meet  his  bride,  he 

queen  of  no  other  realms 

e  elegance,  to  lay  aside  the 

since  his  lientenancy,  and 

I  pnt  on  a  suit  of  clothes 

r  of  Paris.    After  trying, 

Dge,  but  resumed  the  uni-' 

is  gray  surtout  and  small 

well  aa  habituaL    Wher- 

journey,  a  page  met  her 

)  with  bouquets  of  flowers, 

he  time  he  mi^spent^  long- 

^aperintended  the  an;ange- 

fumished  the  walls  of  one 

B  jhawlu.    Whatever  royal 

tion  of  a  queen  of  France, 

servility.    A  soldier,  who 

his  battles^  Savary,  Duke 

ilidingt,  "We "were  already 

than  those  of  Louis  XIY., 

•dned.  so  many  peoples. ' ' 

pi^gne  her  impatient  lover 

forms  and  fetters  of  oere< 

ishe,  hastened,  incognito, 

by  a  single  outrider,  to 

r  expected  and  Ldlf-married 

light,  in'  a  pelting  rain,  the 

[enials,  and  yielding  to  no 

interdict  of  hii  own  Code 

:he  dvil  contract  or  the  re- 


ligious union  afterwards  solemnized  at  St.  Cloud  and  Parit| 
but  anticipated  both  by  immediate  cohabitation  at  Compi^gne. 
Such  was  the  magnificent,  fatal,  and  illicit  union  of  Napoleon 
with  another  emperor's  daughter.  As  on  all  oooasions  sur- 
rounded by  his  family,  he  introduced  tc  the  Empress  the  nu- 


/ 


merouB.monarchs  of  his  making — Joseph's  wife,  then  Queen    ii/ itw*^^^^        ||1 


of  Spain,  Iiouis's  wife.  Queen  of  Holland,  Caroline  and  her 
husband,  King  and  Queen  of  Naples,  Jerome  and  bis  Wirtem- 
burg  wife,  King  and  Queen  of  Westphalia,  Eugene  and  his 
Bavarian  wife.  Viceroys  of  Italy,  Stephania  Beauhamois, 
Grand  Duchess  of  Baden,  with  a  long  train  of  nobles,  new 
and  old,  who  attended  the  wedding  and  predicted  its  happy 
results.  Madame  Mother,  as  the  parent  of  all  the  Bonapartes 
was  called,  was  there,  less  confident  of  the  future.  On  the 
Ist  of  July,  1810,  when  the  Austrian  ambassador,  Swartzen* 
berg,  ente^.'tained  the  imperial  bride  and  bridegroom  at  a  ball, 
the  terrible  accident  which  marred  the  celebration  of  Maria 
Antoinette's  wedding  was  recalled  by  a  fire,  by  which  a  prin- 
cess Swartzenberg,  and  other  distinguished  guests,  perished  in 
the  flames,  and  the  Russian  ambassador,  Kourakin,  was  tram- 
pled under  the  feet  of  crowds  of  affrighted  fugitives  from  the 
conflagration,  which  Napoleon,  with  all  his  power  and  energy, 
was  unable  to  extinguish,  till  it  confirmed  the  popular  super- 
stition, that  his  marriage  was  doomed  to  calamity. 

Joseph  was  straggling  in  vain  againsc  unanimous  popular 
aversion  in  Spain,  Lucien,  seeking  refuge  in  America,  found 
it  in  England^  Louis,  also  flying  from  Napoleon's  dictation, 
escaped  into  Austria,  Russia  was  arming  for  the  contest  in 
which  Napoleon  fell,  Austria  and  Prussia  were  secretly  con- 
bining  for  another  conflict,  the  Pope  was  a  French  prisoner, 
the  continental  system  was  enforced  by  a  decree  that  all  Eng- 
lish merchandise  should  be  burned,  Holland,  Rome,  and  other 
distant  independencies,  were  reduced  to  French  provinces; 
I^apoleon  erecte4  one  hundred  and  thirty  instead  of  eighty- 
five  French  departtnents,  extending  France,  so  callied,  from 
the  Baltic  to  the  Garigliano,  from  the  Adria/tic  to  the  ocean. 
As  the  Emperor's  flatterers  told  him,  and  his  own  ambition 
confirmed,  the  fragments  of  the  empire  of  Charlemagne  were 


.1 


AM-t 


y-- 


^ 


/j.<*^ 


.^•■i^ 
ji^\ 
\^^ 


■fvS 


278 


INVASION  OP  SPAIN. 


put  together  under  Napoleon's  sway,  and  all  that  was  wanting 
to  perpetuate  that  empire  was  the  Bon  born  the  20th  March, 
1811. 

The  jear  1810,  so  pregnant  with  events  indicative  of  Na- 
poleon's approaching  decline,  was  that  in  which  one  of  his  most 
formidable  antagonists,  Bernadotte,  was  chosen,  by  the  States- 
General  of  Sweden,  assembled  in  extraordinary  diet,  heredi- 
tary prince  of  that  kingdom,  and  adopted  son  of  the  reigning 
monarch,  Charles  XIII.  It  has  been  already  mentioned  that 
Napoleon  preferred  that  Eugene  Beauharnois  should  assume 
the  crown  of  a  kingdom  disposed  to  strengthen  itself  by  close 
alliance  with  the  French  Emperor.  But  Eugene  ^nd  his  wife 
declined ;  and  Bernadotte  pleaded  to  his  commander,  reluctant 
to  name  him  king,  *'  Sire,  would  you  make  me  greater  than 
yourself,  by  constraining  me  to  refuse  a  crown  ?"  The  prince 
put  aside,  to  be  supplanted  by  Bernadotte,  was  said  to  be  his 
mother  the  queen's  son  by  a  father  allowed  by  the  king  her 
Lu!<band  to  perform  the  office  of  which  he  Was  incapable. 

Numerous  family  thrones,  a  nobility  without  privileges, 
divorce  from  a  French  wife,  and  misalliance  with  an  emperor's 
daughter,  all  contributed  to  Napoleon's  overthrow ;  to  which 
his  despotic  practical  refutal  of  the  principles  he  sincerely  prot  ° 
ftissed,  was,  no  doubt,  largely  instrumental.  Ddspotism,  which 
he  called  dictatorship,  forced  on  him  by  constant  and  marvel* 
lous  success  against  several  aggressive  coalitions,  misled  him  to 
place  nearly  all  his  family  on  thrones,  to  create  an  ill-contrived 
aristocrftcy,  to  repucUate  a  much  respected  wife,  and  misally 
himself  with  a  foreign  princess,  whose  family  and  country  were 
his  unappeasable  enemies.  From  those  steps  towards  ruin,  we 
now  go  back  a  few  years  in  point  of  time,  to  that  invasion  of 
Spain,  of  which  Napoleon  himself  testified  at  St.  Helena, 
"  That  unfortunate  war  dethroned  me.  All  the  eircumstancelt 
of.  my  disasterg  concurred  to  attach  themselves  to  that  fatal 
knot.  It  divided  my  forces,  multiplied  my  efforts,  opened  a 
wing  to  the  English  soldiers,  attacked  my  morality  in  Europe. 
I  confess  that  I  embarked  very  badly  in  the  affair.  The  im- 
morality could  not  but  show  itself  much  too  plainly,  the  injua- 
tioe  much  too  oyuical;   the  whole  remained  a  vile  affair." 


WiSs- 


ii^-^s^ 


*f^.t 


PAIN. 


INVASION   OF   SPAIN. 


279 


and  all  that  was  wanting 
jon  born  the  20th  March, 

events  indicative  of  Na- 
.t  in  which  one  of  his  most 
as  chosen,  by  the  States- 
xtraordinary  diet,  heredi- 
opted  son  of  the  reigning 
>n  already  mentioned  that 
auharnois  should  assume 
strengthen  itself  by  close 
But  Eugene  ^nd  his  wife 
>  his  commander,  reluctant 
ou  make  me  greater  than 
le  a  crown  ?"     The  prinoe 
ladotte,  was  said  to  be  his 
allowed  by  the  king  her 
ch  he  Was  incapable. 
)bility  without  privileges, 
ialUanee  with  an  emperor's 
eon's  overthrow ;  to  which 
)Finciples  he  ^inc^rely  pro- 
mental.    Ddspotism,  which 
1  by  constant  and  marvel- 
ve  coalitions,  misled  him  to 
s,  to  create  an  ill-oontvived 
espected  wife,  and  misally 
M  famUy  and  country  were 
lose  steps  towards  ruin,  we 
f  time,  to  that  invasion  of 
'   testified  at  St.  Helena, 
ae.    All  the  eircumstances 
bi  themselves  to  that  fatal 
plied  my  efforts,  opened  a 
3d  my  morality  in  Europe, 
lly  in  the  affair.     The  im- 
uob  too  plainly,  the  injoa- 
)  remained  a  vile  affair." 


After  such  severe  condemnation  by  the  author  himself  of  the 
most  censurable  political  injustice  of  his  life«  history  can  hardly 
undertake  its  defence  or  apology.  Still  something  may  be  said 
to  explain  what  the  author's  candid  and  repentant  confession 
does  not  deny,  was  a  vile  end  sought  by  immoral  means. 
Mack  had  bcv"  Austrian  agent  of  English  subsidies,  whose 
surrender  at  Ulm  was  announced  to  Pitt  the  17th  October, 
1805,  when  entertaining  his  pupils,  Canning,  Castlereagh,  and 
the  future-  Duke  of  Wellington,  at  dinner.  The  victory  of 
Austerlitz,  on  the  2d  December  of  that  year,  was  fatal  to  the 
British  premier,  whose  health  immediately  failed  and  declined, 
till  he  expired,  the  28d  January,  1806.  Pitt  and  Napoleon, 
bitter  foes,  both  died  of  broken  hearts,  the  one  at  forty-seven, 
the  other  fifty-four ;  both  prematurely  cut  off.  Pitt  sunk  under 
the. peace  of  Presborg,  dictated  by  Napoleon  to  Austria;  Na- 
poleon under  the  treaty  of  Paris,  dictated  by  Castlereagh  to 
France.  Many  of  his  predictions'  at  St.  Helena  have  been 
realized.  Pitt  likewise  prophesied ;  as  was  attested  by  Wel- 
lington at  the  table  of  Richelieu,  first  minister  of  Louis  XYIIL, 
in  presence  of-  the  foreign  ministers  of  nearly  all  Europe,  at 
Paris,  in  1816,.  eleven  years  after  the  prophecy  then  verified. 
To  his  guests  in  1805,  and  three  years  before  Napoleon's  inva- 
sicm  of  Spaiii>  deploring  the  battle  of  Austerlitz  —  "Spain," 
said  Pitt,  "will  light  the  first  blaze  of  that  patriotic  war  which 
alone  can  save.  Europe.  My  intelligence  from  that  country  is, 
that  if  the  nobility  and  clergy  have  degenerated,  by  the  effects 
of  b,ad  governqont,  and  aie  at  the  feet  of  a  favorite,  the  people 
preserve  all  th«ir  primitive,  purity,  and  their  hatred  of  France, 
as  much  as  ever,  and  almost  equal  to  their  lov(<  of  their  sove- 
reigns- Bonaparte  thinks,  and  must  think,  their  existence 
incompatible  with  bie>  He  will  try  to  expel  them ;  and  then 
will  arise  the  war  I  desire."  .    v 

Consolidation  of  the  two  govenunenta  of  Frimoe  and  Spain 
in  th«  hands  of  one-  and  the  same  monarch,  wad  a  French  am- 
bition by  no  means  originating  with  Napoleon.  Louis  XIY. 
attempted  and  nearly  accomplished  it,  whose  suocession  Napo- 
leon considered  his  inheritance.  Louis  Philippe  latterly  risked 
his  crown  to  marry  his  son,  in  defiance  of  England,  to  the  pre- 


880 


INVASION  OF  8PAIN. 


M'' 


Bumptivo  heiresB  of  tho  Spaniali  throne.     Spain  haa  mostly 
been  closely  allied  with  Franco ;  joined  her  in  the  contest  for 
North  American  independence ;  and,  from  the  treaty  of  Basle, 
remained  always  in  close  alliance.    But  in  March,  1806,  when 
Joseph  Bonaparte  supplanted  tho  Bourbon  King  Of  Naples, 
Napoleon  was  tempted  to  try  the  same  thing  in  Spain,  by  a 
state    of   things  which    might    have    induced    any  French 
government.      Ferdinand,   the    dethroned   King    of  Naples, 
brother  of  Charles  IV.,  King  of  Spain,  refused  to  recognise 
Joseph  as  King  of  Naples.     "If  Charles  will  not,  his  suc- 
cessor shall,"  said  Napoleon,  "recognise  my  brother  as  king 
of  Naples."     A  Russian  ambassador,  Strogonoff,  to  counteract 
the  Emperor  Napoleon's  apprehended  designs,  was  sent  to 
Madrid,  in  January,  1806,  and  prevailed  on  the  Prince  of 
Peace,  who  was  in  effect  the  Spanish  government,  to  unite 
Spain  with  the  coalitioa  against  Fraiice.    At  tho  same  time^ 
Augustin  ArgueUes  wept  secretly  from  Spain  to  London,  to 
make'  peace  with  England,  as  necessary  to  save  the  Spanish 
American  colonies,  where  General  Beresford  had  already  cap- 
ttired  Buenos  Ayres.     Urged  by  Russia  and  countenanced  by 
England,  the  Prince  of  Peace  isssed  his  ambiguous,  warlike 
manifesto  of  the  6th  October,  1806,  understood  to  atinonnoe 
war  against  Napoleon,  though  not  expressly  declaifed.    If  at 
that  time  ho  had  anticipated  Spanish  hostilities,  by  invading 
Spain,  he  would  have  been  not  only  justifiable,  but  perhaps 
successful;  for  in  such  warfare  with  the  Spanish  government 
there  would  have  been  nothing  insulting  to  the  nation,  as  in- 
volved in  Napoleon's  invasion  tro  years  afterwards.     The  end 
was  justifiable  in  1806,  and  the  means  would  be  easier.    A 
small  French  army  might  have  taken  Madrid  and  overthrown 
the  government  then,  which  several  handred  thoosapd  French 
troops  were  unable  to  effect  in  1808,  by  conquering  the 
offended  people.    But  just  when  the  Spanish  manifesto  of  Oc- 
tober, 1B06,  menaced  Napoleon,  Prussia  plunged  into  the  war 
against  him,  and  Napoleon  found  it  necessary  to  defer  the  con- 
test, become  inevitable  with  Spain,  from  French  policy.    Mean- 
time the  victory  of  Jena  demolished  the  kingdom  of  Prussia, 
created  by  aggressions  and  conquests  of  tho  ^eat  Frederic  as 


,.«Kk£Mfe< 


IN. 

no.     Spain  has  mostly 

hor  in  the  contest  for 

■om  the  treaty  of  Basic, 

t  in  March,  1806,  when 

iirbon  King  bf  Naples, 

te  thing  in  Spain,  by  a 

induced    any  French 

>ned   King    of  Naples, 

in,  refused  to  recognise 

arles  yfiW  not,  his  suc- 

lise  my  brother  as  king 

Strogonoff,  to  counteract 

d  designs,  was  sent  to 

ailed  on  the  Prince  of 

h  government,  to  unite 

ce.    At  the  same  time^ 

>m  Spain  to  London,  to 

iry  te  save  the  Spanish 

resford  had  already  cap- 

lia  and  countenanced  by 

Ills  ambiguous,  warlike 

under.  4tood  to  announce 

:preB8ly  declared.    If  at 

1  hostilities,  by  invading 

justifiable,  but  perhaps 

ibe  Spanish  government 

;ing  to  the  nation,  as  in- 

rs  afterwards.     The  end 

ns  would  be  easier.    A 

Madrid  and  overthrown 

indred  thousand  French 

08,  by  conquering  the 

Ipanish  manifesto  of  Oc- 

ija  plunged  into  the  war 

seasary  to  defer  the  con- 

\  Frendi  policy.    Mean- 

;he. kingdom  of  Prussia, 

of  the  great  Frederic  as 


nrVAfllON  OP  SPAIN. 


281 


unjustifiable  and  aggrandizing  as  Napoleon's  invasion  of  Spain. 
Jona,  superadded  to  Austerlitz,  and  England  exciting  Portugal 
to  conflict  with  France,  Napoleon  had  reason  for  sending  an 
army  into  Spain,  where  the  condition  of  the  government  in- 
vited, if  it  did  not  justify,  expulsion  of  the  reigning  royal 
Bourbon  family.  Stolidity  of  the  king,  Charles  lY.,  profli- 
gate impudicity  of  the  queen,  who  said  that  her  son  Ferdinand 
was  not  her  husband  the  king's  son,  the  base  and  ignoble,  un- 
filial  and  infamous  nature  of  the  prince,  afterwards  Ferdinand 
yiL,  as  heir-apparent  rebelling  to  dethrone  his  father,  the 
universal  hatred  in  which  the  queen's  paramour  and  king's 
favorite,  Godoy,  Prince  of  Peace,  was  held,  all  these  circum- 
cumstancefl  strongly  pleaded  .for  a  change  of  such  detestable 
sovereigns.  The  government  was  totally  disorganized ;  every 
branch  of  it  in  complete  disorder.  The  army,  the  navy,  the 
judges,  the  other  oflScers  of  state,  were  unpaid.  Thr  national  * 
debt  was  enormous,  credit  at  the  lowest  ebb.  The  whole  re- 
sources of  the  kingdom  were  insufficient  for  current  expenses. 
Shocking  quarrels  prevailed  in  the  royal  family.  The  son 
revolted  and  dethroned  the  father ;  the  mother  accused  the  son 
of  attempting  to  murder  her ;  the  favorite  was  cast  into  con- 
finement and  bis  life  endangered  by  a  mob  of  the  prince's  fac- 
tion. Both  the  royal  contestants,  father  and  son,  appealed  to 
Napoleon  to  protect  each  against  the  other.  Ferdinand  en- 
treated him  to  give  him  a  wife  of  the  Bonaparte  family,  which 
would  have  been  done,  bnt  that  Lncien's  daughti^r  Charlotte, 
chosen  for  that  purpose,  refused  the  arrangement.  The  French 
troops  marched  into  Spsdii  were  received  as  deliverers.  Na- 
poleon was -universally  popular  there ;  bis  portrait  was  in  every 
family,  his  applause  on  all  tongues.  'All  classes,  noble,  cleri- 
cal, royal,  and  plebeian,  regarded  him  as  the  hero  who  had 
subdued  anarehy,  restored  order  and  religion  in  France. 
They  intreated  him  to  rid  them  of  Oodoy,  and  maintain 
Ferdinand,  proclaimed  king  in  place  of  his  cuckold,  stupid 
father,  strumpet  mother,  and  her  detested  paramour  Godoy. 
Napoleon  had  nO  doubt  Meditated  the  substitution  of  his  for 
the  Bourbon  £unily  on' the  Spi^nish  as  on  the  Neapolitan 
throne.     The  Spanish  royal  incumbents  were  undeniably  unfit 


Ml; 


f: 


282 


IMVA6I0K  or  SPAIN. 


U^ 


to  reign.  The  Bonaporte  who  had  reigned  in  Naplofl  proved 
hlmMcIf  a  w'Ho  and  virtuouH  as  well  at)  a  welcome  monarch,  who 
might  regonornto  tho  SpaniHh  nation,  as  he  did  the  Neapolitan. 
Napoleon  would  complete  what  Louitt  XIV.  began ;  the  union  of 
Spain  with  France  under  throncti  filled  by  one  family.  Spain 
was  diMgustcd  and  distracted  by  tho  despicable  Bourbons,  and 
enamored  with  Napoleon,  who  had  no  hand  in  the  royal  Spa- 
nish quarrels ;  neither  originated  nor  matured  the  lupture  and 
convulsions  which,  as  it  were,  providentially  invited  him  to 
enthrone  his  family  instead  of  tho  Dourbona.  Entirely  and 
always  tho  creature  of  circumstances,  conforming  himself  to 
them,  and  not  forcing  thorn  to  him,  in  that  spirit  a  fatalist,  he 
might  well  believe  that  fortune  called  him  to  put  his  brother 
on  the  Spanish  throne.  - 

With  such  Spanish  and  individual  inducements,  those  of  all 
h  Europe  harmonized.  The  British  outrage  at  Copenhagen,  in 
September,  1807,  united  Rnssia,  and  Austria,  and  Denmark,  in 
fact,  nearly  all  Europe,  with  Napoleon,  in  bitter  aversion  to 
England.  That  monstrous  aggression  of  the  Canning  and 
Castlereagh  ministry  enabled  Napoleon  to  enforce  hia-  conti- 
nental system  with  redoubled  vigor.  The  same  Jaekson  who 
soon  aftor  came  as  British  minister  to  the  United  States,  en- 
voy who  accompanied  the  British  fle^t  and  army  to  Copenhagen 
with  Admiral  Gambier,  chief  of  the  British  negotiators  at 
Ghent,  commanding  the  fleet,  by  their  nefariouB  exploit,  se- 
conded the  victories  of  > Jeha  and  AusterlitK,  to  tempt  the 
French  Emperor  to  abuse  colossal  power.  At  Tilsit,  Alex- 
apder  urged  him  to  pursue  his  oareor  of  conquests,  and  con- 
tinued, long  afterwards,  constantly  to  countenance  his  family 
sovereignties.  It  was  Napoleon's  misfortune  to  have  no  oppo< 
nent  then,  nor  obstacle  on  the  continent ;  inth  infinitely  better 
reason  to  put  a  brother  on  the  Spanish,  throne  than  Alexander 
had  a  right  to  Finland,  England  to  Malta,  or,  since  his  over- 
throw, most  of  his  conquerors  to  their  territorial  aggrandize- 
ments in  1815,  which,  like  his,  were  mere  conquests.  He  was 
not  going  to  Spain  till  thus  temptjed ;  and,  'vrhen  he  went 
to  Bayonne,  nearly  all  Spain  invited  lum.  The  royal  father 
and  son  left  Spain  to  meet  him  there,  and  fell  at  hia  ieeti    Th« 


A IX. 

eigncd  in  Nuplca  proved 
a  wolcoiuc  tnonardt,  who 
us  he  did  the  Nonpolittui. 
\IV.  bvgan ;  the  unicin  oF 
1  hy  one  family.     Spain 
•kvspicallo  Bourbons,  and 
0  hand  in  the  royal  Spa- 
matured  the  rupture  and 
identially  invitod  him  to 
Bourbons.     Entirely  and 
38,  conforming  himself  to 
n  that  spirit  a  fatalist,  ho 
;d  him  to  put  his  brother 

induoomonts,  those  of  all 
Utrage  at  Copenhagen,  in 

Austria,  and  Denmark,  in 
eon,  in  bitter  aversion  to 
ion  of  the  Canning  and 
leon  to  enforce  hia.  conti- 
Tho  same  Jackson  who 

to  the  United  States,  en- 
it  and  army  to  Copenhagen 
he  British  negotiators  at 
heir  nefarioofi  exploit,  se- 
AusterlitK,  to  tempt  the 

power.  At  Tilsit,  AJex- 
eor  of  oonquests,  and  con- 
to  countenance  his  family 
isfortune  to  have  no  oppo- 
lent ;  with  infinitely  better 
ish  throne  than  Alexander 
Malta,  or,  since  hia  over- 
leir  territorial  a^grandize- 
mere  conquests.  He  was 
ted ;  and,  when  he  went 
i  Uim.  The  royal  father 
>  and  fell  at  hia  jfeet    The 


INVASION   OF  SPAIN. 


28S 


nobility,  clergy,  and  Spanish  commonalty,  united  to  auk  him 
for  a  ruler ;  and,  nt  first,  appeared  delighted  with  his  choice. 
After  the  sanguinary  suppression,  on  the  2d  of  May,  1808,  of 
the  revolt  at  Madrid,  by  Murat,  of  which  our  American  guest. 
General  Grouchy,  was  chief  executioner,  and  the  marvellous 
insurrection  of  all  Spain,  which  followed  that   catastrophe ; 
after  Dupont's  incredible  surrender,  and  since  all  the  French 
enormities,  reverses,  and  their  expulsion  from  Spain,  history 
dwells  on  the  method  of  Napoleon's  defeated  attempts  there, 
as  atrocious  perfidy,  and  condemns  its  author  as  deserving  of 
all  he  suffered  at  St.  Helena.     So  gencial    ■.'1  nigh  universal 
and  overwhelming  is  that  condemnation,  ilut  c  .'n  ho  himself, 
in  piirt,  joined  in  it,  and  it  may  be  wi'  u  "ndtnvor  to  rescue 
him  from  some  of  the  odium  of  the  ii.vasio.!  o^  Spain,  which, 
with  the  Duke  of  Enghein's  oxeoutio;i,  will  remain,  for  ever, 
blots  on  his  character.     Still  the  ciriumstances  hereinbefore 
summarily  mentioned,  show  that  the  aci  was  no  mure  than  most 
other  acts  of  forcible   aggrandizement,  performed  by'  every 
monarch,  and  when  successftil,  vindicated  by  nearly  all  histo- 
rians.    The  English  bombardment  of  Copenhagen,  in  1807, 
was  much  less  justifiable  than  the  French  invasion  of  Spain  in 
1808.    Whether  Napoleon's  policy  would  have  been  wiser  if  he 
had  given  Ferdinand  the  daughter  of  Lucien  for  a  queen  of 
Spain,  and  governed  that  country  by  a  niece,  instead  of  a 
iM'other,  Is  mere  conjecture.     Considering  his  whole  scheme  of 
family  royalties  a  pernicious  mistake,  nothing  in  the  Spanish 
invasion  is  more  oensurable  than  all  such  transactions,  with 
which  history,  sacred'  and  profane,  abounds;  whose  greatest 
demerit  is  want  of  saooess. 

Napoleon's  temptations  to  overaotion,  at  that  time,  cannot 
bo  ai^eciated  without  adverting  to  the  obscurity,  contempt, 
and  ignominy,  into  which  the  whole  of  the  aneient  royal  family 
of  France,  his. only  competitors  for  the  throne,  had  sunk. 
The  despicable  Count  d'Artois,  with  his  Cond^s,  Bourbons, 
Pblignacs,  and  other  conspirators,  had  fallen  into  poverty- 
stricken  inanition.  The  Dake  of  Orleans,  hid,  almost  un- 
known, in  a  remote  corner  of  Southern  Italy.  The  Count  of 
lisle,  as  LooiiXVIII.  Was  tolled,  long  vagabond  and  outcast, 


884 


BOURBONI. 


had  become  a  pMt.  Romia,  Pnua'ia,  Atutria,  and  othor  conti- 
nental powers,  dreading  Napoleon,  and  adulating  him,  treated 
the  poor  pretender  to  the  French  throne  aa  if  he  were  the 
Egyptian  plague,  or  somo  other  pestilence,  which  must  be 
oxcludud  from  their  dominions ;  and  he  escaped,  at  last,  not 
into  England,  where  he  was  not  allowed  eren  to  land,  but  to 
Scotland,  where  he  and  his  family  were  relegated.  Driven 
hastily  from  Russia  by  the  Emperor  Paul,  and  transiently  rein- 
stated there  by  his  son  Alexairtor,  Louis  found  refuge,  at  one 
time,  in  Warsaw,  then  the  chii  wn  of  j  Prussian  province, 
where  the  King  of  Prussia  askeu  Bona)>arte  if  he  had  any 
objection  to  the  pretender's  remaining;  to  which  the  First 
Consul  answered,  kindly,  as  was  his  invariable  treatment  of  the 
Bourbons,  that  he  had  no  objection.  Prussians,  high  in  au- 
thority, probably  with  their  government's  consent,  proposed  to 
Louis,  impoverished  and  abandoned,  to  abdicate  the  French 
crown  for  Italian  principalities,  which  he  positively  refused* 
and  of  which  proposal  Bonaparte  was  uninformed.  Louis, 
afterwards  a  fugitive  at  Yeroni,  was  compelled,  or  deemed  it 
necessary,  to  fly  thence  in  disguise.  The  whole  continent  of 
Europe  becoming,  at  length,  afraid  of  his  residence  anywhere, 
in  1808  he  embarked,  in  a  Swedish  frigate,  to  seek  sanctuary 
behind  the  sea-girt  bulwarks  of  England,  where  his  arrival  was 
extremely  unwelcome.  Always  bidding  liberal  eoncessiona  for 
royal  restoration  to  what  he  uniformly  called  and  deemed  hi$ 
throne,  in  1804,  by  proclamation,  he  promised  to  reform  the 
old  French  royal  government ;  and  by  another  proclamation, 
in  1806,  went  the  length  of  granting  pardon,  oblivion,  and 
confirmation  to  all  the  revolutionary  aets  from  1789  to  1804—- 
to  evefything  but  the  Empire  and  Napoleon.  When  he  arrived 
in  England,  so  forlorn  was  his  destitute  condition,  and  ab 
formidable  Napoleon,  that  the  ministry  refused  to  let  Louis 
land,  or  go  to  London.  He  wiis  ordered  to  Scotland,  and,  in 
effect,  dethroned  by  an  official  order  in  Ooonoil,  which,  careful 
not  to  style  him  king,  called  him  mwefy  the  "  Chief  of  the 
Bourbon  family,  who  will  find  on  honorable  and  safe  asylum, 
if  he  will  live  among  us  conformably  to  his  actual  situatipn. 
But  as  the  w«r  i«  which  we  are  engaged  requires  the  unanimous 


■■ 


:r;4^i 


Ltutria,  and  other  oonti- 
adttlating  him,  treated 
'oue  ai  if  he  were  the 
tilenoe,  trhich  must  be 
le  escaped,  at  last,  not 
3d  even  to  land,  but  to 
ere  relegated.     Driven 
ul,  and  transiently  rein- 
ais  found  refuge,  at  one 
of  i  Prussian  province, 
>naparte  if  he  had  any 
tg;  to  which  the  First 
rariable  treatment  of  the 
Prussians,  high  in  au- 
it's  consent,  proposed  to 
to  abdicate  the  French 
h  he  positively  refused, 
as  uninformed.     Louis, 
compelled,  or  deemed  it 
The  whole  continent  of 
his  residence  anywhere, 
rigate,  to  seek  sanctuary 
nd,  where  his  arrival  was 
ig  liberal  concessions  for 
ly  called  and  deemed  hit 
promised  to  reform  the 
by  another  proclamation, 
ig  pardon,  oblivion,  and 
wts  from  1789  to  1804 — 
[toleon.    When  he  arrived 
ititnte  eondition,  and  sb 
itry  refused  to  let  Louis 
ared  to  Scotland,  and,  in 
in  Oounoil,  .which,  careful 
letelj  the  "Chief  of  the 
norable  and  safe  asylum, 
y  to  his  actual  situation, 
ed  requires  the  unanimous 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


^^<if 


•»>- 


1.0 


m  M  112 


1.1 

1.25  MU  11.6 


.% 


!_•. 


Ilill  •4tSlM^ 


.K^^S'ti?: 


^ 


.#>^ 


^. 


•A. 


^ 


WiKM 
(fit) 


(llMWIMfcV>  i4i« 


^■^iM&ififimtsum 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHiVl/iCtMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


ds  mierorspfotfMettoM  MstorkpiM 


/■ 


BOURBONS. 


285 


support  of  the  English  people,  we  will  not  compromise  it  by 
imprudently  taking  ground  which  would  give  it  a  new  cha- 
racter, and  discourage  the  nation,  when  the  submission  of 
nearly  the  whole  continent  of  Europe  to  the  order  of  things 
existing  in  France  presents  fewer  chances  for  the  re-establish- 
ment of  the  Bourbons  than  at  any  other  epoch  of  the  revolu- 
tionary war,  which  Great  Britain  almost  alone  sustains."  The 
dethroned  and  forlorn  Bourbon  pretender,  landing^in  England 
the  day  that  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  in  all  his  then  enormous 
and  delusive  might,  crossed  the  Pyrenees,  on  his  way  to  subdue 
Spain  into  the  government  of  his  brother  Joseph  —  protesting 
against,  but  obliged  to  submit  to  his  hard  fate,  as  simple  Count 
of  Lisle,  was  glad  to  accept  the  almost  charitable  hospitality 
of  a  proud  but  generous  English  nobleman,  the  Duko  of  Buck- 
ingham; and  at  one  of  his  country-houses,  Gosfield  Hall, 
shrunk  into  the  disfranchisement  and  insignificance,  from  which 
he  would  never  have  emerged,  but  for  Napoleon's  infatuation. 
To  that  desperate  degradation  had  war,  aristocratical  and 
monarchical  hostility,  enabled  Bonaparte  to  reduce  the 
wretched  Bourbons. 

If  Louis,  instead  of  the'  hiding-place  begrudged  to  his  family 
in  Scotland,  bad^  likis  Louis  Philippe  and  Joseph  Bonaparte, 
when  expelled,  sought  refuge  in  America,  his  sanctuary  would 
have  been  more  unintimidated.  If  the  Bourbons  had  been 
expelled  from  thrones'  in  France,  Spain,  and  the  Sicilies,  it 
wotild  h^ve  been  useful  to  aU  those  countries.  At  all  events, 
Joseph  Bonaparte  is  innocent  of  all  but  conciliatory  and  laud- 
able means  to  accomplish  his  brother's  design,  which  proved 
highly  beneficed  to  Spain,  by  politio«I  and  ecclesiastical  re- 
form9.  Wise  Spaniards  regret  that  Joseph  was  not  adopted 
as  King  of  Spun.  The  Memoirs  of  a  Statesman,  inimical  as 
that  ^ork  is  to  aH  the  Bonapartei^  describes  Joseph,  on  his 
entry  into  Naples,  as  '*a  well-disposed  mvi,  of  mild  manners, 
exempt  from.  ambitioA.  who  would  have  preferred  a  peaceable 
existence  to  the  brilliant  concUtion  allotted  for  him ;  a  theorist 
ing  calculator  in  politics  and  in  administration,  by  his  conver- 
sation'and  writings  protecting  the  industry  and  oommerco» 
which  bis  mere  presence  revived  or  put  to  flight."    Regenera^ 


V.J 


JOSEPH   IN   SPAIN. 

tioD  of  Naples  is  eclipsed  by  such  brilliant  exploits  as  the  vic- 
tories of  Napoleon ;  but  impartial  history  must  not  be  blinded 
by  dazzling  events.  General  Lamarque's  published  letters  of 
1824  and  1830,  which  Joseph,  not  without  proper  sensibility, 
has  shown  me  at  Point  Breeze,  recapitulated,  as  an  eye-witness 
of  his  reforms  in  the  Two  Sicilies,  feudality  extinguished,  rob- 
bery and  general  depredation  crushed,  a  system  of  just,  instead 
of  unjust,  taxation  introduised,  the  finances  from  chaos  brought 
to  order,  the  nobles  and  people  reconciled,  the  construction  of 
good  roads  in  all  directions,  the  capital  embellished,  the  army 
and  navy  organized,  and  general  prosperity  cstabli^ihed,  by 
King  Joseph's  carrying  into  that  benighted  kingdom  the  sun- 
shine of  the  French  liberail  principles  of  1789^  Taken  reluc- 
tantly from  a  cjrown  of  roses  in  Naples,  to  a  crown  of  thpms 
in  Spain,^  Joseph,  on  his  arrival  at  Bayonne,  was  assured  that 
Chiles  IV.  refused  to  return  to  Spain  without  the  Prince  of 
Peace,  who  was  universally  detested;  that  Ferdinand,  who 
had  dethroned  his  father,  was  wholly  untrustworthy,  a^i  a  son 
detluconing  his  father  was  shocking  to  all  Euirope ;  that  the 
junta  assembled  and  united  at  Bayonne  regarded  Joseph's  ac- 
ceptance of  the  throne  they  proffered  as  the  only  safety  for 
Spain ;  which  Ferdinand  was  the  first  to  confirm,  by  his  con- 
gratulations to  the  new  king.  One  of  the  earliest  and  most 
active  of  his  Spanish  enemies,  Tqreno,  thus  describes  Joseph : 
« Joseph  Napoleon,  after  refasmg  the  throne  of  Lombardy, 
iirhich  Napoleon  offered  him,  governed  the  kingdom  of  Napilei 
with  adequateintel^genbe and  snooess.  In  a traimuil period, 
and  provided  with  sufficient  authority,  if  ^oi  more  legitimate, 
at  least  less  odious  in  its  Origin,  the  intmsire  monarch,  far 
from  dishonoring  the  throne,  would  have  helped  the  happiness 
of  Spain.  Bom  of  the  common  class,  and  having  gone  through 
all  the  overtnmings  of  a  grea^  political  revolution,  he  possessed 
esseAtially  the  knowledge  of  men  and  things.  Of  a  gentle  dis- 
position, with  a  gracious  countenance,  well  informed*  polished, 
ind  polite  in  his  manners,  he  would  have  captivated  the  Spa- 
niards, if  he  had  not  beforehand  so  grievously  wounded  them 
in  their  point  of  honor  and  their  pride.  Moreover,  Joseph's 
extreme  propensity  to  effeminacy  and  pleasure  Somewhat  oh- 


IN. 


JOSEPH  IN  SPAIN. 


287 


lliant  exploits  as  tho  vic- 
itory  mnst  not  be  blinded 
ue's  publlsbed  letters  of 
ithout  proper  sensibility, 
tulated,  as  an  eye-witness 
idallty  extinguisbed,  rob- 
a  system  of  just,  instead 
ances  from  cbaos  brought 
oiled,  the  construction  of 
tal  embellished,  the  army 
rosperity  cstablidhed,  by 
lighted  kingdom  the  sun- 
B  of  1789^    Token  reluc- 
}Ie8,  to  a  crown  of  thorns 
tayonne,  was  assured  that 
kin  without  the  Prince  of 
d;   that  Ferdinand,  who 
y  untrustworthy,  a^i  a  son 
to  all  Eulrope;  that  the 
txne  regarded  Joseph's  ac- 
ed  as  the  only  safety  for 
'Bt  to  confirm,  by  his  con- 
of  the  earUrat  and  most 
ao,  thus  desoribes  Joseph : 
the  titfone  of  Lombardy, 
ed  the  kingdom  of  Naples 
IBS.    In  a  tranquil  period, 
y,  if  9ot  more  legitimate, 
lie  intnuiTe  mooaroh,  far 
have  helped  the  happiness 
I,  and  hamg  gone  through 
al  revolution,  he  possessed 
1  things.    Of  a  gentle  dis- 
B,  weU  inforqted*  polished, 
have  captivated  the  Spa- 
grievously  wounded  them 
ride.    Moreover,  Joseph's 
id  pleasure  somewhat  ob- 


soured  his  fine  qualities,  and  gave  rise  to  ridiculous  fables  and 
old  women's  stories  of  his  person,  which  the  multitude  adopted 
in  their  passionate  enmity.  To  such  a  point  did  this  go,  that, 
not  satisfied  with  accusing  him  of  being  a  drunkard  and  disso- 
lute, it  was  carried  so  far  as  to  accuse  him  of  bodily  defects, 
und  they  said  he  was  blind  of  one  eye.  His  fluent  and  flowery 
elocution  of  itself  became  very  injurious  to  him ;  for,  carried 
away  by  it,  he  risked  himself  by  making  speeches  in  a 
tongue  not  f(imiliar  to  him,  whose  imprudent  use,  joined  to  the 
exaggerated  report  of  his  defects,  induced  the  composition  of 
popular  farces,  played  in  all  the  theatres  of  the  kingdom,  which 
contributed  to  throw  on  his  person  not  hatred,  but  contempt, 
which,  of  all  the  sentiments  of  the  soul,  is  the  most  terrible  for 
him  who  desires  to  encircle  his  forehead  with  a  crown.  On 
the  whole,  Joseph,  although  endowed  with  many  praiseworthy 
qualities,  wanted  those  austere  and  warlike  virtues  then  neces- 
sary in  Spain ;  and  his  imperfections,  feeble  spots  at  any  other 
time,  swelled  immeasurably  in  the  eyes  q{  an  offended  and 
furious  nation." 

The  war  in  Spain  between  the  French  and  Spanish  was  ex- 
terminating. Universal  destruction  of  the  French,  by  any 
means,  was  the  Spanish  method ;  universal  pillage  and  rapine 
the  French  system^  with  rare  exceptions  on  either  side  to  that 
cruel  code.  Persons  there  at  the  time,  on  yihose  statements  I 
can  rely,  mention  abominable  barbarities  which  seem  incredi< 
ble:  all  lureaking  forth  on  both  sides,  after  the  dreadful 
slaughter  at  Madrid,  the  2d  May,  1808,  when  Murat  subdued 
and  punished  by  sanguinary  vengeance  what  he  deemed,  and 
probably  truly^  a  revolt.  After  that,  as  I  am  assured  by  my 
informant,  then  in  Madrid,  women  contracted  the  venereal  dis- 
ease on  purpose  to  give  it  to  the  French,  wells  were  filled  with 
assassinated  Frenchmen;  and  French  officers  of  every  rank 
robbed  every  thing  and  every  where,  with  undisguised  rapine. 
In  the  French  Revolution  there  was  more,  but  not  more  shock- 
ing, bloodshed ;  never  in  the  world  plunder  and  robbery  so 
uniyei^sal.  The, most  distinguished  exception  to  these  enormi- 
ties was  Kbg  JToseph;  against  whom  it  is  a  common  English 
and  American  prejudice  to  believe  that  he  pilfered  palaces  and 


m 


MMieilfiiBBII^ 


288 


JOSEPH  KINO   OF  BPAIN. 


churches,  and  that  the  pictures  and  other  ornaments  of  his 
American  residence  were  spoliations  from  Spain.  Like  Napo- 
leon, Joseph  was  no  lover  of  money.  Marrying  some  fortune, 
he  was  enahled  during  the  revolution  to  increase  it  by  cheap 
purchases  of  the  property,  both  real  and  personal,  which  were 
then  opportune.  Valuable  donations,  on  the  several  foreign 
missions  he  filled,  added  more,  as  is  common  in  Europe  on  all 
Buch  occasions.  Several  years  king,  his  privy  purse  was  con- 
siderable. By  all  these  fair  means  his  property  increased, 
though  never  very  large ;  not  exceeding  a  million  of  dollars. 
While  King  of  Spain,  a  person  named  Christopho,  skilled  in 
pictures,  purchased  them  there  for  him,  as  opportunity  offered. 
Not  one  of  those  he  possessed  was  captured,  of  otherwise  ille- 
gally obtained.  On  the  contrwy,  the  Duke  of  Wellington 
took  all  of  King  Joseph's  baggage  and  effects  at  the  battle  of 
Yittoria,  but  found  no  ill-got  plunder  among  them. 

Entering  Spain  the  8th  July,  1808,  within  a  Week  of  his 
arrival  at  Madrid  tidings  of  Dupont's  disastrous  surrender  of 
the  French  army  at  Baylen,  caused  by  anxiety  to  save  plunder, 
compelled  King  Joseph  to  retire  from  his  capital,  and  begin 
his  fatal  contest  with  that  peculiar  people,  for  whose  admirable 
and  invincible,  ferocious  and  romantic  nationality,  Joseph  Bo- 
naparte enteiitained  the  highest  respect,  which  I  have  often 
heard  him  express.  Insuperable  provincial  attachments,  which 
in  France  and  other  countries  it  was  the  constant  labor  of  Na- 
poleon, by  metropolitan  centralization,  to  deBtroy,  saved  the 
whole  Spanish  kingdom  from  subjugation.  Universal  insur^ 
rection  was  simultaneous,  from  Asturias  to  Andalusia.  The 
smallest  of  all  the  Spanish  provinces,  armed  hy  naturd  with 
the  superior  aptitude  for  war  and  love  of  independence  of 
mountain  population,  by  instantaneous,  instinctive  resistance, 
with  which  all  the  other  provinces  sympathizing,  roused  the 
whole  kingdom  against  its  invaders.  Notwithstanding  a  caste 
of  proud  nobility,  and  ai  class  of.  domineering  clergy,  conside- 
rable equality  is  a  Spanish  popular  right,  habit,  and  power. 
As  always  takes  place,  when  emergencies  draw  forth  demo- 
cratic patriotism,  the  notable  and  most  respectable  iphabitants, 
of  all  classes,  were  elected  members  of  the  provincial  juntas,  par- 


SPAIN. 

other  ornaments  of  his 

from  Spain.  Like  Xapo- 
Marrying  some  fortune, 
•n  to  increase  it  by  cheap 

and  personal,  which  were 
IB,  on  the  several  foreign 

common  in  Europe  on  all 
,  his  privy  purse  was  con- 
s  his  property  increased, 
iding  a  million  of  dollars, 
ned  Christophe,  skilled  in 
im,  as  opportunity  offered, 
saptured,  of  otherwiefe  ille- 

the  Duke  of  Wellington 
ind  effects  at  the  battle  of 
ir  among  them. 
}08,  within  a  week  of  his 
t's  disastrous  surrender  of 
)y  anxiety  to  save  plunder, 
om  his  capital,  and  begin 
leople,  for  whose  admirable 
;io  nationality,  Joseph  Bo- 
tspect,  which  I  have  often 
[>vincial  attachments,  which 
9  the  constant  labor  of  Na- 
tion, to  destroy,  saved  the 
igation.  Universal  insure 
turias  to  Andalusia.  The 
:es,  armed  hy  nature  with 

love  of  independence  of 
loas,  instinctive  resistance, 
I  sympathizing,  roused  the 
Notwithstanding  a  caste 
)mineering  clergy,  conside- 
ir  right,  habit,  and  power, 
gencies  draw  forth  demo- 
ost  respectable  inhabitants, 
f  the  provincial  juntas,  par- 


JOSEPH  KINO  OP  SPAIN. 


289 


ticularly  in  Astnrias,  superseding  the  merely  noble,  the  merely 
vulgar,  and  otherwise  unworthy,  apt  to  contrive  to  be  upper- 
most in  the  stagnation  of  democracy.  Less  selfish  and  more 
determined  than  royalty  in  capitals,  rural  democracy,  also  more 
prompt  and  energetic,  verified  Pitt's  dying  prophecy.  The 
Spanish  mountaineers,  muleteers,  shepherds,  and  populace  al- 
together, rose  as  one  man,  armed  with  fury  and  whatever 
weapons  it  supplied,  against  Napoleon's  disciplined  armies. 
Although  the  nobility  and  higher  clergy  mostly  gave  in  their 
adhesion  to  King  Joseph,  an  unlettered  and  indolent  mass,  as 
described  by  Valleius  Faterculus  eighteen  hundred  years  be- 
fore, scattered,  numerous,  and  fierce,  rushed  to  conflict,  with 
sanguinary  ardor,  fbr  their  rude  homes,  their  captive  sove- 
reign, and  their  dominant  religion.  Whether  they  could  have 
resisted  Napoleon  without  English  aid,  is  a  question  on  which 
England  and  Spain  are  at  issue.  The  Printie  of  Peace,  in  his 
memoirs,  written  during  his  retirement  at  Rome,  by  plausible 
reasons  and  multiplied  proofs,  insists  that  the  Friench  could 
never  have  subdued  the  Spanish  alone.  And.  Oodoy  was  a 
man  much  superior  to  English  and  French  adopting  Spanish 
jiristocratic  disparagement  of  that  upstart ;  liberal  and  intelli- 
gent, though  more  avaricious  than  ambitious,  decried  by  the 
jealous  nobility,  over  whom  he  was  raised  from  obscurity. 
George  W.  Brving,  a  highly  respectable  gentleman,  American 
minister  in  Spain  during  nearly  all  the  war,  thus  answers  my 
enquiry  of  him  a»  to  the  reality  of  things  there.  "  As  to  the 
works  of  Thiers  and  Torreno"  (which  I  mentioned  to  him),  "par 
nobil^  of  state  vampires,  it  is  difficult  to  say  which  of  the  two 
is  least  worthy  of  credit  as  authority.  In  the  Prince  of  Peace, 
his  amour  j^fopfe  apart,  I  have  faith,  for  I  knew  him  inti- 
mately. Whatever  errors  belonged  to  his  incompetency  as 
statesman,  he  wais  honest,  frank,  and  loyal,  and  his  amiable 
character  had  given  to  him  popularity  (the  plebs  there  not 
being  qmJified  censors  of  administrative  faults),  but  for  the 
influence  and  intrigues  of  the  grandees,  into  Whose  ranks  he 
had  heenfoitUdi  If  it  is  in  public  as  in  domestic  affairs,  that 
a  favorite  has  no  friends,  much  less  has  he  when  his  ascen-" 
Vol.  m.— 19 


r, 


T'! 


290 


SPAIIT. 


(lancy  humiliates,  whilst  usurping  the  hereditary  authority  and 
influence  of  the  upper  orders." 

So  jealous  is  Spanish  independence  of  foreign  help,  that 
General  Spencer  and  the  English  troops  despatched  from  Gib- 
raltar  to  Cadiz  (with  whom  were  the  two  Swiss  regiments  of 
Do  Wattoville  and  Meuron,  soon  after  employed  in  Canada) 
y^cro  nol  allowed  to  land,  but  obliged  to  go  to  Portugal ;  and 
when  Lord  CoUingwood,  with  an  English  fleet,  hastened  to 
offer  their  services  for  the  capture  of  the  five  French  ships  of 
the  line  near  Cadiz,  under  Admiral  Rosilly,  the  Spanish- com- 
mander at  Cadiz  rejected  the  English  co-operation,  and  com- 
pelled the  French  lloet  to  surrender  to  Spaniards  alone.  At 
the  same  time  the  Duke  of  Orleans  (Louis  Philippe),  landing 
at  Cadiz  to  obtain  a  command  which  had  been  promised  to  him 
in  the  Spanish  forces,  was  not  only  peremptorily  refused,  but 
ordered  to  leave  Spain  forthwith,  as  he  was  forced  to  do. 
Neither  English  reinforcement,  nor  even  Bourbon  French 
command,  did  the  Spanish  authorities  desire,  except  in  funds 
and  food,  to  enable  them  to  resist  the  French  invasion.  Eng- 
lish participation  in  the  war  began  in  Portugal,  where  the 
French  army  under  Junot  capitulated. 

England  did  all  she  oould  to  realize  Pitt's  prediction.  On 
the  same  day  that  Napoleon  proclaimed  Joseph  at  Bayonne, 
Tth  June,  1808,  an  agent  from  the  province  of  Astqrias  was 
warmly  welcomed  in  London  by  the  minister.  Canning,  the 
parliament,  and  the  people.  There  WelHogton,  animated  by 
recollections  of  Pitt's  description  of  Spanish  nationality,  began 
his  victorious  career,  by  a  long  succession  of  triumphs  over  the 
French,  to  dethrone,  not  only  King  Joseph  in  Madrid,  but  the 
Emperor  Napoleon  in  Paris;  to  which  result  their  Spanish 
invasion  largely  contributed.    .       - 

Numerous  works,  Spanish,  French  and  English,  by  partakers 
in  it,  describe  the  war  in  Spain,  from  1808  to  1818,  which  my 
Sketch  need  not  dwell  upon ;  but,  briefly  noticing  its  political 
and  moral  results,  cross  the  Atlantic  with  themj  and  present 
its  greatest  reaction,  the  emancipation  of  Spanish  America 
from  three  hundred  years  of  the  strictest  colonial  servitude. 
Merely  personal  and  dynastic  interests,  both  Bourbon  and  Bo- 


BPANItSlI   AMERICA. 


291 


hereditary  authority  and 

lOe  of  foreign  help,  that 
ops  despatched  from  Gib- 
two  Swiss  regiments  of 
ter  employed  in  Canada) 
)d  to  go  to  Portugal ;  and 
nglish  fleet,  hastened  to 
the  five  French  ships  of 
Rosilly,  the  Spanish- com- 
sh  co*operation,  and  com- 
>  to  Spaniards  alone.    At 
(Louis  Philippe),  landing 
had  been  promised  to  him 
peremptorily  refused,  but 
as  he  was  forced  to  do. 
>r  even  Bourbon  French 
es  desire,  except  in  funds 
le  French  invasion.    Eng- 
n  in  Portugal,  where  the 
ed. 

Jize  Pitt's  prediction.  On 
aimed  Joseph  at  Bayonne, 
9  province  of  Asturias  was 
ihiS  minister.  Canning,  the 
e  Wellington,  animated  by 
Spanish  nationality,  begah 
leosion  of  triumphs  over  the 
;  Joseph  in  Madrid,  but  the 
ffhioh  result  their  Spanish 

li  and  English,  by  partakers 
m  1808  to  1818,  which  my 
briefly  noticing  its  political 
ktio  with  themj  and  present 
(ation  of  Spanish  America 
strictest  colonial  servitude, 
ests,  both  Bourbon  and  Bo- 


naparte, are  insignificant,  compared  with  those  great  political 
and  moral  consequences.      The  provincial  juntas  soon  rolin- 
quishod  part  of  their  national  powers  to  a  central  junta, 
charged  with  the  general  welfare,  whose  manifesto,  issued  on 
the  28th  of  October,  1809,  from  Seville,  truly  premised  that, 
by  a  combination  of  events,  it  seemed  good  to  Providence  that, 
in  the  terrible  crisis,  Spain  should  not  advance  a  single  step 
towards  independence,  without  advancing  one  towards  liberty. 
The  stagnant,  filthy  pools  in  which  the  Spanish  government 
wallowed,  requured  a  foreign  and  a  giant  hand  to  purify  them. 
Disastrous  as  Napoleon's  violence  was  to  him  and  his  family,  it 
was  necessary  and  beneficial  to  Spain.    Provincial  produced 
national  agitation ;  and,  in  the  midst  of  many  French  victories, 
not  only  was  Joseph  monarch  of  no  more  than  where  and  while 
his  armies  of  strangers  were  stationed,  but  competition  between 
him  and  the  juntas  arose  for  popular  favor,  which  soon  restored, 
for  the  Spanish  people,  their  antiquated  representative  govern- 
ment, much  improved.     In  that  contest  of  concession,  all 
Spain,  European,  American,  Asiatic,  and  African,  was  invited 
to  elect  deputies  to  a  Cortes,  which,  on  the  24th  of  September, 
1810,  was  installed  at  Cadiz,  when  that  beautiful  city  was  the 
only  sanctuary  of  Spanish  independence  from  subjugation. 
All  the  rest  of  Spain  was,  for  the  moment,  overrun  by  the 
French,  the  bombardment  by  whose  forces  besieging  Cadiz, 
answered  the  cannon  within  its  walls,  saluting  the  inaugura- 
tion of  a  body,  whose  dedication  to  free  discussion  more  than 
repaid  all  the  sufferings  of  all  the  conflict.    For  neither  a 
Bourbon  king  nor  a  good  king,  but  for  a  prisoner  in  France, 
who  represented  their  estal>lished  chief  magistracy,  the  Cortes 
wisely  and  bravely  swore  allegiance  to  Ferdinand.    Cadiz  then, 
and  Moscow,  two  years  afterwards,  in  flames  lighted  by  Rus- 
sian bands,  outshone  T^-^ris,  when  Fouch^,  Lafayette,  and 
others,  surrendered  tLe<v  :.jpital,  their  chief  magistrate,  and 
thebr  country,  to  conquerois,  who  inflicted  a  restoration  worse 
than  revolution. 

In  that  concession  to  popular  favor,  to  which  every  govern- 
ment in  trouble  resorts,  the  Cortes  far  outwent  King  Joseph. 
By  the  constitution  which  he  granted,  the  Cortes  was  not  a 


•t\m 


% 


rk 


1| 


.  .va^^^^'L'- '  ■  i, 


292 


8PAIX. 


(lUponier  of  wboleaomo  publio  sentiment,  but  a  registry  for 
royal  Jocrocs.  Its  sessions  wore  to  bo  secret.  Whereas  tlioso 
of  the  Spanish  Cortos  were  open,  like  Parliament  and  Con- 
gross.  Joseph's  constitution  merely  promised  future  freedom 
of  the  press.  But  the  Spanish  Cortes,  on  motion  of  Augustin 
ArguoUes,  granted  it  at  once  and  unreservedly ;  so  that  the 
public  journals  of  Cadis  proclaimed  to  all  Spain  and  the  world, 
that  word  of  patriotic  liberty,  which  is  more  potent  than  the 
■word  of  despotism.  Various  modifications  of  constitutional 
freedom  and  representative  government  have  since  followed 
those  concessions  of  the  Spanish  Cortos.  The  church  has  been 
deprived  of  most. of  its  inordinate  control,  for  which  reform 
Spain  is  mainly  indebted  to  the  Bonapartes,  who  found  among 
the  Spanish  clergy  great  numbers  of  protestanti  against  the 
foreign  influence  of  the  Pope  and  the  abuses  of  the  Inquisition. 
The  State  of  Spain  gained,  from  its  Bourbon  monarchs  con- 
tending with  Bonaparte,  political  reforms  which  range  it,  since 
the  French  invasion,  among  the  representative  governments  of ' 
Europe.  Regeneration  of  Spain,  proclaimed  by  Joseph  Bona- 
parte as  the  motive  of  his  reign,  resulted  from  the  attempts, 
not  indeed  as  he  and  Napoleon  anticipated,  but  to  an  extent 
which  more  than  redeepis  all  it  oosti 

But  it  is  Spanish  America  where  the  results  have  been  most 
signal  and  momentous.  King  Joseph  hastened  to  despatch 
agents  over  the  Atlantic,  to  invite  adhesion  to  his  government ; 
five  of  whom  reached  their  destination,  but  none  were  received 
with  favor,  and  one  was  execated  in  Cuba.  At  the  same  time, 
the  Spanish  patriots,  as  they  were  called,  availed  themselves  of 
English  pro£fer8  of  vessels  to  reach  Amerioa)  without  loss  of 
time,  by  prosperouB  voyages;  on  whose  arrival^  bursts  of 
unanimous  attachmwt  to  the  mother  country,  and  indignation 
against  its  French  invaders,  broke  forth  from  all  parte  of 
Spanish  America.  Buenos  Ayres,  Pern,  Chili,  New  Grenada, 
Mexico,  Florida,  the  ishuids,  Cuba,  Porto  Bioo,  and  Spanish 
part  of  Si.  Domingo,  at  once  proclaimed  theur  adhesion  to  the 
imprisoned  King,  Ferdinand.  Never  did  so  many  people,  in 
such  remote  and  distant  parts  of  the  wwld,  aU  at  onco  rise  up 
together  in  glorious  and  sealous  commnnion  of  patriotism. 


SPANISn   AMERICA. 


298 


aent,  but  a  registry  fur 

0  Booret.    Whereas  those 
0  Parliament  and  Con- 

promiaed  future  freedom 

B,  on  motion  of  Augustin 

iroservedly;  bo  that  the 

all  Spain  and  the  world, 

is  more  potent  than  the 

ications  of  conBtitutional 

aent  have  since  followed 

OS.    The  church  has  been 

wntrol,  for  which  reform 

^partes,  who  found  among 

f  protestanti  against  the 

abuse*  of  the  Inquisition. 

1  Bourbon  monarohs  con- 
Nrms  which  range  it,  since 
wentative  goYemments  of 
oclaimed  by  Joeeph  Bona- 
sulted  from  the  attempts, 
icipated,  bat  to  an  extent 

the  results  have  been  most 
)ph  hastened  to  despatch 
ihesion  to  his  government ; 
>n,  but  none  were  roceive4 
Cuba.  At  the  same  time, 
Jled,  availed  themselves  of 
1  America,  without  loss  of 
whose  arrival^  bursts  of 
r  country,  and  indignation 
forth  from  all  parts  of 
Per%  Chili,  New  Grenada, 
Porto  Bioo,  and  Spanish 
imed  their  adhesion  to  the 
>r  did  so  many  people,  in 
» wrarld,  all  at  once  rise  up 
mimion  of  patriotism. 


Bpanish-Amorican  independence  had  been  long  prepared  by 
miiny  caubcs.     Fourteen  millionB  of  people  in  Spanish  South 
America,  seven  millions  in  Mexico,  with  some  more  in  Cuba, 
Porto  Rico,  the  Spanish  part  of  St.  Domingo,  and  Florida, 
were  too  many  to  bo  held  in  servitude  by  thirteen  millions  of 
Spaniards  in  another  hemisphere,  whoae  policy  and  mcthoda 
of  colonial  government  were  contrary  to  all  modem  ideas  of 
political  economy  and  commercial  welfare.     Not  only  was  all 
the  commerce  of  the  exuberant  Spanish  colonies  confined  to 
Spain  alone,  but  to  one  port  in  Spain — Seville  or  Cadiz.    Not 
only  were  all  the  public  offices  in  the  colonies  filled  by  Euro- 
pean Spaniards,  but  many  of  them  were  needy  adventurers, 
commissioned  to  repair  broken  fortunes  by  rapacity  and  op- 
pression, against  whose  extortions  complaint  was  worse  than 
useless,  for  it  was  dangerous.    After  the  French  invasion  of 
Spain,  the  crowds  of  such  odious  taskmasters  increased  by  its 
convulsions.     Such  usages  were  not,  however,  peculiar  to  Spa- 
nish colonial  government,  but  common  to  all  European  coun- 
tries having  American  colonies ;  prevalent  in  Canada,  under 
British  rule,  till  very  lately.    The  independence  and  rapid 
development  of  this  country,  the  French  Revolution  and  its 
vast  influences,  commercial  restrictions,  American  exclusion 
from  office,  all  eombuied  to  iuBpire  the  Spanish-American 
Creoles  with  hopes  and  plans  of  emancipation.    As  soon  aa 
war  was  declared  between  Spain,  as  the  ally  of  Franco,  and 
England,  in  1796,  Miranda,  a  native  of  Venezuela,  with  a 
Spaniard  naibed  Picomel,  attempted  revolution  at  Caraccas, 
which  failed,  Humboldt  said,  because  then  the  opinion  of  Spa- 
nish America  respecting  the  mother  ootlntry  was  not  what 
French  and  English  books  had  taUght  in  the  capital  of  Mexico. 
But  those  lessons  were  abroad  throughout  America ;  and  when 
the    French   invaded  and  apparently  conquered  Spain,  in 
1808-9-10,  French  conquests  in  Spain  rendered  it  necessary 
that  American  Spaniards  should  take  care  of  themselves. 
Although  colonists  seemed  to  have  no  option  but  between  inde- 
pendence and  submission  to  French  government,  still,  when 
setting  up  for  themselves,  far  fi>om  declaring  war  against,  they 
proclaimed  fraternisation  with  Spain,  allegiance  to  Ferdinand 


1^1 


jigifeiHI^V  I  hiiiiAsiJki)iKi^mmi¥^iiiiSI'ti*»' 


■til»iii»>riu:)Tl"i;-'ii"-' 


J 


BPANIin   AMERICA. 

M  thoir  lawful  Bororoign,  and  implacable  bostility  to  his  French 
oonquoror  and  jailor. 

It  was  not  till  tho  Bourbons  reigned  in  Spain  that  hor  Bp«- 
nish  colonics  wore  ti-oatod  as  slaves.  Charles  V.  had  provided 
that  tlio  discoverers,  settlers,  and  those  born  in  America,  should 
be  preferred  before  all  others  for  offices  of  state,  church,  and 
jurisprudence ;  that  the  natives  should  bo  deemed  freemen  and 
vassuls  of  tho  crown ;  the  colonies  an  integral  part  of  the 
Spanish  monarchy ;  and  that  no  law  of  Spain  should  be  bind- 
ing on  the  colonies  unless  sanctioned  by  their  representatives, 
tho  Council  of  the  Indies.  Such  liberal  provisions  might  have 
prevented,  at  all  events  postponed,  revolt.  But  cupidity,  mo- 
nopoly, peculation,  and  extortion,  triumphed  over  all  wholesome 
regulations,  and  the  Spanish-American  proconsulates  were  pro- 
bably the  grossest  misgovemmonts  in  Christendom ;  especially 
ander  Charles  IV.,  when  it  was  said  that  every  office  in  Ame- 
rica was  sold.  Of  the  one  hundred  and  sixty  'viceroy's  preced- 
ing the  revolutions,  all  but  four  were  Spaniards  by  birth,  and 
those  four  educated^  and  btrongly  connected  in  Spain.  Tho 
Creoles  were  therefore  ripe  for  independence  of  such  misgovern- 
mont  when  the  Bonapartes  gavo  the  signal  for  it,  by  their 
attempt  to  dethrone  the  Bourbons,  whose  abuses  for  more  than 
a  century  had  impoverished,  insulted,  degraded,  and  outraged 
their  faithful  American  subjects.  Yet  they  did  not  revolt 
against  the  Bourbons,  but  against  the  Bonapartes ;  and.  even- 
tual emancipatiou  of  regions  ninety-two  degrees  of  latitude  in 
extent,  embraobg  more  than  two  millions  of  miles  square,  and 
abounding  in  all  the  elements  of  national  wealth,  power,  and 
prosperity,  except  liberty  and  industry,  is  due  to  Spanish  per- 
sistence, after  Spain  was  invaded  by  the  French,  in  the  old 
system  of  colonial  oppression,  and  Spanish  endeavor  to  trans- 
fer the  colonies  to  French  government. 

Though  first  tidings  of  that  invasion  >aa  received  in  Ame- 
rica by  one  universal  and  unanimous  acclaim  of  allegiance  to 
the  old  Spanish  government,  yet,  as  its  extreme  follies,  imbe- 
cility, and  mismanagement  became  more  apparent,  the  edu- 
cated Spaniards,  civil,  ecclesiastical,  and  Qiilitary,  yielding  to 
the  French,  and  resistance  to  them  being  left  as  the  task  of 


Ae  hostility  to  bia  French 

(1  ill  Spain  that  hor  Spa- 
Charles  V.  had  provided 
10  born  in  America,  should 
cos  of  state,  church,  and 
bo  deemed  freemen  and 
an  integral  part  of  the 
of  Spain  should  bo  bind- 
by  their  representatives, 
oral  provisions  might  have 
evolt.    But  cupidity,  mo- 
imphed  over  all  wholesome 
m  proconsulates  were  pro- 
Christendom  ;  ospeoially 
that  every  office  in  Ame- 
and  sixty  'viceroy's  prccod- 
e  Spaniards  by  birth,  and 
connected  in  Spain.    The 
endence  of  such  misgovern- 
ho  signal  for  it,  by  their 
rhose  abuses  for  more  than 
d,  degraded,  and  outraged 
Yet  they  did  not  revolt 
;he  Bonapalrtes;  and.  even- 
-two  degrees  of  latitude  in 
illions  of  miles  square,  and 
ational  wealth,  power,  and 
itry,  is  due  to  Spanish  per- 
by  the  French,  in  the  old 
Spanish  endeavor  to  trans- 
int. 

sion  wag  received  in  Ame- 
is  acclaim  of  allegiance  to 
9  its  extreme  follies,  imbe- 
more  apparent,  the  edu- 
,  and  Qiilitary,  yielding  to 
being  left  as  the  task  of 


PPANIHII   AMKUICA. 


206 


the  common  people,  the  great  body  of  American  Spaniordu,  in 
nearly  every  province  governed  by  weak  and  unworthy  Spanish 
ngcntu,  turned  their  attention  to  independence,  though  still 
witliout  diHloyalty  to  Spain.  Thoir  causes  for  revolt  were 
much  greater  than  those  of  the  British-American  colonics  in 
1775.  But  as  Spain,  in  1808,  was  in  trouble  and  war,  whereas 
England,  in  1776,  was  at  peace  and  prosperous,  it  seemed  tu  bo 
befitting  Spanish  colonial  honor  not  to  take  advantage  of  tho 
distressed  condition  of  tho  mother  country,  in  order  to  throw 
hor  off  entirely,  but  rather  to  begin  the  movement  toward  in- 
dependence by  alliance  offensive  and  defensive  with  Spain 
against  hor  French  inviulers.  Except  by  the  people  repre- 
sented by  provincial  assemblies,  and  finally  by  tho  Congress,  a 
parliament  called  Cortcz,  elected  by  the  people,  which  suc- 
ceeded the  other  concentrations  of  public  will,  Spain  was  feebly 
vindicated  and  inefficiently  marshalled.  The  Central  Junta 
was  expelled  from  Seville,  then  the  seat  of  the  national  govern- 
ment, by  the  French,  who  subdued  all  Andalusia.  A  regency 
which  wa.*  established,  proved  not  only  incapable  to  govern, 
but  unworthy  of  any  confidence.  On  the  17th  April,  1810, 
they  published  a  royal  order,  throwing  open  the  commerce  of 
the  colonies  with  foreign  countrioL  ;ind  with  Europe.  But  as 
Cadiz,  till  then  entitled  to  the  monopoly  of  colonial  trade,  re- 
monstrated, not  only  was  the  royal  order  revoked,  but  it  was 
denied  that  it  had  ever  been  granted,  though  it  had  been  pub- 
lished mpre  than  a  month  when  revoked.  The  regency  then 
sent  a  respectable,  but  aged  and  inexperienced,  commissioner, 
Cortavarria,  to  America,  who  was  assisted  by  the  Marquis  of 
Casa  Yrujo,  former  Spanish  minister  here,  and  who  married  in 
this  country,  then  at  Brazil,  in  the  circulation  of  advice,  promises, 
and  caution  throughout  Spanish  America.  But  the  promises 
were  faint,  the  concessions  inconsiderable,  ahd  the  general  in- 
'clin^tion  throughout  nearly  all  the  colonies  for  independence  too 
decided  to  be  counteracted  by  such  means.  Remote  frdm  each 
other,  and  without  much  facility  for  intercourse,  they  neverthe- 
less agreed  in  desire  and  determination  for  self-government. 

On  the  19th  April,  1810,  insurrection  began  at  Caraccas, 
chief  city  of  the  north  of  Sooth  America.    On  the  18th  May, 


m 


m^:m 


296 


MEXICO. 


1810,  on  being  informed,  by  the  arrival  of  an  English  vessel 
at  Montevideo,  that  the  French  were  in  possession  of  all  An- 
dalusia, and  the  Central  Junta  driven  from  Seville,  Buenos 
Ajres  followed  Caraccas.  On  the  22d  July,  1810,  Granada 
organized  her  Supreme  Junta,  and  deposed  the  Spanish  vice- 
roy, as  Santa  F6  and  Quito,  and  all  the  other  provinces,  did 
theirs,  except  Peru.  Excepting  Peru,  Cuba,  and  Porto  Rico, 
where  Spanbh  authority  continued,  and  Mexico,  where  it  tri- 
umphed over  the  revolt  attempted,  all  the  Spanish-American 
cplonies  declared  their  independence  of  Spain,  but  without 
hostility  to  her.  On  the  contrary,  their  emancipation,  com- 
plaining of  DO  wrongs  suffered  op  grievances  to  be  redressed, 
predicated  necessity  for  the  colonies  to  take  care  of  themselves, 
their  allegiance  to  Ferdinand,  their  alliance  with  Spain,  and 
their  hostility  to  her  French  invaders.  The  federative  govern- 
ment of  YenezDela,  by. their  manifesto,  snnounoed,  that  with 
a  population  of  nine  millions,  and  an  extent  of  fertile  territory 
superior  to  any  empire  in  the  world,  they  were  determined  to 
submit  no  longer  to  the  domination  of  any  European  or  foreign 
power  whatever.  Loyal  and  faithful  to  a  lawful  gOTernment^ 
while  it^ subsisted  in  Spain,  to  save  themselves  from  the  yoke 
of  the  French  Emperor,  the  Spanish  provinces  declared  them- 
selves a  fr^ee^  sovereign,  and  independent  p^ple.  The  La 
Plata  manifesto  breathed  the  same  spirit,. about  the  same  time, 
in  Mexico,  the  people  received  news  of  the  French  invasion 
with  cries  of  devotion  to  Ferdinand  and  resistance  to  Napo- 
leon. But  emissaries  from  King  Joseph,  with  orders  from  Fer- 
dinand to  transfer  Mexican  allegiance  from  him  to.  Joseph^ 
were  sustained  by  the  European  Spaniards  in  Mexico,  which 
the  Creoles  resisted ;  resolved,  as  they  were  generally  through- 
out all  Spanish  America  during  the  trouUes  of  their  mother 
country,  to  hold,  its  American  possessions  for  the  lawful  saye> 
reigns,  by  whom  they  had  been  so  ill  treated.  In  Spain,  the* 
regency  declared  war  against  the  prudent  and  inoffensive  Ame* 
rican  movement  of  the  colonies  towards  independence,  whioh, 
in  the  course  of  a  few  months,  without  concert^  simultaneously 
united  nearly  all  Spanish  America  to  vindicate  themselves  from 
French  dominion.    The  Spuush- Americans  adhered  to  King 


?asiBtefr 


SPAIK. 


297 


rival  of  an  English  vessel 
e  in  possession  of  all  An- 
ven  from  Seville,  Buenos 
22d  July,  1810,  Granada 
deposed  the  Spanish  vice- 
the  other  provinces,  did 
11,  Cuba,  and  Porto  Rico, 
and  Mexioo,  where  it  tri- 
ftll  the  Spanish-American 
ce  of  Spain,  but  without 
,  their  emancipation,  com- 
;rievance8  to  be  redressed, 
to  take  care  of  themselves, 
r  alliance  with  Spain,  and 
B.    The  federative  govern- 
esto,  imnounoed,  that  with 
1  extent  of  fertile  territory 
,  they  were  determined  to 
>f  any  European  or  foreign 
nl  to  i^  lawful  government^ 
themselves  from  the  yoke 
h  provinces  declared  them- 
pendent  people.     The  La 
)pirit,.abdat  the  same  time, 
tws  of  tile  French  invasion 
i  and  resistance  to  Napo- 
wph,  with  orders  from  For- 
mce  from  him  to.  Joseph, 
laniards  in  Mexico,  which 
sy  were  generally  through- 
)  troubles  of  their  mother 
Rsi(»ts  for  the  lawful  save- 
11  treated.    In  Spain,  the* 
ident^nd  inoffensive  Ame*^ 
vds  independence,  whioh, 
ttt  concert,  simultaneously' 
>  vibdicate  themselves  from 
nerieans  adhered  to  King 


Joseph,  while  the  Americans  persisted  in  loyalty  to  Ferdinand, 
who  transferred  them  to  Joseph.  To  provide  against  that 
strange  perversion,  Itorrigaray,  the  Viceroy  of  Mexico,  sug- 
gested the  calling  of  a  junta  from  all  the  Mexican  provinces, 
to  consist  of  Spaniards  and  Creoles,  to  save  the  country  from 
civil  war  and  French  control.  To  prevent  such  an  assembly, 
the  Spaniards  irevolted  against  Iturrigarray,  seized  him  on  the 
night  of  the  15th  September,  1808,  and  sent  him  to  Spain. 
His  successor,  Yanegas,  proceeding  in  the  same  course,  a  con- 
spiracy was  organised  by  the  clergy  and  lawyers  throughout 
nearly  all  the  towns  of  Mexico,  which,  being  betrayed  when 
about  to  act,  produced  the  revolt  headed  by  the  priest  Hidalgo, 
who,  with  a  crowd  of  more  than  a  hundred  thousand  followers, 
but  nearly  all  without  fire-arms,  having  not  more  than  a  thou- 
sand muskets,  attacked  the  city  of  Mexico,  were  defeated  with 
great  and  cruel  slaughter,  Hidalgo  executed,  and  that  military 
ascendancy  maintained  which  has  been  ever  since  the  curse  of 
Mexico. 

Such  was  the  state  of  things  when  the  Oortez  assembled  at 
Cadiz,  in  September,  1810 ;  where  every  <me  of  the  American 
members,  and  a  majority  of  the  whole  body,  were  imbued  with 
the  principles  of  progressive  free  government.  That  great 
advance  in  the  way  of  representative  institutions  was  an  early 
step  of  the  reaction,  forVhich  Spain  and  mankind  are  indebted 
to  the  contest  between  Bourbon  and  Bonaparte  kings,  for  the 
establishment  of  much  more  limited  and  absolute  monarchy. 
From  that  time  to  this  the  Spanish  monarchy  has  been  a  re- 
presentative -government,  with  a  legislativo  department,  the 
antiquated  Cortei,  then  first  reinstated,  and  much  better  en- 
dowed than  before  that  partial  representation  of  the  Spanish 
people  Ml  into  dssnetnde.  It  ^ad  been  in  fact  nullified  by 
absolute  monarehy,  which  now  depends  on.it  for  supplies,  and 
is  aooustomied  to  hear  the  p«ople  eloquentiy  addressed  from  its 
tribunal.  On  miotion  of  an  American  member  from  Santa  F6 
de  Bogota,  the  Oortez,  «n  the  26th  September,  1810,  went  into 
secret  session  on  Spanish- American  affairs.  Their  delibera- 
tions resulted,  on.  tiie  15th  October,  in  a  decree,  which  equal- 
ized the  rights  of  tiie  Americans  with  the  old  Spaniards,  and 


^'  *iUj-__J)l  Atti 


.^t^^-^ty 


J'M' 


if^viittsiiali-i^^^.-fifrftV.^^  Vi>ji5^iV 


298 


SPANI3U  AMERICA. 


granted  a  general  amnesty,-  without  restriction.     Other  con- 
cessions followed,  from  tin^e  to  time,  but  too  late  to  reconoik 
the  mother  country  and  colonies,  after  civil  war  among  the 
colonists  sprang  from  the  war  which  Spain  waged  against  her 
American  adherents.     European  Spaniards,  called  loyalists, 
and  American  Spaniards  or  Creoles,  styled  independents  and 
patriots,  during  several  years  of  conflict,  vicissitudes,  and  com- 
motions, contended  for  mastery.    The  breach  continually  wi- 
dencd;   but,  while  old  Spain  was  roused  to  representative, 
government,  the  march  of  all  Spanish  America  to  not  only 
independence,  but  republicanistn,  after  the  example  of  the 
British  Americiin  colonies,  was  constant  and  irresistible.    The. 
general  European  opinion  formerly,  that  evety  thmg  European 
degenerates  in  America^  has  undergone  reversal,  since  the 
British  colonies  became  ijadependent.     Freedom  and  repub- 
lican institutions  throughout  all  the  American  hemisphere,, 
except  the  empire  of  Brazil,  where  monarchy  is  much  changed 
from  its  Portuguese  estabUshment,  are  ends  of  infinitely  greater 
importance  than  the  wars,   and  changes  by  whose  meant 
Bourbons    and,  Bonapartes  agitated  Europe   and  America^ 
though  history  dwells  on  the  means  i^ith  more  gratification 
than  the  ends.     Calm  .consideration  and  perhaps  Ipnger  time 
are  necessary  to  appreciate  the  American,  results  from  aft 
attempt  to  substitute  a  Bonaparte  for  a  Bourbon  on  the  Spa* 
nish  throne.    And  the  European  means  employed  tO  effect 
that  end  are  more  pleasant  materials  for  the  romance' of  his- 
tory.   But  philos(^hy  wiU  consider  Napoleon  the  great,  and 
his  august  Bourbon  victims  as  all  of  them  nfere  instruments  of 
overruling  Providence  for  reforming  the  government  of  Spaid 
and  republicanizing  that  of  Spanish  America. .    Even  coloniz^ 
Ameriza  was  more  necessary  to  Europe  thatt  Europe  to  Ame* 
rica.   The  precious  metals  which. constitute  European  currency, 
most  of  the  cotton  which  clothes,  Europe,  iron,  and  other  iii»^ 
terial%  of  first  necessity,  abounding  in 'America  more  than,  in 
Europe,  sugar,  coffee,  and  other  luxuries  irhich  America  has 
rendeired  nocessaries  in  Europe,  but  more  than  all,  self-govern- 
ipent  exemplified  to  Europe  by  America,  have  so  changed  the 
xjelations  of  the  old  world  to  the  new,  that  Americ9n  eolbnies 


iiiBiikir>1lirlftifffff?fMiniV1ri-'-itf- 


e»5L3^-^,-  «i>Tn.iir  ^ '. 


.„,a^»f«imm''^j,'mii=m-3<msm^m^  _ 


IICA. 

It  restriction.     Other  con- 
but  too  late  to  reconoiU 
after  civil  war  among  the 
Spain  waged  against  her 
Ipaniards,  called  loyalists, 
I,  styled  independents  and 
iflict,  vicissitades,  and  cpm- 
^he  breach  continually  wi- 
roased  to  representative 
^nish  America  to  not  only 
after  the  example  of  the 
itant  and  irresistible.    The 
that  eveiy  thing  European 
ergone  reversal,  since  the 
!nt.     Freedom  and  repub- 
bfae  American  hemisphere, 
monarchy  is  much  changed 
re  ends  of  infinitely  greater 
changes  by  whose  means 
ed  Europe   and  America, 
ins  Tiirith  more  gratification 
n  and  perhaps  Ipnger  time 
American  results  from  an 
for  a  Bourbon  on  the  Spa- 
means  employed  t6  efiect 
als  for  the  romance  of  his- 
ir  Napoleon  the  great,  and 
'  them  miere  instruments  of 
i  the  government  of  Spain 
America.    Even  coloniz^ 
irope  than  Europe  to  Ame> 
isthtite  European  currency, 
urope,  iron,  and  other  ma- 
l  in 'America  more  than,  in 
Kuries  which  America  has 
more  than  all,  self-govern- 
erica,  have  so  changed  the 
w,  that  Americtm  colbniei 


RUSSIA. 


299 


of  Europe  must  soon  cease  to  exist.  Dependence  of  Europe 
on  America  is  continually  substituted  for  dependence  of  Ame- 
rica on  Europe,  which  is  every  day  more  felt  and  acknow- 
ledged. While  Napoleon,  by  an  Austrian  princess  corroborat- 
ing his  dynasty,  annexing  thti  Papal  States  and  Holland  to 
France,  by  his  mturshals  Suchet  and  Massena  triumphing  in 
Spain  and  Portugal,  seemed  to  be  irresistibly  forcing  his  bro- 
ther on  the  Spanish  throne,  the  Spanish  provinces  which 
formed  the  American  confederation  of  Venezuela,  in  April  of 
that  same  year,  1810,  set  up  a  government  to  endure,  in  a 
country  to  prosper,  long  after  the  vast  empire  of  a  modern 
Charlemagne  crumbled  to  ruins.  " 

Invasion  of  Russia,  superadded  to  that  of  Spain,  was  war- 
fare vaster  than  the  modern  Charlemagne  could  compass. 
The  six  weeks  lost  by  loitering  at  Moscow,  coaxing  peace,  let 
loose  the  severities  of  a  premature  northern  winter,  to  destroy 
his  army.  Next  spring,  the  battles  of  Lutzen  and  Bautzen, 
with  forces  replenished  by  young  conscripts,  preluded  the 
armistice  of  Flesswitz,  pernicious,  like  the  delay  at  Moscow. 
Napoleon's  naked  sword,  never  parried,  was  foiled,  in  the  scab- 
bard, by  Mettemich's  pen.  King  JotMsph's  total  defeat  at  Vit- 
foria,  on  the  2lM  of  June,  1818,  while  Napbleon  was  deluded 
by  the  Congress  of  Prague  he  solicited  at  Dresden,  vras  a 
faiell  rung  for  all  his  allies  to  join  his  enemies.  And  his' fall 
was  as  rapid  as  his  rise.  The  sixth  coalition  organized  for  his 
overthrow  consisted  of  potentates,  all  of  them  as  rapacious  as 
he  of  aggrandisement.  Austria  made  war  on  him  for  Italy, 
Prussia  for  Bitnover,  Spain  threatened  it,  Russia  waged  it  for 
Poland,  Sweden  for  Norway,  England  for  the  dominion  of  the 
seas  and  large  parts  of  the  earth.  They  had  all,  except  Eng- 
land, acknowledgecl  hu  brother  as  King  of  Spain,  his  brother- 
in-law  as  King  of  Naples,  another  brother  as  King  of  West- 
phalia, a  isister  as  sovereign  of  Tuscany,  and  a  step-son  as 
Viceroy  of  Italy;  But  if  they  were  aggressors,  the  end 
crowned  their  means  with  the  justification  of  success.  From 
t]ie  rupture  of  the  pdaee  of  Amiens,  which  was  entirely  six 
English  act,  to  the  Congress  of  Vienna,  when  the  spoils  of  the 
French  Empire  wiere  distributed,  it  would  not  be  easy  to  say 


i^pm 


800 


NAPOLEOX  DEFEATED. 


which  government  wM  most  aggressive  and  grasping.    Napo- 
leon's  seixore  of  Spain  was  not  more  unjustifiable  then  the 
English  bombardment  of  Copenhagen  and  capture  of  the 
Danish  fleet  there.    The  British  orders  in  Council,  French 
Berlin  and  Milan  decrees,  which  forced  this  country  into  the 
general  conflagration  of  hostilities,  were  all  stupendous  infrac- 
tions of  right.    But  Bonapai^'s  sadden  and  violent  apparition 
in  all  these  transactions,  enabled  what  was  cidled  legitimate 
government  to  denonnce  him,  when  overthrown,  as  chief  wrong'^ 
doer.    All  Europe,  most  of  America,  some  of  Africa  and  Asia, 
were  involved  in  perpetual  con^ct  on  his  laocount.    When  the 
monarchs  were  all  defeated,  and  their  capitals  o^ured  by  him, 
as  a  last  resort,  they  called  in  the  people  to  their  rescue,  and 
promised  them,  for  their  help,  a  share  in  government.    Napa> 
leon  then  confessed  to  his  confidants  that  his  dictatorship  had 
been  continued  too  long.    A  million. of  men,  in  arms,  chased 
him  from  Leipsic  to  Paris ;  th«r  principal  chief,  the  Emperor 
Alexander,  proclaiming  that  Napoleon  alone  was  their  object) 
and  should  be*  their  only  victim,  without  dismemberment-  or 
even  degradation  of  France.     Tvro  other .  eminent  Frendi 
generals  accompanied  the  invaders ;  and  though  Moreau  was 
killed,  Bemadotte  survived  to  be  orowned  Emperor  of  the 
Frendi,  if  Alexander  could  effect  his  substitution  for  Napoleon. 
When  the  invaders,  broke  through  Switzerland,  and  otherwise 
into  France,  Germ^  monarchy  and  sristooraey  were  enthwsi^ 
astically  supported  by  democracy,  and  Napoleon's  best^  if  not 
oidy  chance,  was  to  Jet  loose  the  Freb^  democracy  against 
that  of  Germany. 

But  though  never  a  sanguinary  ruler,  delighting  in  no  blood- 
shed  but  that  of  battle,  and  having  estddished  equality  as  the 
basis  of  his  sovereign^,  he  had,  in  eif^t  years  of  militai^ 
domination,  entii^ely  suppressed  liber^ ;  and  retomed  to  Pa^ 
ris,  the  defeated  and  most  formidable  despot  in  the  world. 
Thc)  press  wt^  enaUved.  A  terrible  jsolice  prevailed.  The 
otfy  public  bodies  establidied  by  the  eonstitatioa,  the.Senat^ 
the  Cou&cil  of  State)  and  the  Legislatve,  were  all  reduced  by 
him  to  mete  silent  r^gistties  of  hia  imperial  will.  On  the  19di 
of  August,  1807,  disoossion,  till  then  lawful  and  usnal,  waf 


.  I  ■  I,.  <  tffh  i  rOTi  ■iiirhirili^Tiiliri .  Il  HI'ih'BtfWWiW  i/r-atnMm  ■' » 


SATED. 

live  and  grasping.    Napo- 

lore  unjustifiable  th&n  the 

;en  and  capture  of  the 

trdera  in  Coonoil,  French 

'oed  this  country  into  the 

ere  all  stupendous  infrac- 

Iden  and  violent  apparition 

hat  wag  called  legitimate 

>verthrown,  as  chief  wrong< 

some  of  Africa  and  Asia, 

>n  his  iMconnt.    When  the 

ir  capitals  captured  by  him, 

people  to  their  rescue,  and 

ure  in  government.    Napo- 

a  that  his  ^ctatorship  had 

»n.of  men,. in  arms,  chased 

rindpal  chief,  the  Emperor 

eon  alone  was  their  object, 

without  dismemberment-  or 

<o  other .  eminent  Frendi 

;  and  though  Moreau  was 

crowned  ^peror  of  the 

I  substitntion  for  Napoleon. 

Switzerland,  and  otherwise 

i  aristocracy  were  enthnsi- 

md  Napoleon's  best,  if  not 

Freb^h  demooracy  against 

nier,  delighting  in  no  blood- 
established  equality  as  the 
in  mg;ht  years  of  military 
arty;  and  retnmed  to  P»> 
able  despot  in  the  world, 
ble  police  prevailed.  The 
te  oonstitntioB,  the  Senate, 
latve,  were  all  reduced  by 
mperial  will.  On  the  19di 
ten  lawful  and  umal,  w«f 


NAPOLEOX   DEFEATED. 


801 


interdicted  in  the  Legislature  by  a  decree  of  the  Senate. 
During  sevei:  1  years,  there  was  no  public  sentiment  but  what 
the  Emperor  allowed  or  fabricated.  When  driven  back  to 
Paris,  to  call  for  the  spirit  and  resources  of  the  nation,  pur- 
sued by  the  roused  people  ef  other  nations,  the  French  mo- 
narch not  only  persisted  in  refusing,  but  aggravated  his  exclu- 
sion of  the  community  from  aU  part  in  public  affairs ;  though 
such  was  not  merely  his  fame,  but  bis  popularity,  that  not  a 
French  province,  toWn,  or  plbce,  rose  against  him.  All 
France,  except  his  marshals  and  ministers,  remained  faithful  to 
his  tyrannicid  government ;  to  his,  which  was  their  great  glory ; 
to  his  person,  as  their  chosen  representative  of  the  nation. 
If  he  had  permitted  Paris,  Lyons,  other  great  towns  and  the 
rural  population  every  where  to  be  armed  and  fight,  they  would 
have  defended  him  from  the  foreigners  with  invincible  ardor. 
If  he  had  trusted  them,  they  would  not  have  suffered  him  to 
be  dethroned.  Next  year,  on  his  return  from  Elba,  he  prof- 
fered popular  rights,  when  it  was  too  late.  In  1818,  he  not 
only  withheld  and  refused  them,  but  spumed,  insulted,  and 
abused  their  representatives  in  the  government. 

His  sole  i;eliance  was  military  and  arbitrary — on  his  armies 
and  himself.  With  a  hondr^  thousand  troops  shut  up,  far 
from  France,  in  various  Oerman  garrisons,  ninety  thousand  in 
Spain,  and  but  about  mtj  thousand-  at  his  own  command  in 
France,  longertranged  from  all  popular  reliances,  he  trusted  to 
those  alone  who  surrounded,  ftattered,  betrayed  and  surrendered 
him.  The  peopI»  would  nefw  have  deserted  him.  They  never 
did.  The  Bonrbonsf  inugni^cant  and  contemptible  oompisii- 
t(m,  had  SMroely  aay-mipporters  but  tftie  English  government ; 
next  to  none  ia  FhuMe ;  none  at  all  in  tiw  armies  led  by  the 
Emperor  of  Bnsdis  King  of  Prussia,  ^d.  Prince  Swartsenburg. 
Napoleon  was  dethroned  by  his  own  servants,  his  fiunily  kings, 
marshals  and  nmusteraj  tiiose  whom,  as  he  truly  said,  he  had 
gorged  wUh  wealth  and  honors.  OVooe  was  scarcely  an- 
nounced, on  the  10th  of  August,  1818,  when,  on  the  15th  of 
thi^  month,  began  that  series  of  desertions,  by  his  nMlitary 
and  royal  creatures,  which^  fh>m  Jomim  to  Bourmont,  con- 
tinually undermined  a  throne,  by  its  upiri»rt  occupant  as  con- 


%■ 


\-  ;■ 


il^iAi».ifAV,/^-w^' 


■''H,J-v«i    '-v^>» 


802 


NAPOLEON  DESERTED. 


Btantly  denied  popular  support.     Jomini,  the  Swiss  adjutant- 
general  of  Ney's   corps,  concentrating  at  Lignitz,  in  Ger- 
many, waa  the  first  to  go  over  to  the  enemy,  seduced  by  an 
aid-de-camp  of  the  Emperor  Alexander.    A  much  more  im- 
portant personage,  Murat,  the  King  of  Naples,  soon  followed. 
From  the  disasters  in  Russia,  apprehending  that  his  imperial 
patron's  throne  was  in  danger,  Murat  deserted  fia  post  in  the 
retreat  from  Moscow,  and  withdrew  to  Naples,  to  intrigue  with 
the  British  and  Austrian  governments  for  his  defection  from 
Napoleon,  and  reward  by  his  enemies.    After  the  battles  of 
Lutzen  and  Bautzen,  next  year.  Napoleon  recalled  him  to 
resume  command  of  the  French  cavalry.    Napoleon's  disasters 
recommenced  with  the  capture  of  Yandamme  and  his  force  at 
Culm,  a  large^  handsome,  rough  Brabant  soldier,  whom  we  had 
in  this  country.    The  immense  defeat  of  ^e  French  at  Leipsio 
was  caused  by  whole  corps  of  Saxon  and  Wirtemburg  troops 
desertmg  from  the  French  to  their  enemies,  in  the  heat  of  the 
bftttle.     Bemadotte,  Joseph  Bonaparte's  brother-in-law,  in- 
debted for  his  Swedish  crown  ,princedomi  to  Napoleon,  was 
maintained  in  that  position  by  the  coalesced  monarchs :.  and 
why  should  not  another  still  nearer  connexion  of  the  Bonaparte 
family,  in  the  same  way,  try  to  secure  his  Sicilian  throne? 
I^ing  Murat's  Grand  Eqoerry,  the  Dukd  of  Bobca  Bomana, 
was  despatched  from  Naples,  where  Fouch^  was,  to  Murat's 
head-quarters;  and  on  Napoleon's  retreat  jrom  Germany  to 
France,  Murat  again  deserted,  hastened  to  Naples,  and  con- 
summated his  alliance  with  the  allies,  by  treaties,  in  January, 
1814 ;  one  with  Austria  another  with  England.    By  occupy- 
ing the  papal  states,  commanded  by  General  Miollis,  long  an 
inhabitant  of  this  country,  Murat  gave  the  most  fatal  blow  to 
bis  brother-in-law's  empire,  reign  and  dynasty ;  for  which  royal 
high  treason,  his  punishment  was  severely  condign.     After 
Napoleon's  second  abdication  and  final,  dethronement,  ne:Ft 
year,  his  King  of  Naples  was  driven  from  the  throne  by  the 
same  King  Ferdinand  whom  Joseph  had  expelled  from  it  in 
1806.    Murat  absconded,  lurking  through  various  hiding'-places 
in  France,  Corsica  and  Sicily;  the  royal  and  brilliimt  cox- 
comb, long  as  remarkable  for  fantastic  fopp«ry  of  dress  as  for 


iRTED. 

)tnini,  tho  Swiss  adjutant- 
Uing   at  Lignitz,  in  Oer- 
the  enemy,  seduced  by  an 
nder.     A  much  more  im- 
of  Naplets,  soon  followed, 
^bending  that  bia  imperial 
at  deserted  his  post  in  the 
to  Naples,  to  intrigue  with 
nts  for  his  defection  from 
ies.    After  the  battles  of 
!<rapoleon  recalled  him  to 
airy.    Napoleon's  disasters 
'^andamme  and  his  force  at 
ibant  soldier,  whom  we  had 
)at  of  the  French  at  Leipsio 
on  and  Wirtemburg  troops 
enemies,  in  the  heat  of  the 
^parte'g  brother-in-law,  in- 
incedom  to  Napoleon,  was 
>  coalesced  monarohs :,  and 
connexion  of  the  Bonaparte 
secure  big  Sicilian  throne? 
)  Dukd  of  Bobca  Romana, 
re  Fouch^  was,  to  Murat'a 
retreat  irom  Germany  to 
itened  to  Naples,  and  con- 
ies, by  treaties,  in  January, 
inth  England.    By  occupy- 
>y  (General  Miollis,  long  an 
gave  the  most  fatal  blow  to 
id  dynasty;  for  which  royal 
severely  condign.     After 
t  final,  dethronement,  ne^t 
en  from  the  throne  by  the 
h  had  expelled  from  it  in 
iroqgh  various  hiding-places 
e  royal  and  brilliant  oox- 
stio  foppery  of  dress  as  for 


BOKAPARTB  KINGS. 


308 


romantic  valor,  concealing  his  handsome  person  under  many 
strange  disguises,  lived  in  caverns  and  holes  covered  with 
branches,  and  fled  nightly  from  one  hiding-place  to  another, 
till  betrayed,  at  last,  by  his  own  aid-de-camp,  he  was  tried  by 
a  court-martial,  consisting  of  officers  of  his  own  creation,  and 
shot,  on  the  18th  uf  October,  1815,  by  force  of  one  of  the 
most  atrocious  of  all  the  Bourbon  royal  barbarities.  King 
Ferdinand's  order,  convoking  the  court-martial  to  try  King 
Murat,  directed  that  no  more  than  half  an  hour  should  be 
allowed  the  condemned  for  religious  consolation ;  which  infernal 
anticipation  of  the  judgment  exceeds,  in  Bourbon  barbarity, 
the  worst  cruelty  ever  even  imputed  to  Bonaparte.  One  of 
the  certainly  precipitate  executioners  of  the  Duke  of  Enghein, 
Murat's  satjrifice  surpassed  that  of  the  Bourbon  prince  in  ig- 
nominous  and. remorseless  despatcn. 

The  first  throne  on  which  Napoleon  seated  a  brother,  fell  by 
a  brother-in-law's  preference  of  a  throne  to  his  brother. 

About  the  time  -when  King  Murat,  by  reaction  of  traitorous 
defection,  restored  that  throne  to  the  least  respectable  of  the 
many  dethroned  Bourbons,  another  of  Napoleon's  family 
thrones  fell,  in  an  instant,  like  a  card-house.  A  party  of  Cos- 
sacks unexpectedly  galloped  into  Cassel,  capital  of  the  king- 
dom of  Westphalia ;  whence  King  Jerome,  completely  surprised 
and  overpowered,  instantly  fled,  and  his  kingdom  of  Westphalia 
vanished  in  a  day,  without  a  struggle.  Not  long  after,  what 
remained  in  Holland  of  King  Louis's  kingdom  was,  by  the 
Dutch,  restored  to  the  Prince  of  Orange,  in  spite  of  Louis's 
despised  protest  that  it  belonged  tOrthe  son  in  whose  favor  he 
abdicated.  Eliza  and  her  husband  were  soon  stripped  of  their 
Tuscan  prmoipality.  On  the  11th  of  December,  1818,  Ferdi- 
nand was  released  from  his  several  years'  imprisonment  at  Tal- 
leyrand's bountry  residence,  Valenqay,  and  restored  to  Spain, 
of  which  Joseph  resigned  the  kingdom.  Thus,  in  a  short  time, 
Napoleon's  family  crowns  wet e  all  wrested  from  him,  and  his 
vast  empire  reduced  to  France,  bvaded  by  a  million  of  exas- 
porated  enemies  ta  dethrone  him.  As  a  military  chieftain,  his 
efforts  to  prevent.that  result  we^  prodigious;  W  so  much  at 
variance  with  the  free  spirit  which,  in  1789,  arose  in  France, 


m 


NAPOLEON. 

and,  in  1709,  put  him  at  tho  head  of  the  government,  that  he 
proved  a  blind  instrument  of  reviving,  by  reaction,  the  freedom 
he  put,  but  could  not  keep  down. 

On  the  9th  November,  1818,  driven  back  to  Paris,  demoral- 
ized and  infuriated,  instead  of  appealing,  as  the  monarehs  of 
Germany  in  tribulation  all  had,  with  large  entreaties  and  pro- 
mises, to  their  people  for  support,  the  French  Emperor's 
address  to  his  Council  of  State  denonnoed  those  he  had  long 
stigmatized  as  idealogists,  men  thinking  for  themselves,  to 
whom  he  attributed  all  the  French  calamities,  and  the  reign 
of  terror,  which  be  abhorred  as  a  reign  of  blood.  The  ideal- 
ogists found  laws  on  dark  subtleties,  he  said ;  proclaim  insur- 
rection as  a  duty;  adulate  the  people  by  proclaiming  their 
sovereignty,  who  are  incapable  of  its  exercise.  Convoking 
the  Senate  and  Legislative  fiody,  in  order  to  submit  to  them 
the  terms  of  peace  proposed,  finding  it  indispensable  in  that 
supreme  crisis  to  enlist  popular  sympathy,  thereby  to  raise 
men  and  money,  yet  Nttpoleon  fatally  proved,  what  a  greater 
revolutionist,  Voltaire,  had  said,  that  military  despotism  is  not 
a  form,  but  subversion  of  government,  which,  after  destroying 
every  thing  else,  destroys  itself;  a  colossus  whidi  falls  as  soon 
as  its  arm  is  no  longer  uplifted.  Suspecting  his  enemies,  espe- 
dally  the  English,  of  hostile  designs  against  him  personally, 
they  had  fixed,  he  said,  tiieir  rendexvoua  at  his  tomb ;  and, 
thinking  the  lion  dead,  every  ass  wanted  to  ^ve  him  a  kidc. 
Talleyrand  and  Fooch^  were,  as  evei^  prindpal  advisers: 
Fotich^  objected  to  popular  concessions,  Ti^eyraad  suggested 
dividmg  the  coalition  by  ofiermg  to  make  the  Dnke  of  Wel- 
lington king  of  Engiland. 

Commissioners,  despatched  into  the  departments  to  ascertain 
and  rouse  popular  patriotism,  found  the  people  quiet  and  well 
disposed,  but  exhausted  by  war,  and  nniversidly  anxious  for 
peace.  If  the  Emperor  had  then  conceded  to  tho  Le^lature 
what,  after  his  return  from  Elba,  he  proffered,  probably  tiie 
invaders  would  have  been  repnhed,  as  they  were  twenty  ye^rs 
b^ore,  when  all  France  rose  as  one  man  by  spontaneous  union 
of  fimmen.    After  two  hundred  and  fifty-four  members  of  t]M 


INVASION   OF   FRANCE. 


805 


>f  the  government,  that  ho 
g,  by  reaction,  the  freedom 

ren  back  to  Parii,  domoral- 
ealing,  as  the  monarohs  of 
h  large  entreaties  and  pro- 
t,  the  French  Emperor's 
lonnced  those  he  had  long 
inking  for  themselves,  to 
1  oolamities,  and  the  reign 
eign  of  blood.  The  ideal- 
s,  he  said ;  proclaim  insor- 
9ople  by  proclaiming  their 
its  exercise.  Convoking 
a  order  to  submit  to  them 
ig  it  indispensable  in  that 
Tmpathj,  thereby  to  raise 
klly  proved,  what  a  greater 
It  military  despotism  is  not 
int,  which,  after  destroying 
colossns  whidi  falls  as  soon 
ispeoting  his  enemies,  espe- 
bi  against  him  personally, 
deivoaa  at  his  tomb;  and, 
anted  to  ^ve  him  a  kick. 
•  evetv  priadpal  advisers: 
ions,  Talleyrand  suggested 
o  make  the  Duke  of  Wel> 

ie  d^Mfftments  to  ascertain 
i  the  peojde  quiet  and  well 
ad  oniversfdly  anxious  for 
sonoeded  to  ihe  Legiskture 
he  proffered,  probably  die 
as  they  were  twenty  ye^rs 
man  by  spontaneous  union 
id  fifty-four  members  of  t^ 


Legislative  Bddy  from  all  parts  of  the  country,  fresh  from  the 
people,  had  arrived  in  Paris,  veil  inclined  to  the  Emperor, 
ardent  for  resistance  of  the  enemy,  but  disposed  to  revive 
some  of  the  long-suppressed  principles  of  representative  go- 
vernment,—  though  without  trcochery  or  Bourbon  teiwlcncy 
among  them,  —  Napoleon,  for  some  time,  would  not  lot  tlicm 
assemble  and  organize,  but  kept  them  breathing  and  broodi  ig 
discontent  in  the  capital,  agitated  by  hourly  tidings  of  the  ap 
prooching  enemy.  When  at  last  they  were  permitted  to  assem- 
ble, the  Emperor's  communication  to  them  of  the  proposed 
terms  of  peace  was  reserved  and  unsatisfactory.  In  their 
selection,  therefore,  of  the  committee  to  report  the  address  to 
the  crown,  courtiers  were  excluded,  and  men  chosen  of  well- 
known  independence,  moderation,  firmness,  and  patriotism; 
with  whom  the  Emperor  should  have  been  satisfied,  for  they 
and  their  sentiments  were  sympathetic  with  popular  ardor  and 
national  strength.  France  was  stronger,  said  Regnault  de  St. 
Jeau  d'Angely,  than  in  1792,  when  the  Prussian  invasion  wos 
repelled,  or  in  1799,  when  the  Russian  was  discomfited.  Na- 
poleon had  all,  arid  more  than  all,  the  same  resources  in  his 
hands,  except  the  republican  spirit,  which  alone  was  wanting. 

One  of  the  members  of  the  Legislature,  Lain^,  a  Bourdeaux 
lawyer,  known  to  be  of  republican  inclinations,  was,  on  that 
account,  suspeeted  as  a  revolutionist  1>y  those  around  the  Em- 
peror's person,  from  whom  he  had  contracted  the  unavoidable 
bad  exeotitiTe  habit  of  receiving  tlieiis  as  public  sentiment. 
After  animated. discussion  in  committee,  but  not  allowed  public 
debate,  a  report  was  presented  and  adopted  by  the  large  ma- 
jority of  208  Votes  to  61,  which  entreated  his  imperial  majesty 
to  maintain  the  entire  and  conS^tant  execution  of  laws  guaran- 
teeing to  Frenchmen  the  rights  of  liberty,  safety,  and  property^^ 
and  to  thd  natipn'the  free  exercise  of  its  political  rights.  It 
se^n^s  incredible  that  such  generalities,  in  harmless  plhrases, 
should  have  oSbnded  and  alarmed  the  Emperor.  But,  as  the 
invaders  Were  on  their  march  to  Paris,  and,  on  the  .Slst  De* 
cember,  1818,  the  army  of  Schwartzenbefg  broke  through 
Switzerland,  on  its  way,  Napoleon  summoned  his  council,  who 

Vol.  m.— 20 


■^^ 


306 


NAPOLEOK. 


advised  thot  such  language,  at  that  time,  was  ieditloui.     It  is 
no  Umo,  said  the  Emperor,  when  the  national  existence  is 
menaced,  to  talk  about  constitutions  and  the  rights  of  the 
people.     On  the  Blst  December,  1818,  therefore,  the  Legis- 
kturo  was  dissolved,  after  three  days  session,  ond  the  few 
copies  of  the  report  printed  for  the  use  of  the  members  seized 
by  imperial  order,  and  destroyed.     Next  doy,  when  all  the 
public  authorities,  as  usual  on  the  first  of  the  year,  waited  o^i 
the  sovereign,  with  complimentary  addresses,  and  the  Legis- 
lative Body,  among  the  rest,  presented  themselves  at  the  foot 
of  the  throne,  the  Emperor,  going  down  from  it,  approaching 
and  angrily  accosting  them,  by  harsh,  coarse  language,  uttered 
in  the  most  offensive  manner,  rejected,  defied,  insulted,  and 
abused  the  popular  sentiment. 

"  Eleven-twelfths  of  you  ore  good  men,  but  the  rest  faction, 
ists,"  he  said,  fiercely.     "You  might  have  done  good;  you 
Uve  done  harm.    I  called  on  you  to  help  me;  instead  of 
which  you  comfort  the  foreigners.     Your  committee   has 
been  led   by  Englisli  agents.      You*  M.   Laito<  is   a  bad 
fellow;  the  loss  of  two  battles  in  France  would  not  do  a> 
much  mischief  as  hift  report.     I  needed  consolation ;   you 
cover  me  with  mud.    That  is  not  the  way  to  elevate  the 
throne.    What  is  a  throne,  but  bits  of  wood  covered  with  a 
strip  of  velvet?    The  thrqne  is  in  the  nation;  and  don't  you 
know  that  i  represent  it  above  all— I,  who  hove  been  four 
times  raiaed  to  the  head  of  it  by  fire  millions  of  votes?    I 
represent  it  with  o  title.    You  hove  none ;  you  ore  but  repre- 
sentatives of  the  departments.    Is  thU  the  time  for  your  re- 
monstronces,  when  two  hundred  thousand  Oossooks^re  cross- 
ing the  frontiers?    Is  this  the  time  to  talk  of  individual 
liberty,  when  the  national  liberty  is  at  «take?    Your  ideol- 
ogues demand  guarantees  against  power,  when  Fronce  wants 
them  only  against  the^  enemy.    If  not  satisfied  with  the  con- 
stitution, you  should  hove  demonded  another  four  months 
ago ;  or  two  years  after  we  get  peace.    Why  talk  before  all 
Europe  of  domestic  grievances?     Dirty  clothes  should  be 
Hashed  at  home.    You  want  to  imitate  the  Constituent  As- 


INVASION   OF   FBANCK. 


807 


imo,  waa  leditioui.     It  is 
the  national  existonoe  is 
IB  ond  the  rights  of  the 
118,  therefore,  the  Legis- 
ayi  session,  and  the  fow 
ise  of  the  members  seized 
Next  day,  when  all  the 
•St  of  the  year,  waited  on 
addresses,  and  the  Legis- 
ted  themselves  at  the  foot 
[own  from  it,  approaching 
t,  coarse  language,  uttered 
oted,  defied,  insulted,  and 

men,  but  the  rest  faction* 
;ht  have  done  good;  you 
II  to  help  me;  instead  of 
).     Your  committee   has 
our  M.  Laili^  is  a  bad 
France  would  not  do  as 
needed  consolation ;   you 
)t  the  way  to  elevate  the 
its  of  wood  covered  with  a 
the  nation ;  and  don't  you 
1  —  I,  who  have  been  four 
five  millions  of  votes?    I 
e  none ;  you  are  but  repre- 
I  this  the  tim«  for  your  re- 
lousand  Cossacks -are  cross* 
time  to  talk  of  individual 
is  at  4take?    four  ideal- 
power,  when  France  wants 
:  not  satisfied  with  the  oon- 
tnded  another  four  months 
•ace.    Why  talk  before  all 
Dirty  clothes  should  be 
imitate  the  Constituent  As- 


lombly,  and  make  a  revolution.  But  I  shall  not  imitato  the 
king  that  then  was ;  I'd  rather  abandon  the  throne,  and  make 
ono  of  the  sovereign  people,  than  be  a  king-slave." 

Such  vulgar  and  insulting  treatment  was  more  ofTcnsive  thaji 
oppression,  for  people  will  bear  that  rather  than  insult.    With 
transcendant  talents,  generally  polite  and  captivating  manner-*, 
on  that  occasion,  irritated,  mortified,  and  alarmed  beyond  en- 
durance or  acknowledgment.  Napoleon  played  the  tyrant  even 
more  than  he  had  ever  really  performed  it.    Several  men  of 
note,  one  of  them  a  member  of  the  Legislature,  representing 
the  Oenevo  district,  were  ordered  to  leave  his  presence ;  but 
Lain<5,  the  chief  author  of  the  legislative  report  which  gave  so 
much  ofi'ence,  who,  though  advised  not  to  venture  into  the 
Emperor's  presence  manfully  went,  was  not  noticed.    Not  a 
word  of  reproach  was  addressed  to  him  by  the  mighty  master, 
maddened  by  reverses,  after  years  of  infatuating  success, 
power,  and  adulation.    If,  as  he  began  his  mad  speech  by 
saying,  eleven-twelfths  of  the  Legislature  were  good  men, 
what  folly  to  insult  them  all  by  passionate  reproaches,  which 
were  intended  but  for  a  small  fraction  I    The  argument  of  the 
imperial  invective,  no  doubt  premeditated,  though  spoken  has- 
tily, is  forcible  that  the  crisisiwaa  fitter  for  action  than  remon- 
strance.   But  when  has  liberty  u  chance  for  recovery  from 
oppression,  except  in  such  conjunctures,  as  next  year  Napo- 
leon, attempting  the  restoration  of  his  reign,  conceded.    In 
1814,  his  iron  will,  inflamed  by  pride  and  passion  to  white 
heat,  struck  from  the  heart  eloquent  reproach,  which  his  own 
cooler  judgment,  in  1815,  condemned.    Impolitic  and  nndig- 
nified  ebullition  of  temper,  however,  indicative  of  the  genius 
which  ruled  most  of  the  world,  chastened  by  a  year's  banish- 
ment from  pewer,  waa  followed  by  competition  between  Napo- 
leon and  Loois  XVIII.,  bidding  ooncessioi^  for  a  crown,  which 
reconstructed  gradually  the  foundations  laid  in  178^. 

In  a  few  days  after  that  outbreak  the  Emperor  left  Paris, 
to  take  command  of  his  army  for  the  defence  of  France,  when 
the  number  and  proportions  of  the  hostile  forces  were  thus 
enumerated:  ^    - 


n. 


INTAUOV  or  IRAMOI. 

Alliad  timy  under  Bchwartunkarg 190,000 

Army  of  Hile«i«,  umlar  BIticher. 100,000 

Army  of  lh«  North,  under  Berwulotte ,..   1»0,000 

Dutch  oon«,  12,000;  Engltoh  in  Belgium 8.<W0 

Oemun  reeervo  forming. •  •  •     *^»^ 

Auttri»n  re^rve  forming  on  tho  Inn »0,000 

RuMian  reacrve  forming  in  Poland. 60,000 

.  Iproope  of  the  Alliee  blocktdinf  French  gutmm  in  wrioue 

placee • 100,000 

Auitrian  army  in  luly  undler  Bellegirde 70,000 

Cngliah,  Spaniah,  P«Mrtugueie.  Biciliane,  and  Saidiniana,  under 

•      Welliiigtoo ^^'^ 

1,000,000 

A  millioii  Of  MgttUur  wldieri,  bMides  the  Gennan  militia 
(Und^ehr)  and  maM  of  armed  leviea  of  p«aaaiit>  and  towiw- 
p«opl«  (landitrum),  the  Bpaniah  gnerriUaa,  and  other  irregular 
forcea,  *U  of  which  were  extremely  iiyurioua  to  the  retreating 
French.  And  from  thia  enumeration  are  excluded,  also, 
Murat'a  army  of  26,000  Neapolitan*,  in  the  Papal  Statea, 
and  a  body  of  16,000  Sicilians,  under  the  Englfih. 

To  oppoae  inch  hordei  of  enemies,  Napoleon  had  not  more 
than  860,000  aoldiera;  of  whom  ecarco  100,000  were  at  hia 
diiposition.  100,000  were  ahut  up  in  varioui  distant  for- 
treues;  90,000  were  in  Spain,  under  Soult  and  Suchot; 
50,000  in  Italy,  under  Eugene  Beauhamois;  leaving  about 
12*0,000  under  MarahaU  Macdonald,  Marmoni,  hfortier,  Vic- 
tor, Ney,  and  Augereau,  in  various  parts  of  France,  of  which 
the  Emperor  never  had  more  than  60,000  together,  under  his 
immediate  command. 

After  a  abort  winter  campaign,  in  which  his  military  snpe- 
riori^  to  aU  other  commandera  was  more  than  ever  signaliied, 
with  scarcely  more  than  one  man  to  Ave,  he  defeated  the  Rus- 
sians under  Saoken,  the  Prussians  under  BluAer,  aiid  the 
Austrians  under  Sohwartaenberg,  in  several  Moody  battles^  in 
which  nothing  was  more  remarkable  than  the.  heroic  courage 
and  devotion  of  the  (Vesh^  half-armed  reeniita  an^  national 
guards ;  proving  ihat  if  the  whole  population  had  been  called 
out,  they  would  have  nObly  contested  every  inch  of  ground,  and 
probably  saved  the  master  afraid  to  trust  them,  fighting,  himself, 


KOI. 


iNYASioir  or  rKAHoi, 


809 


, 190,000 

100,000 

, 180,000 

, 8,000 

80,000 

60,000 

60,000 

f riKNM  in  Ttrioiu 

100,000 

; 70,000 

Strdiniaiw,  under 
140,000 


_  '     ,  1,000,000 

ides  the  Gennan  militia 
I  of  peasants  and  towns- 
iUas,  and  other  irregular 
igarions  to  the  retreating 
ion  are  excladed,  also, 
IS,  in  the  Papal  States, 
r  the  Engljsh. 
I,  Napoleon  had  not  more 
irce  100,000  were  at  his 
)  in  yarioQS  distant  for- 
nder  Soolt  and  Suchet; 
luhamois;  leaving  abont 
1,  Mamont,  Mortier,  Vio- 
[>arts  of  France,  of  which 
10,000 'together,  under  his 

1  which  his  military  snpe- 
mOre  than  ever  signalised, 
fir^  he  deftated  the  Roe- 
under  Blacher,  aAd  the 
several  Moody  battles,  in 
» than  the.  heroio  courage 
led  reemits  an^  national 
»opnlation  had  been  called 
every  inch  of  ground,  and 
ost  them,  fighting,  himself, 


indeed,  like  a  lion  at  bay,  joining  in  the  charges,  cipoiing  bis 
person  to  every  risk,  and  fulfilling  all  the  duties  of  a  common 
aoldicr  14  well  as  groat  captain.  At  )ast,  on  the  5th  March, 
1814,  an  iniporial  decree,  dated  at  Fismes,  authorized,  what 
ought  '0  have  been  invoked  long  before,  the  whole  populntion 
of  France  to  arm,  sound  the  tocsin,  ransack  the  woods,  cut 
down  the  bridges,  barricade  the  roads,  and  ftfl  on  the  invaders 
wherever  found.  Instead  of  exclusive  reliance  on  enriched 
marshals,  ministers,  tvnd  fiatterers,  Jaded  and  dispirited  sol- 
diers, Nspoleon  at  last,  wheii  too  late,  recurred  to  the  patriotic 
enthusiasm  of  the  people,  and  proclaimed  their  sovereignty, 
who  were  so  lately  declared  incapable  of  its  exercise. 

On  the  26th  January,  1814,  when  he  left  Paris  to  take  com- 
mand of  his  army,  the  Emperor  was  saluted,  on  the  way  to 
hoad-quarters,  by  continual  cheers  for  himself,  and  cries  of 
'*  Down  with  the  consolidated  taxes."  For  the  French  people, 
oppressed  by  despotic  government,  and  delighted  by  its  prodi- 
gious glory,  were  nevertheless  much  more  alive  to  taeir  rights, 
liberties,  and  welfare,  than  is  commoniy  acknowledged  by  those 
English  and  even  Frenoh  accounts  which  characterise  them  to 
us  Americans.  Throughout  the  I^st  few  days  of  January,  and 
all  February,  battles  and  negotiations  succeeded  each  other 
rapidly,  terms  of  peace  or  truce  tarying  from  day  to  day,  ac- 
cording to  the  events  of  the  confiict,  most  of  the  battles  being 
favorable  to  the  French.  Troops  that  had  never  seen  service, 
just  recruited',  not  clothed,  hardly  armed,  some  of  them  Von- 
deans,  foagKt  with  a  cheerful  and  admirable  spirit,  under  the 
Emperor  with  whom  their  love  of  country  was  associated. 
Schwartsenberg,  Blucher,  Prussians,  Austriaos,  and  Russians, 
were  worsted,  and  their  leaders  driven  back  much  discouraged, 
till,  on  th^  l«t  of  March,  1814,  at  Ghaumont,  Lord  Castle- 
reagh,  by  treaty,  doubled  A«  subsidies,  raised  to  more  than 
twenty  ni}llons  of  dollars  a  year,  for  the  three  great  conti- 
nental itipendinries,  who  therefore  bound  themselves,  the 
whole  fonr  to  eaeh  othor,  to  koep  up  large  armieii,  prosecute 
the  war,  and  make  no  peace  till  France  was  reduced  to  the 
limits  o£  1789.  Soon  after  that  time  negotiatbn  ceased  with 
l^apoleott ; .  th^  aci^bards  on  both  sides  were  thrown  away,  and 


!^3lj>:¥^'^"  -**-«:-»W"' 


810 


FRANCE  INVADED. 


the  immense  army  of  invasion  was  united  to  move  toward 
Paris.  Still,  as  soon  as  they  got  together,  the  leaders  hesi- 
tated, and  during  near  two  days  the  question  was  discussed, 
whether  to  advance  or  retreat.  The  Austrian  generalissimo, 
Schwartzenberg,  and  the  King  of  Prussia  were  for  retreating, 
the  Emperor  Alexander  strenuous  for  advancing.  The  Empe- 
ror of  Austria  withdrew  from  the  army,  with  only  two  attend- 
ants, and  retired  to  the  south  of  France,  fearful  not  only  of 
the  event,  but  whether  he  should,  if  he  could,  overthrow  his 
daughter's  husband  and  grandson's  father.  Sir  Robert  Wilson 
said  the  Allies  found  themselves  in  a  vicious  circle,  from  which 
it  was  impossible  to  escape,  unless  defection  came  to  their 
relief;  obliged  to  retire,  yet  unable  to  retreat;  and  defection 
took  place  when  Bonaparte  seemed  to  be  beyond  the  reach  of 
fortune. 

By  their  march  upon  Paris,  when  resolved  upon.  Napoleon's 
superior  officers  were  dismayed,  as  their  hesitating  assailants 
had  been.  Paris  was  their  country,  their  palladium.  Their 
gorgeous  palaces  and  gilded  halls ;  iheir  honors,  titles,  and 
opulence ;  their  great  master's  bounties,  their  luxuries,  plea-^ 
sures,  and  vanity,  were  Parisian.  As  Napoleon'ft  family 
thrones  in  Naples,  Westphalia,  and  Spain,  were  primary 
causes  of  his  ruin,  so  the  titles,  riches,  and  splendors,  with 
which  he  scrroanded  his  own  throne  by  upstarts,  were  fatal 
impulses  of  his  ruin's  sudden  and  rapid  consummation.  Nei- 
'ther  soldiery  nor  people  deserted  or  betrayed  the  commander 
whom  a  bastard  aristocracy  sacrificed  to  save  themselves. 
Several  daycf  were  lost  in  reasoning  with  these  remonstrants, 
whom  then  he  dared-  not  overrule,  as  he  did  the  Legislative 
Body.  If  he  had  rebuked  and  dismissed  the  aristocracy  of 
his  monarchy  as  he  did  the  representatives  of  the  democracy, 
he  might  have  rescued  France  and  his  family  from  impending 
ruin.  But  the  only  sentiment  besides  his  own  that  he  fevei 
heard  was  that  of  the  courtiers  he  kept  at  his  footstool;  anc 
it  is  a  fact  of  great  sijgnificance,  that  from  the  first  step  to  th( 
last  of  his  downfal,  no  great  man  of  his  empire,  without  regarc 
to  himself,  strove  to  save  its  founder.  Individual  plebeiani 
might  have  been  as  selfish  or  worse,  but  the  mass  had  no  mo 


s  united  to  move  toward 

ogether,  the  leaders  hesi- 

e  question  was  discussed, 

e  Austrian  generalissimo, 

russia  were  for  retfcating, 

>r  advancing.    The  Empc- 

my,  with  only  two  attend- 

'ranee,  fearful  not  only  of 

he  could,  overthrow  his 

ather.     Sir  Robert  Wilson 

a  vicious  circle,  from  which 

IS  defection  came  to  their 

3  to  retreat ;  and  defection 

to  be  beyond  the  reach  of 

I  resolved  upon.  Napoleon's 
their  hesitating  assailants 
ry,  their  palladiam.  Their 
;  their  honors,  titles,  and 
•unties,  their  luxuries,  plea- 
I.  As  Napoleon'd  family 
and  Spain,  were  primary 
riches,  and  splendors,  with 
one  by  upstarts,  were  fatal 
rapid  consummation.  Nei- 
or  betrayed  the  commander 
rificed  to  save  themselves, 
ig  with  these  remonstrants, 
I,  as  he  did  the  Legislative 
lismissed  the  aristocracy  of 
entatives  of  the  democracy, 
his  family  from  impending 
sides  his  own  that  he  6ver 
>  kept  at  his  footstool ;  and 
lat  from  the  first  step  to  the 
f  his  empire,  without  regaird 
Etder.  Individual  plebeians 
i,  but  the  mass  had  no  mo- 


FRANCE  INVADED. 


811 


tive  except  to  save  the  country,  which  was  themselves.  Na- 
poleon's bold  and  wise  plan  was  to  lead  his  sixty  thousand  men 
into  Germany.  "  I  am  as  near  Munich,"  said  he,  **  as  they 
are  to  Paris."  A  hundred  thousand  veteran  French  troops 
might  have  joined  him  from  German  garrisons ;  Berlin  and 
Vienna  lay  unprotected,  at  his  mercy.  Soult  and  Suchez 
could  bring  ninety  thousand  from  Spain,  to  employ  Welling- 
ton; Eugene  Beauharnois  twenty-five  thousand  from  Italy. 
But  the  Emperor's  plans  were  frustrated,  when  disarmed 
by  his  superior  officers,  who  almost  revolted  against  marching 
anywhere,  but  to  rescue  their  homes  and  preserve  their  esta- 
blishments. By  their  complaints  and  remonstrances,  after 
several  days  lost  in  dealing  with,  not  venturing  to  overrule 
them,  he  was  constrained  to  follow  the  allied  armies  toward 
Paris,  after  they  had  got  some  days  march  ahead  of  him. 
Before  he  could  reach  Paris,  his  lieutenant,  Joseph,  as  he 
considered  by  the  Emperor's  direction,  sent  the  Empress  and 
her  son  out  of  Paris,  and  authorised  Marshals  Marmont  and 
Mortier,  who  commanded  there,  to  capitulate,  on  the  afternoon 
of  the  80th  March,  1814.  < 

There  were  not  twenty-five  thousand  armed  men,  regulars 
and  irregulars,  all  told,  for  the  defence  of  Paris,  against  at 
least  five  times  that  number  of  assailants.  There  was  a  defi- 
ciency of  muskets,  and  the  pOwder  gave  out.  More  than  all, 
I  am  assured,  by  one  present  and  familiar  with  all  the  circum- 
stances of  the  surrender  of  Paris,  that  there  was  a  total  want 
of  popular  spirit  to  defend  that  capital.  Marmont,  whose 
most  glorious  exploits  were  performed  there,  and  Mortier,  asso- 
ciated with  lam  in  command,  did  all  that  the  bravest  soldier- 
ship could,  destroyed,  the  Frensh  say,  more  of  the  allied 
troops,  killed,  wounded,  or  captured,  during  that  attack,  than 
the  whole  Fredch  force  engaged,  viz.,  thirteen  or  fourteen 
thousand  men.  The  battle  of  Paris,  in  March,  resembled,  in 
some  respects,  the  battle  of  Bladensbnrg,  in  August  of  that 
year.  The  capital  of  the  best-armed  and  most  martial  nation 
in  the  world  was,  relatively,  as  ill  provided  for  resistance, 
either  materially^  or'in  spirit,  as  that  of  the  least  belligerent  or 
prepared  people.    Paris  was  as  little  fortified  as  Washington. 


mmm 


' . ,  t:iuf«i*(ffl«»iteiA*itiftf*WiJis:fe.i*f^  i-*?<i^^vMwfc . .  hv 


'  ryiiVriji 


812 


PARIS   SURRENDERED. 


Trifling  circumstances  might  have  defeated  the  aljies  at  Paris, 
and  the  English  at  Washington.     Joseph  ^onaparto  in  many 
battles,   Jerome    at  Waterloo,   proved   that  no  bodily  fear 
deterred  them  from  heroic  ^efforts.     Yet  I  wish  I  could  vindi- 
cate them,  p  ri-tjculfirly  the  Emperor^  lieutenant,  Joseph,  from 
hasty  and  injudicious,  certainly  unfortunate,  capitulation.    At 
thb  meeting  of  Council,  on  the  night  of  the  28th  of  March, 
1814,  after  nearly  all  present  spoke  against  the  Empress- 
Regent,  Maria  Louisa,  with  her  son,  leaving  Paris,  against 
which  even  Talleyr^ind  protested,  Joseph  at  last  produced  and 
read  the  Emperor's  letter  of  1;he  16th  of  March,  then  two 
weeks  old,  commanding  that  unfortunate  evacuation.     Jo- 
seph, throughout  his  life,  had  always  yielded  implicit,  almost 
passive  obedience  to  his  younger  brother  Na|)oleon.    Maria 
Louisa,  a  young  wife,  without  decision  of  character,   was 
equally  submissive.    With  American  ideas  of  personal  inde- 
pendence, Frenqh  impressions  ^eem  strange,  of  the -absolute 
necessity  of  passive  obedience.    That  Joseph,  himself,  deemed 
it  injudicious,  was  proved  by  his  and  Cambacdres  following  the 
Empress,  after  the  Council  broke  up,  at  two  o'dock  at  night, 
into  her  apartment,  requesting  her  to  take  the  responsibility 
of  disobeying  her  husband's  order,  which  she  naturally  and 
justifiably  declined  dping ;  but  with  manifest  anxiety  that  they 
should  advise  it,  when  she  would  have  readily . consented,  on. 
their  responsibility.    Clarke,  the  minister  of  yrta,  one  of  the 
Emperor's  least  meritorious  dukes  (of  Eeltre),  urged  her  going, 
even  before  Joseph  produced  his  brother 'js  fatal  order:  from 
that  time,  till  she  at  last  went,  continually  sending  repeated 
messages  tha,t  she  had  not  a  moment  to  lose ;  her  departure  or 
capture  by  the  Cossacks  being  the  only  fdternatives.    As  she 
went,  the  little  King  of  >Bome  betrayed  his  infant  resistance 
,  by  loud  cries,  and  clinging  to  the  stair- way,  from  which  it  was 
necessary  to  force  his  grasp.     A  disconsolate  cavalcade  of 
coaches,  with  the  imperial  arms  on  their  pannels,  moved 
through  the  streets  in  lugubrious  silence,  whmi  any  Midd 
patriot  of  the  common  people,  cutting  a  trace  of  the  Empress's 
carriage,  might  have  saved  the  Empire.    Not  the  least  of  the 
errors  of  that  affrighted  escape^  was  detaching  more  thaA  two 


iR£D. 

Teated  the  allies  at  Paris, 

>scph  ^onaparte  in  many 

^ed    that  no  bodily  fear 

Yet  I  wish  I  could  vindi- 

lieutenant,  Joseph,  from 

tunate,  capitulation.     At 

It  of  the  28th  of  March, 

ke  against  the  Empress- 

i,  leaving  Paris,  against 

tseph  at  last  produced  and 

I6th  of  March,  then  two 

rtunate  evacuation.     Jo- 

rs  yielded  implicit,  almost 

>rother  Napoleon.    Maria 

icision  of  character,   was 

n  ideas  of  personal  inde- 

strange,  of  the  absolute 

kt  Joseph,  himself,  deemed 

Cambacdres  following  the 

>,,attwo  o'clock  at  night, 

to  take  the  responsibility 

which  she  naturally  and 

manifest  anxiety  that  they 

lave  readily  consented,  on 

inister  of  yrar,  one  of  the 

•f  Feltre),  urged  her  going, 

■others  fatal  order:  from 

itinually  sendiitg  repeated 

>  to  lose ;  tier  departure  or 

•nly  fdternatives.    As  she 

lyed  hid  infant  resistance 

lir-way,  from  which  it  ww 

disconsolate  cavalcade  of 

m  their  pannels,  moved 

silence,  wfhen  any  mde 

;  a  trace  of  the  Empress's 

ire.    Not  the  least  of  the 

detaching  more  thaii  two 


PARIS  SURBENOERED. 


818 


thousand  of  the  best  troops,  when  iLcre  were  altogether  but 
thirteen  qr  fourteen  thousand  for  the  defence  of  Paris,  taken 
from  that  duty  to  escort  the  flying  Empress,  by  vain  parade, 
wholly  useless,  as  the  escort  was  not  one  to  fifty  of  the  ene- 
mies in  arms  surrounding  the  fugitives. 

Joseph  has  been,  and  ever  will  be,  much  censured  for  that 
retreat.  I  wish  it  were  possible  to  defend  his  unfortunate 
evacuation  of  Madrid,  aa  King  of  Spain,  in  1808,  and  of  Paris, 
as  Lisutenant-General  of  France,  in  1814.  As  resolute  a  man 
as  Napoleon,  and  on  the  occasion  of  his  frustrated  .attempt  to 
escape  to  America,  in  1815,  evincing  calmer  fortitijide,  Joseph 
had  been  so  long  broke  to  obey  his  younger  brother,  that  he 
seemed  incapable  of  self-reliance.  If  the  Emperor's  order 
had  been  to  stay,  Joseph  would  have  ^on&  so  at  all  hazards. 
As- it  was,  to  save  the  King  of  Rome  (the  young  Astyanax,  as 
his  father's  letter  called  the  child),  his  unole  took  him  away,  at 
the  risk  of  an  Empire's  ruin. 

A  publication  at  Paris,  in  1844,  for  which  Joseph's  family 
furnished  the  documents  aind  suggestions,  in  order  to  defend 
him  from  censure  for  precipitate  abandimment  of  that  capital, 
quotes  from  Menev^al,  his  constant,  ooi^dential,  and  respectable 
adherent',  that  the  Emperor  afterwards  complained  that  his 
order  was  too  rigorodsly  construed,  as  the  execution  of  it  was, 
of  course,  subject  to  circumstances,  wLlch  had  changed  since 
the  time  when  he  gave  it.  Never  was  commander  less  disposed 
to  unkind  or  ungenerous  posterior  judgments  on  his  subor- 
dinates. Y^  to  Napoleon's  explicit  condemnation  of  Joseph's 
hasty  surrender,  must  be  added  what  Meneval  adds,  that  it  is 
not  at  all  to  be  doubted  that  the  presence  of  the  Empress  at 
Paris  might  have  defeated  culpable  intrigues,  and  given  the 
Emperor  time  to  arrive  te  the  succor  of  the  capital,  by  pre- 
venting the  enemyy  as  the  private  council  perceived,  and  the 
regent  snd  her  council  comprehended.  But  there  was  de- 
plorable obsequioosAMW  to  the  Emperor's  order,  which,  he  said 
himself,  was  not  Ins  will,  imder  the  altered  circumstances. 
Meneval  further  adds,  however,  "but  who  would  have  dared 
to  contravene  sooh  formal  orders,  which,  during  fifteen  days 
posterior  to  them,  the  Emperor  neither  modified  nor  wei^- 


"I 


Iftia 


814 


KApOLEOK. 


ened?"  Like  Grouchy's  fatal  inaction  at  Wavre,  when  his 
movement  toward  Waterloo  was  indispensably  dictated  by  cir< 
oumstances  enough  to  control  any  prior  order,  Joseph's  re- 
maining with  the  Empress  and  her  son  at  Paris,  was  com- 
manded by  ruling  occurrences,  posterior  to  the  Emperor's 
orders,  which,  moreover,  did  not  prescribe  flight  from  the 
capital  as  the  only  or  best  method  of  safety.  When  all  the 
preparations  were  made,  and  the  poor  distracted  Empress,  in 
an  agony  of  distress,  averse  to  depart,  and  lingering,  in  hopes 
of  something  to  prevent  it,  hesitated  stiU,  the  officers  of  the 
National  Guard,  on  duty  at  the  Tuileries,  together  with  some 
officers  of  the  regular  army,  rushed  into  her  apartment,  en- 
treating her  not  to  leave  Paris,  promising  so  save  her  harmless. 
But  Clarke's  reiterated  urgency,  and  Joseph's  unlucky  sub- 
mission to  the  Emperor,  hurried  the  mother  and  child  aWay; 
who,  within  a  fortnight,  were  captured  by  the  very  Cossacks 
from  whom  the  Minister  of  War,  and  Lieutenant-General  of 
'  the  Empire  unwisely  and  vainly  attempted  to  save  them. 

The  Empress  and  King  of  Rome,  kept  in  Paris,  niight  have 
saved  the  Empire.  The  townsfolk,  instead  of  being  deserted 
and  discouraged  by  their  leaders,  could,  perhaps,  have  been 
roused  to  desperate  efforts  of  resistance.  It  Was  the  crisis,  the 
few  minutes,  on  which  nearly  every  thing  mostly  depends. 
Less  than  one  day  brought  the  Emperor,  with  forty  thousand 
soldiers,  to  the  relief  of  Paria.  His  arrival  there,  instead  of 
afterwards  at  Fontainebleau,  would  have  rendered  Marmont'i 
defection  impracticable,  and  prevented  the  sncoessful  move- 
ments of  all  traitors,  especially  Bourbon  partisuis.  Paru 
might,  perhaps,  have  been  injured,  possibly  sackdd,  or  burned 
But  that  calamity  would  have  been  mucb  less  for  the  country 
than  its  capitulation.  The  bloodiest  battle,  with  any  amoun 
of  desolation,  would  have  cost  France  less  in  money,  in  life 
and  in  power,  not  to  mention  honor,  than  the  surrender  whicl 
Joseph  unhappily  authorized.  On  such  occasions,  princes 
emptresses,  nobles, -and  persons  of  property,  sometimes  prov( 
public  hindrances '  and  misfortune?.  Would  even  Napoleoi 
hiniself,  then  no  longer  the  General  Bonaparte  who  one 
braved  all  risks  and  consequences,  have  proved  barbariai 


NAPOLEON. 


815 


ction  at  Wavre,  tvhen  his 
lispensably  dictated  by  oir- 
prior  order,  Joseph's  re- 
)r  son  at  Paris,  was   com- 
osterior  to  the  Emperor's 
prescribe  flight  from  the 
I  of  safety.     When  all  the 
)oor  distracted  Empress,  in 
art,  and  lingering,  in  hopes 
;ed  still,  the  officers  of  the 
iiileries,  together  with  some 
ed  into  her  apartment,  en- 
nising  so  save  her  harmless, 
and  Joseph's  unlucky  sub- 
;he  mother  and  child  avTay; 
;ured  by  the  very  Cossacks 
and  Lieutenant-General  of 
tempted  to  saTO  them, 
e,  kept  in  Paris,  toight  have 
'i,  instead  of  being  deserted 
,  could,  perhaps,  have  been 
ance.     It  Was  the  crisis,  the 
very  thing  mostly  depends, 
mperor,  with  forty  thousand 
His  arrival  there,  instead  of 
d  have  rendered  MarmOnt's 
rented  the  successful  move- 
Bourbon  partisans.     Paris 
,  possibly  sackdd,  or  burned. 
a.  muchi  less  for  the  country 
iest  battle,  with  any  amount 
anco  less  in  money,  in  life, 
)r,  than  the  surrender  which 
On  such  occasions,  princes, 
!  property,  sometimes  prove 
ie3.     Would  even  Napoleon 
eneral  Bonaparte  who  once 
ices,  have  proved  barbarian 


enough  to  destroy  the  magnificent  metropolis   of  France? 
Such  half-civilized  patriots  as  long  defended  Sdragossa,  and 
snatched  Moscow,  by  universal   conflagration,  from  French 
captors,  probably  did  not  exist  at  Paris.     History  teaches  few 
more  impressive  lessons  than  that,  as  war  is  sometimes  tho 
only  way  to  peace,  so,  to  prevent  the  capture  of  a  capital  city 
by  enemies,  its  destruction,  by  the  country  it  represents,  may 
be  a  prudent  and  economical  resort.     Capitulation  often  costs 
more  than  destruction.    If  the  middle  classes  of  Paris,  repre- 
senting property,  deterred  the  poorer  classes,  with  nothing 
but  life  to  lose,  from  reckless  resistance,  and  prevailed  on  Mar- 
mont  to  surrender,  as  was  said  to  be  the  case,  they  incurred 
more  national  debt,  and  sacrificed  more  French  Ufe,  than  would 
have  resulted  from  sacrifice  of  that  splendid  city.     Seldom,  if 
ever,  are  great  cities  more  injurious  to  countries  than  when, 
like  Paris,  by  either  revolutions  or  capitulations,  their  infliienco 
affects  the  national  destiny.     Not  long  after  Paris  was  snrren- 
dered  to  the  repeated  revolutions  which  ensued  royal  resto- 
rations, Jackson  was  tcsolved  to  lay  New  Orleans  in  ashes, 
rather  than  let  enemies  take  it.     Honest  and  respectable  per- 
sons opposed  his  desperate  resort,  with  good  motives,  reckon- 
ing capitulation  safer  than  destruction.    But  were  they  not  in 
error?   To  recapture  New  Orieans  would  have  cost  much  more 
bloodshed  and  treasure  thaii  to  rebuild  it  after  being  burned. 
And  if  Paris  had  been  destroyed,  sober  historical  consideration 
of  that  dreadful  emergency  may  convince  us  that,  on  such 
occasions,  like  martial  law,  it  is  safer  to  risk  all,  and  endure 
all,  than  to  lay  all  at  a  captor's  feet. 

After  having  been  a  whole  week  without  tidings  from  Paris, 
or  Paris  from  him,  the  Emperor,  on  the  28th  March,  1814, 
received  a  message  from  his  Postmaster-General,  Lavallette, 
that  his  majesty's  immediate  presence  at  his  capital  was  indis- 
pensable to"  save  it  from  the  enemy's  hands.  Next  day  he 
despatched  General  Dejean  there  to  ftntoonnce  his  speedy  ar- 
rival; who,  on  the  81st,  delivered  the  Emperor's  message  to 
Joseph.  On  the  80th,  Berthier  despatched  another  messenger, 
General  Giratdin,  to  Paris,  to  repeat  the  assurance  of  the  Empe- 
ror's prompt  arrival  there.    That  day,  after  a  few  hours'  repose, 


816 


MAPOLEOK. 


the  Emperor,  in  a  light  carriage,  almost  alone,  accomplished 
one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  of  the  journey.    But  on  the 
29th,  the  Empress  had  left  Paris ;  and,  on  the  80th,  Joseph  au- 
thorized Marshals  Marmont  and  Mortier  to  capitulate.    While 
changing  horses  the  Emperor  was  apprised  of  the  departure 
of  his  wife  and  child.    Part  of  his  troops  marched  near  forty 
miles  in  one  day ;  but  all  in  vain.    At  ten  o'clock  at  night  of 
the  80th,  when  nearly  alone,  and  only  the  river  between  him 
and  the  enemy,  Napoleon  was  informed  that  Paris  had  capitu- 
lated.   In  a  fit  of  that  irresolution  which  seemed  to  be  the 
inconsistent  part  of  his  rapid,  impetuous,  and  resolute  will,  he 
thereupon  sent  Caulaincourt  to  Paris  to  negotiate;  and,  by 
five  days'  delay,  was  ruined.    Procrastination  at  Moscow,  in 
1812,  at  Dresden,  in  1818,  at'Fontainebleau,  in  1814,  at  Paris, 
in  1815,  and,  finally,  indecision  at  Rochefort,  was  fatal  ele- 
ment of  the.  impetuous  nature  of  a  wonderfd  man,  whose  pro- 
digious success  was  mainly  attributable  to  overpowering  rapi- 
dity of  thought,  option,   and  action.     But,  in   1814,   the 
Eipperor  Napoleon  was  no  longer  General  Bonaparte  in  1798. 
Nor  was  Paris  Saragossa,  Moscow,  or  New  Orleans.    Wealthy 
tradesmen,  effeminate  courtiers,  and  royal  rebels  to  imperial 
sway,  ruled  the  refined  metropdlis  of  Europe,  instead  of  semi- 
barbarous  disregard  of  property,  plebeian  bravery,  and  instinc- 
tive patriotism.    Nobility,  old  and  new,  court  ladies,  and  Bo- 
naparte princes,  were  unequal  to  a  crisis,  when  the  populace 
needed  a  fearless  leader;  but  the  Emperor  shrunk  from  arm- 
ing them  with  his  faithful  soldierti ;  whom,  in  the  mass  of  con- 
sternated fugitives,  one  female  of  royal  blood  alone  dared  to 
disobey,  and  defy  fortune.    Thinking  probiWy  that  her  con- 
nexion with  kings  might  plead  his  cause,  he  had  ordered 
Jerome's  wife  to  remain  in  Paris.    But  she  insisted,  when  hfit 
dethroned  husband  flied,  to  go  with  him,  and  abide  the  fallen 
fortunes  of  his  ruined  family. 

The  imperial  famUy  fled  to  Blois,  a  town  on  the  river  Loire, 
south  of  Paris,  where  they  tarried  from  Ijhe  2d  to  the  8th  of 
April,  six  days,  in  stupor  of  doubt  and  dismay.  Madame 
Mother,  as  the  otherwise  untitled  parent  of  so  many  kings  and 
queens  was  called ;  Joseph,  with  his  wife,  called  Queen  Julia, 


IP 


ilmost  alone,  aoootnplished 
the  joarney.    Bat  on  the 
nd,  on  the  60th,  Joseph  au- 
ortier  to  capitulate.    While 
apprised  of  the  departure 
troops  marched  near  forty 
At  ten  o'clock  at  night  of 
Dnly  the  river  between  him 
med  that  Paris  had  Capitu- 
)n  which  seemed  to  be  the 
ituous,  and  resolute  will,  he 
uris  to  negotiate;  and,  by 
icrastination  at  Moscow,  in 
oinebleau,  in  1814,  at  Paris, 
it  Bochefort,  was  fatal  ele- 
wonderful  man,  whose  pro- 
itable  to  overpowering  rapi- 
ition.     But,  in  1814,  the 
Gl^eneral  Bopaparte  in  1798. 
or  New  Orleans.    Wealthy 
ad  royal  rebels  to  imperial 
of  Europe,  instead  of  semi- 
[ebeian  bravery,  and  instinc- 
i  new,  court  ladies,  and  Bo- 
a  crisis,  when  the  populace 
Emperor  shnink  from  arm- 
;  whom,  in  the  mass  of  con- 
royal  blood  alone  dared  to 
dng  probtibly  that  her  con- 
his  cause,  he  had  ordered 
But  she  insisted,  when  hfiv 
I  jiin^  and  abide  the  fallen 

I,  a  town  on  the  river  Loire, 
from  lihe  2d  to  the  8th  of 
ubt  and  dismay.  Madame 
}arent  of  so  many  kings  and 
lis  wife,  called  Queen  Julia, 


MARIA   LOUISA. 


817 


anc'  their  two  daughters ;  Jerome,  with  his  wife.  Queen  Catha- 
rine ;  the  dismal  young  Empress,  a  crowd  of  courtiers  and 
noblo  followers,  with  their  ineffectual  military  escort,  lingered 
there,  till  she  was  captured  by  Cossacks,  and  the  rest  dispersed. 
M.  Lamartine's  brilliant  and  attractive  pen  egregiously  misre- 
presents the  parting  scene  at  Blois,  where  Maria  Louisa  spent 
her  last  moments  in  France.  My  information,  from  higher 
and  purer,  however  biassed,  source,  indoces  me  to  dwell  on  his 
misstatements,  not  so  much  merely  to  correct  this  one  of  his 
many  fanciful  fabrications,  as  to  show  how  boldly  facts  are 
distorted  and  history  falsified.  The  Emperor's  secretary,  Me- 
neval,  was  with  the  Empress  at  Blois,  present  at  all  the  trans- 
actions M.  Lamartine>  misrepresents,  and  describes  them  all, 
with  unquestionable  candor.  Oral  assurances  from  another 
respectable,  member  of  Joseph's  family,  then  with  them  at 
Blois,  with  Meneval,  are  my  authorities  for  discrediting  detrac- 
tion, by  which  the  bounty  of  royal  favor,  sometimes  earned, 
was  too  often  sought.  Probably  that  charming  poet  never 
saw  Napoleon's  Austrian  wife,  of  whom  his  merely  romantic 
description  is  altogether  fiction.  A  plump,  florid,  thick-lipped, 
healthy,  quiet,  sensual,  German  young  woman,  with  neither 
personal  nor  intellectual  attraction,  he  transmutes  into  an  un- 
happy victim  of  vulgar  Bonaportism,  not  long  before  disgust- 
ing sensuality  of  cohabitation  with  an  elderly,  one-eyed  para- 
mour, degraded  her  below  all  sympathy.  Lamartine's  portrait 
of  Maria  Louisa,  is  like  Burke's  gorgeous  delineation  of  her 
grand-aunt,  Maria  Antoinette;  neither  of  whom  probably 
ever  saw  the  originals,  more  than  at  a  distance,  and  for  a 
moment,  bnt  depict  princesses  instead  of  women.  John 
Adams,  who  saw  the  imperious  Queen  of  France  frequently 
and  near,  says  she  was  not  handsome.  La  Fayette,  who  also 
knew  her  well,  denied  the  chastity  of  an  unfortunate  victim, 
beautified  by  flatterers  and  the  scaffold.  A  fat  man,  forty  odd 
years  old,  when  younger  not  amorous,  inordina|ely  ambitious, 
and  alwayst-too  busy  for  domestic  recreation,  wedded,  not  from 
love,  to  "a  girl  of  carnal  twenty,  who  married  him  to  please  her 
father,  without  mental  resources  or  beauty,  was  a  piatrimonial 
conjunction  for  romance  to  tamper  with.     "  Delicacy  and  con- 


:!.-ff. 


ma 


HI 


818 


MARIA   LOUISA. 


Btanoy,"  strange  ascriptions  for  Louis  XIV. 's  superannuated 
libertinago,  contrasted  by  Latnartine  with  his  fabrications  of 
Napoleon's  "  flights  of  love,"  attribute  to  the  domestielty  of  both 
those  monarchs  the  very  "  dramatio  heroism"  at  which  he  sneers. 
Joseph's  always  amiable  and  virtuous  wife,  with  their  daugh- 
ters, Jerome's  admirable  and  royal  wife,  Maria  Louisa's  equal 
in  rank,  sister  in  family  connexion,  and  superior  in  all  feminine 
characteristics,  were  with  the  Empress  at  Blois,  all  of  whom, 
during  the  four  years  of  her  married  life,  she  had  learned  to 
regard  with  affection.  If  true  to  her  marriage  vow,  she  might, 
perhaps,  have  laved  her  husband^  and  preserved  their  empire, 
when  vacillating,  if  not  double  dealing,  between  husband  and 
father.  Enamoured  messages  every  day  came  from  her  bus- 
band  to  his  wife  and  brothers,  urging  them,  above  oil  things, 
to  save  her  and  her  child.  Every  day  she  sent  messengers  to 
her  father,  at  one  time  Regnanlt  de  St  Jean  d'Angely,  whom 
we  afterwards  had  among  the  imperial  fugitives  in  thu  country, 
and  at  another  time  M.  Beausset,  the  chief  actor  in  Lamartine's 
drama  the  very  day,  8th  April,  of  ita  occurrence.  Whether, 
in  the  Empress's  distress,  she  desired  most  to  be  with  her 
father  or  husband,  is  doubtful :  her  duty,  i^  such  a  difficulty, 
wa9  to  follow  her  husband's  fortunes,  whom  Lamartine  says  she 
did  not  love,  considering  herself  merely  part  of  the,  dynastic 
machinery  >  tu^d  ike  skeleton  of,  what  actually  occurred,  dressed 
and  distorted,  ho  embodies  to  appear  what  it  was  not.  Joseph 
and  Cambacdres,  and.  Jerome,  a  younger  man,  with  greater 
vivacity,  urged  her  to  cross  the  Loire,  and  seek  some  place 
of  safety  from  capture.  She  refused,  widi  Extreme  resistance, 
and,  to  escape  their  importunities,  rushed  out  of  the  room  com- 
plainingly  or  imploringly.  M.  Beausset,  an  officer  of  the 
household,  at  hand,  joined  in  her  exclamations.  Qeneral  Caf- 
farelli  and  others  of  the  military  hastened  tnmnltuously  to 
where  the  commotion  was  heard ;  and,  without  any  of  the  in- 
decent, unmanly  aggravation  ascribed  by  Lamartine  to  Joseph, 
Jerome,  and  Oambac^es,  it  was  certainly,  as  Meneval  states, 
an  inglorious  episode  to  a  melancholy  drama.  But  the  force, 
which  he  accuses  them  of  attempting,  is  false.  No  force  was 
attempted.    The  Empress  was  treated,  during  her  six  days' 


MARIA   LOUIBA. 


819 


is  XIV.'s  superannuated 

vitb  his  fttbrictttions  of 

to  the  domesticity  of  both 

iroism"  at  which  he  sneers. 

us  wife,  with  their  dsugh< 

rife,  Maria  Louisa's  equal 

ad  superior  in  all  feminine 

)8S  at  Bloia,  all  of  whom, 

life,  she  had  learned  to 

r  marriage  vow,  she  might, 

id  preserved  their  empire, 

ng,  between  husband  and 

J  day  came  from  her  hus- 

g  them,  above  all  things, 

ay  she  sent  messengers  to 

St.  Jean  d'Angely,  whom 

al  fugitives  in  this  country, 

)  chief  actor  in  Lamartine's 

its  occurrence.    Whether, 

ired  most  to  be  with  her 

duty,  ip  such  a  difficulty, 

,  whom  Lamartine  says  she 

erely  part  of  the.  dynastic 

t  actually  occurred,  dressed 

r  what  it  was  not.    Joseph 

'ounger  man,  with  greater 

loire,  and  seek  some  place 

d,  witJi  Extreme  resistance, 

dshed  out  of  the  room  com- 

eausset,  an  officer  of  the 

[clamations.    General  Caf- 

hastened  tumultuously  to 

^nd,  without  any  of  the  in- 

)d  by  Lamartine  to  Joseph, 

rtainly,  as  Meneval  states, 

1y  drama.    But  the  force, 

ig,  is  fidse.    No  force  was 

&ted,  during  her  six  days' 


f^ojoum  at  Blois,  with  all  the  delicacy  duo  to  her  sex,  and  all 
tlie  respect  appropriate  to  her  ro  '' .  Lamartine'u  Htatement, 
that  Joseph  and  Jerome  kept  her  v  ^tivc,  is  wholly  unfounded. 
Their  urgent  orders  from  the  Emperor  were  to  .keep  the  palla- 
dium, as  he  and  they  held  her  to  be,  safe  from  hostile  tteizure. 
For  that  purpose  further  flight,  beyond  the  Loire,  was  cason- 
tial,  as  they  urged  in  vain.  Within  a  short  time  of  the  scene 
that  day,  the  Emperor  Alexander's  aid-de-camp,  SohouvalofT, 
orrivcd  at  Blois,  to  whom  Maria  Louisa  surrendered  herself 
and  child,  probably  without  reluctance.  To  all  her  Bonaparte 
connexions  she  appeared  tp  bo  attached,  to  Joseph  and  his 
family  especially ;  and  six  months  afterwards,  while  her  hus- 
band was  at  Elba,  showed  her  ondiminished  regard  for  Joseph, 
by  a  visit  at  his  residence,  Pranjins,  in  Switzerland.  Alex- 
ander's aid-de-oamp,  commissioned  by  the  Allies,  took  the  Em- 
press to  Orleans.  Whether,  as  she  sometimes  declared,  she 
desired  to  join  her  husband  at  Elba,  she  returned  to  her  father 
at  Vienna,  contrary  to  what  is  said  to  be  a  principle  of  regal 
duty,  that  when  a  princess's  obligation  conflicts  between  parent 
and  husband,  she  is  bound  to  abide  with  hor  husbatad. 

Joseph  wrote  to  his  brother-in-law,  King  Murat,  in  Italy, 
and  to  his  brother-in-law.  King  Bcrnadotte,  then  in  Flanders, 
entreating  their  succor,  in  vain.  Napoleon's  downfal  was 
fixed.  Kings  and  marshals,  once  aspiring,  brave  young  men, 
when  enthroned,  entitled,  and  enriched,  degenerated,  like  their 
imperial  creator,  and  were  among  the  first  to  desert  him. 

Early  in  the  morning  of  the  81st  March,  1814,  Napoleon 
arrived  at  Fontainebleau,  where  he  fixed  his  quarters.  Mar- 
shals Moncey  and  Lefebvre,  Ney,  Macdonald,  Oudinot,  and 
Berthier  soon  joined  him  there,  as  well  as  Marmont  and  Mor- 
tier,  from  Paris.  The  troops  followed,  and  some  fifty  thousand 
soldiers  Were  stationed  between  Fontainebleau  and  Paris,  all, 
except  their  superior  officers,  «hthusiastie  to  be  led  by  their 
Emperor  to  attack  the  enemy  in  thrir  capital ;  on  which  move- 
ment he  too  was  bent.  The  confidenee  oi  the  army  in  him  was 
never  greater  or  their  spirit  higher.  If  eight  of  his  marshals 
had  not  continually  infested  his  apartments  and  distracted  his 
councils,  that  attack  would  have  been  made,  and  probably  suc- 


11: 


,j^- 


820 


rONTATKBRLBAtr. 


oeedod ;  for  in  a  yory  short  time  the  corquerors,  leaving  mostly 
the  height!  and  strong  places  near  the  capital,  were  scattered 
about  the  town,  in  which,  with  the  co-operation  of  the  suburbs, 
their  assault,  by  a  furious  French  array,  would  have  been  tor- 
rible.     At  all  events,  no  result  by  hostilities  would  have  been 
so  injurious,  expensive,  and  disgraceful,  if  so  sanguinary,  as 
the  restoration  of  the  Bourbons  by  foreign  troops,  subjugating 
France,  for  several  years  occupied  by  them.    But  more  than 
Joseph  at  the  Tuileries,  when  he  authorized  capitulation,  Na- 
poleon at  Fontainobleau  was  demoralized.    More  bodily  infirm- 
ity  may  explain  his  indecision.    I  hav<«  it  from  one  of  Joseph's 
family,  then  in  the  midst  of  all  those  transactions,  that,  besides 
the  mental  agony  unavoidable  in  such  a  crisis,  Napoleon's 
labors,  by  night  and  day,  were  so  incessant  and  severe,  as  to 
render  him  no  linger  the  man  of  irpn  will  and  superhuman  in- 
telligence he  b^d.  been.     The  eight  marshals  with  him  were, 
moreover,  a  dtmi  weight.    Soult  was  near  Bonrdeanx,  Suchet 
in  Spain,  an*?.  A  ngereau  at  Lyons.    Nearly  all  the  other  first 
soldiers  of  ths  French  Empire  were  with  their  great  master ; 
in  battle  as  brave,  though  not  as  eflicient,  aa  ever,  but  in  coun- 
cil almost  traitors  to  the  imperial  cause.    While  Marmont  has 
been  consigned  to  infamy  for  overt  act  of  high  treason,  Oudl- 
not  was  not  much  less  unfaithful ;  Ney,  Lefebvre,  nearly  all 
bet  Macdoilald,  extremely  disaflfeoted,  insubordinate,  solSsh, 
pusillanimous,  and  inclined  to  desertion;  Berthier  and  Mar- 
mont, Napoleon's  favorites,  leaders  in  his  betriyal;   Ney, 
ponseorated  by  saorifioe  a- year  after,  rudely  intractable  at 
Fontainebleau ;  Macdonald,  estranged  for  many  years  frOfa 
Napdeon,  and  nevev  among  his  flatterers,  the  only. marshal 
who  behaved  like  a  man  of  honor  and  spirit  on  th^  trying  oc- 
casion of  the  Emperot's  two  forced  abdications.    If  there  had 
been  no  marshals  about  him,  with  enortnous  fortunes  and  ficti- 
tious rank  to  save,  in  all  probability  the  downfal  of  the  Em- 
peror would  npt  have  occurred,  betrayed  and  ruined  by  neyt- 
made  kings,  with  fiunily  crowns,  and  bastard  noble6. 

The  Emperor  Alexander  was  presiding  genius  of  the  move- 
ment at  Paris  which,  by  unlawful  decree  of  part  of  the  Senate, 
released  the  French  from  allegiance  to  Napoleon  and  his  family ; 


|fS» 


AV. 


ABDI 


row. 


m 


corqnorow,  leaving  mostly 
the  capital,  were  BcattercJ 
o-operation  of  the  subiirbs, 
rmy,  would  have  been  tor- 
io8tiliti«s  would  have  been 
ceful,  if  80  sanguinary,  as 
foreign  troops,  subjugating 
by  them.    But  more  than 
uthorisod  capitulation,  Na- 
lized.    More  bodily  infirm- 
lavft  it  from  one  of  Joseph's 
e  transactionp,  that,  besides 
such  a  crisis,  Napoleon's 
ncessant  and  severe,  as  to 
i^n  will  and  superhuman  in- 
t  marshals  with  him  were, 
AS  near  Bourdeaux,  Suchet 
Nearly  all  the  other  first 
«  with  their  great  master ; 
icient,  as  ever,  but  in  coun- 
auee.    While  Marmont  has 
;  act  of  high  treason,  Oudi- 
;  Ney,  Lefebvre,  nearly  all 
:ted,  insubordinate,  selfish, 
ertion ;  Berthier  and  Mar- 
rs  in  hia  betrayal;   Ney, 
fter,  rudely  intractable  at 
iged  for  many  years  from 
latterers,  the  only.marslial 
and  spirit  on  th^  trying  oc- 
1  abdications.    If  there  had 
tnormoas  fortunes  and  ficti- 
lity  the  downfal  of  the  Em- 
itrayed  and  ruined  by  new- 
id  bastard  nobleb. 
raiding  genius  of  the  move- 
ecree  of  part  of  the  Senate, 
to  Napoleon  and  his  family ; 


and  it  was  fortunate  that  so  kind  a  conqucrrrr    !il''  .vl  of 

the  dull  king  of  Prussia,  the  extremely  inimical  ^  ;  m  «<)m- 
inamler  Schwortzcnberg,  or  the  more  than  all  unn  lA  Ca." 
ticrcngh.  Under  Alexander's  auspices  that  ustoaliking  in- 
triguer Talleyrand,  without  its  being  then  or  yet  ascertained 
wliiit  his  preference  was,  got  together  sixty-four  of  tho  onu 
hnntlrcd  and  forty  senators,  and  some  eighty  of  the  three  huu- 
ilrcd  members  of  the  Legislative  Body,  and  raised  up  a  provi- 
sional government,  consisting  of  Talleyrand  as  president,  Juu- 
coart,  formerly  member  of  the  Constituent  Assembly,  and  ono 
of  Napoleon's  new  nobles,  Bournonville,  an  old  general  of  the 
republic,  signalized  by  his  democratic  professions,  tho  Abbe 
Montesc[uien,  correspondent  of  Louis  XVIIL,  and  Dalbcrg,  u 
Qerman  whom  Napoleon  had  made  a  Fre)ich  duke.  After  u 
hurried  conversation  between  seven  foreigners,  tho  Emperor 
Alexander,  King  of  Prussia,  Prince  Schwartzenberg,  tho  Aus- 
trian Princf  Lichstentein,  Dalbcrg,  Nosselrode,  Pozzo  di  Borgo, 
and  Talleyrand,  it  was  ref  ^\od  to  put  aside  Napoleon  and  all 
his  family,  not  establish  a  regency  for  his  son,  and  consequently, 
as  was  pronounced  an  inevitable  result,  restore  the  Bourbons ; 
who  in  that  conference  had  no  advocate.  But. when  both  Na- 
poleon and  the  regency  were  cast  off,  Titlleyiand  suggested 
Louis  XVIli.,  as  the  only  remaining  option.  Alexander 
faintly  mentioned  Bemadotte,  as  he  had  before  promised  him ; 
but  Talleyrand  objected  to  him,  at  a  mere  soldier,  inferior  to 
the  soldier  dethroned.  Pozzo  di  Borgo  opposed  the  Empress 'd 
regency  for  her  soz,  when  proposed  by  Dalberg.  As  a  mero 
inevitable  result,  the  old  royal  fainily  followed. 

During  the  night  of  the  8d  Aprilj  Napoleon  received  from 
Marmont  the  Senate's  decree  of  his  dismissal.  Next  day, 
after  the  \umti  noon  review  of  the  troops.  Marshals  Berthier, 
Ney,  Jjehhyr^fOndinot^  and  Macdpnald,  together  with  Maret, 
Duke  of  BasyanO)  and  Caulaincourt,  long  closeted  with  the 
Emperor,. after  much  remonstrance  and  complaint,  —  Oudinot 
Ney,  and  Lefebvre  rudely  urgent,— got  from  Napoleon  his 
first  abdication,  of  the  4th  April,  in  favor  of  his  child,  with 
his  wife's  regency.  Macdonald,  on  all  occasions,  was  kind, 
considerate,  and  honourable ;  Maret  and  Caulaincourt  unde- 

VOL.  m.  — 21 


822 


MARMOMT. 


viating  in  their  devotion  to  the  Emperor ;  the  otheri  anxioui 
to  Hacrifice  him  to  their  own  asfety.  The  Emperor'a  orders 
wcro  preparatory  to  the  attack  on  Paria.  The  recalcitrant  mar- 
fhnis  positively  refused  to  obey,  and  inaiated  on  hia  abdicution. 
AVith  that  document,  Ney,  Caulaincourt,  and  Macdonald  wcio 
commi«siuned  to  go  to  Paris,  and  make  peace  aocorilirii;ljr. 
So  entire  waa  Napoleon'a  confidence  in  Marmont,  that  he  waa 
at  first  named  a  commisdioner  with  Ney  and  Caulaincourt ;  but, 
in  order  not  to  detach  him  from  his  important  command  of  the 
vanguard  of  the  army,  to  lead  in  the  aaaault  of  Paris,  Macdo- 
nald  waa  aubatituted  for  Marmont.  On  their  way  to  Paris, 
Noy,  Caulaincourt,  and  Maedonald  called  at  Marmont'a  quar- 
ters and  apprised  him  of  the  abdication,  when  he  had  already 
begun  the  treason  which  he  finally  perpetrated.  Aa  aoon  m 
he  capitulated,  and  the  aenatora  decreed  the  Emperor's  re< 
rnoval,  Talleyrand  and  othera  went  to  work  to  induce  Marmont 
to  join  in  the  aubstitution  of  some  other  monarch  than  Napo- 
leoh,  not  intimating  the  Bourbons,  but  holding  out  the  hope 
of  peace  by  somo  change.  Marmont  may  have  bad  ideas  of 
Monk  and  Marlborough'a  defection  from  the  Commonwealth 
and  from  King  James,  of  Dnmouriez  and  La  Fayette'a  deserting 
their  armies  and  going  over  to  their  enemiea,  aa  they  conaidered- 
to  save  their  country.  Joaeph  Bonaparte'^s  coigectural  expla- 
nation, aa  be  told  me,  of  Marmont's  treachery,  waa  that,  be- 
longing somewhat  to  the  old  nobility,  and  being  married  to  a 
daughter  of  Perogaux  the  banker,  through  thoae  channels  of 
seduction  his  fidelity  to  Napoloon  was  shaken.  After  much 
hesitation,  he  agreed,  on  the  8d  April,  by  a  written  stipulation 
with  Sohwartzenberg,  to  abandon  Napoleon,  and  withdraw  his 
corps'  of  near  ten  thousand  men  from  hia  aervice.  Marmont, 
flattering  -  himseli  that  he  was  to  be  the  peacemaker,  and,  by 
abandoning  Napoleon,  aave  France,  before  consenting,  cpn- 
suited  some  of  hia  principal  officers,  who  approved  the  move- 
ment. When  informed  of  the  Emperor's  abdication,  deserting 
him  became  nnneeeasury;  Marmont,  therefore,  ordered  the 
gcnerala  of  his  corps  to  keep  the  troops  just  as  they  were, 
without  any  change,  till  he  returned.  And  then  accompany- 
ing Ney,  Caulaincourt,  and  Maedonald  to  S  chwartzenberg's 


MARMOXT. 


828 


ror;  the  otheri  anxioua 

The  Emporor'a  or<lcrs 

is.    The  recsloitrant  mar- 

insiited  on  hie  abdication. 

urt,  and  MacdonaM  weiu 

make  peace  aocoi<lin  ;ly. 

in  Marmont,  that  he  was 

)j  and  Caulainoourt ;  but, 

inportant  command  of  the 

aaiault  of  Paris,  Macdo- 

On  their  waj  to  Paris, 

oalled  at  Marmont'i  quar- 

tion,  when  he  had  already 

perpetrated.    As  toon  u 

eoreed  the  Emperor's  re* 

0  work  to  indnoe  Marmont 

other  monarch  than  Napo- 

but  holding  out  the  hope 

nt  may  have  had  ideas  of 

from  the  Commonweulth 

and  La  Fayette's  deuerting 

enemies,  as  they  considered 

aparte''B  coigectural  expla- 

I's  treachery,  was  that,  be- 

y,  and  being  married  to  a 

through  thoM  channels  of 

was  shaken.    After  much 

ril,  by  a  written  stipulation 

!7apoleon,  and  withditaw  his 

)m  his  service.    Marmont, 

e  the  peacemaker,  and,  by 

«,  before  consenting,  con- 

s,  who  approved  the  move- 

leror's  abdication,  deserting 

»nt,  therefore,  ordered  the 

troops  just  as  they  were, 

>d.    And  then  aocompany- 

lonald  to  g  chwartzenberg's 


qnartcrs  for  permits  to  pass  through  the  hostile  army  into  Parin, 
Slnrmont  there  annulled  his  arrungeroont  with  H"hwart/.eiibcrg, 
and  wont  with  the  throe  ootntnissionors  to  make  peace.  But 
Souhain,  the  general  of  Marroont's  corps  nrxt  in  command,  wan 
u  greater  traitor  than  the  marshal  himself,  and  several  of  thn 
otiior  generals  were  equally  ready  to  desert  a  sinking  cause. 
Becoming  alarmed,  therefore,  by  visits  from  Colonels  Oourgaud 
and  Fnbvier,  which  excited  apprehensions  that  the  Emperor  was 
informed  of  their  treasonable  plot,  and  might  severely  punish 
its  authors,  Souham  and  the  other  cobspirators,  disobeying 
Marmont's  positive  orders  not  to  change  the  position  of  the 
troops  till  his  return,  marched  them  away  by  night  into  an 
ambuscade  concerted  for  their  capture  by  the  enemy.  The 
troops  supposed  that  they  were  marching  toward  Paris,  to 
assault  it  next  morning  under  the  Emperor,  and  were  not  un- 
deceived till  surrounded  and  saluted  by  Russians  under  arme 
Indignant  at  that  villanous  deception,  as  soon  as  discover  « 
the  colonels  and  somo  faithful  generals  revolted  against  Soi 
ham  and  his  accessaries,  and  were  marching  away,  when  Mnr 
mont,  to  whom  intelligence  of  the  whole  movement  had  b<  en 
sent,  hurried  from  Paris,  and  overawed  the  faithful  troops,  i  y 
threats,  entreaties,  and  his  superior  authority,  completing  the 
high  treason  which,  from  his  first  false  step,  had  gone  further 
than  he  perhaps  designed.  On  ull  such  occasions,  the  first 
consent  is  apt  to  produce  cotisuQimation  of  crime.  That  final 
enormity  of  treasonable  desertion,  by  which  a  fifth  of  Napo- 
leon's whole  army  was  lost  to  him,  was  the  last  of  the  series 
of  desertions,  which  began  at  Leipsio  by  whole  corps,  after 
Jomini  and  King  Marat  set  the  example. 

While  Marmont's  high  treason  was  in  perpetration,  he  aoooni- 
panied  the  three  coiqnissioners  to  Paris,  where,  at  midnight, 
while  he  remained  at  Ney's  residence,  Ney,  Caulainoourt,  and 
MacdonAld  had  their  interview  with  the  Emperor  Alexander. 
They  each  in  torn  urged  on  that  grand  arbiter  of  government 
the  legal,  military,  and.  political  advantage  of  the  regency  over 
any  other  settlement  of  the  question,  which  the  Bttssian  mon- 
vroh  uniformly  declared  was  submitted  to  France  for  deter- 
minatibn.     The  royalists,  the  provisional  government,  and 


824 


ALEXANDER. 


4i 


% 


Napoleon's  formidable  Corsican  antagonist,  Pozzo  di  Borgo, 
strenuously  contested  any  government  with  which  Napoleon 
would  have  any  thing  to  do.  But  his  commissioners  had 
reason  to  believe  that  Alexander's  mind  was  inclining  to  the 
regency,  when  Marmont's  treason  put  an  end  to  all  such  in- 
clining by  its  unexpected  announcement,  in  a  note  handed  to 
Alexander,  informing  him  that  all  Marmont's  corps  had  de- 
sertied,  and  actually  gone  over  to  the  Russian  troops.  The 
Autocrat,  apprising  the  commissioners  of  that  monstrous  fact, 
at  once  said  that  it  entirely  changed  the  argument  of  the  whole 
affair.  By  that  incident  of  unlucky  treason,  the  Bourbons 
got  leave  to  resume  their  reign,  wh«n  the  Emperor  of  Russia 
did  hot  desire  it,  there  was  reason  to  believe  the  Emperor 
of  Austria  preferred  his  daughter's  regency  daring  his  grand- 
son's minority,  the  French  Bourbon  partisans  were  extremely 
few  and  insignificant,  and  that  dynasty  really  had  hardly  any 
strenuous  advocates,  except  the  English,  then  without  a  soldiw 
or  a  minister  at  Paris.  If  the  Empress  and  her  child  had  not 
been  unwisely  removed  from  the  dlrawing  of  that  lottery  of 
chances,  a  woman  in  her  capital,  the  daughter  of  a  legriimate 
monarch,  mother  of  a  son  representing  thia  principle  of  legiti- 
mate succession,  might  have  been  the  high  prize,  for  she  could 
hardly  have  been  dethroned  in  that  seat  of  government  'by 
the  great  supporters  of  that  priilciple.  As  early,  hO'Wever,  as 
the  8l6t  of  March,  1814,  Sohwartzenberg,  who  oilght  to  be 
eonddered  the  representative  of  Austrian  wishes,  declared  not 
only  that  there  could  be  no  lasting  peace  without  Napoleon's 
removal  from  the  throne,  but  that  the  old  monarpha  ought  to 
be  restored.  Still  it  is  impossible  to  say  who  would  havO 
drawn  the  prise,  when  it  appears  certain  that  the  Emperor 
Alexander,  the  grand  manager  of  the  lottery,  was  determined 
to  let  France  dryw  for  herself. 

As  soon  as  Napoleon  learned  Marmont's  defection,  and  the 
cejection  of  his  son's  succession  with  his  wife's  regency,  he 
demanded  the  return  of  his  first  abdication,  turned  all  his 
thoughts  to  hostilities,  suggested  assembling  an  army  beyond 
the  Loire,  making  a  stand  in  Italy ;  any  thing  but  total  and  un- 
conditional submission.    But  his  superior  officers  and  courtiers 


'''TWW^W*l<('J'i<l*'lW^*%MWM*i'l**U>lFt*' 


ABDICATION. 


325 


gonist,  Fozzo  di  Borgo, 
at  with  which  Napoleon 

his  coramissioners  had 
ind  was  inclining  to  the 
It  an  end  to  all  such  in- 
lent,  in  a  note  handed  to 
ilarmont's  corps  had  de- 
le  Russian  troops.  The 
s  of  that  ntonstrous  fact, 
he  argument  of  the  whole 
J  treason,  the  Bourhons 
m  the  Emperor  of  Russia 

to  believe  the  Emperor 
egenoy  during  his  grand- 
partizans  were  extremely 
itj  really  had  hardly  any 
ish,  then  without  a  soldier 
'ess  and  her  child  had  not 
tawing  of  that  lottery  of 
)  daughter  of  a  legftiiAate 
ing  the  principle  of  legiti- 
e  high  prize,  for  she  could 
kt  Best  of  govenunent  by 
le.  As  early,  however,  as 
zenberg,  who  oilght  to  be 
striaii  wishes,  declared  not 
peace  without  Napoleon's 
he  old  monarchs  ought  to 
I  to  say  who  would  hav>B 
certain  that  the  Emperor 
^e  lottery,  was  determined 

rmont's  defection,  and  the 
ith  his  wife's  regency,  he 
aibdication,  turned  all  bis 
sembling  an  army  beyond 
any  thing  but  total  and'un- 
}erior  officers  and  courtiers 


strongly  deprecated  all  further  resistance.  Most  of  them  had 
then  undergone  some  seduction  from  Paris ;  and  nearly  every 
one  was  more  anxious  to  save  himself  than  his  country.  Civil 
war,  they  contended,  would  be  the  inevitable  and  terrible  resort ; 
the  Emperor,  who  had  never  commanded  any  but  great  regular 
armies,  must  desctmd  to  be  partisan  leader  of  small  bodies  of 
volunteers.  If  then  he  had  broke  through  the  circle  of  das- 
tardly courtiers  who  hedged  him  in,  and  appealed  to  the  army, 
there  would  have  been  among  the  soldiers  and  less  distinguished 
officers  but  one  sense  of  enthusiastic  alacrity  for  action.  But 
monarchical  habits  disarmed  and  unnerved  him ;  he  could  not 
move  or  act  without  the  great  officers  of  his  imperial  household 
and  court,  and  they  were  nearly  all  against  him :  most  of  whom 
soon  left  him  nearly  alone  at  Fontainebleau.  Even  his  valet. 
Constant,  and  the  Egyptian  Roustan,  who  followed  him  like  a 
dog  for  fifteen  years,  deserted.  Mortified,  irresolute,  and 
powerless,  reasoning  during  two  days  with  the  base  enno- 
bled, after  forty-eight  hours  of  weak  and  almost  unmanly 
resistance,  at  last,  on  the  6th  of  April,  1814,  he  sat  down  and 
wrote,  in  four  illegible  lines,  unintelligible  to  all  not  familiar 
with  his  scrawl,  blotted,  interlined,  erased,  and  disfigured 
throughout  by  the  despair  which  then  agitated  the  writer  of ' 
Napoleon's  farewell  to  greatness,  his  second  abdication,  dated 
April  6,1814. 

The  treaty,  called  the  treaty  of  Fontainebleau,  executed  at 
Paris,  on  the  11th  of  April,  1814,  by  Caulaincourt,  Ney,  and 
Maodonald,  Metteriiioh,  Nesselrode  and  Hardenburg,  to  which, 
on  the  17th  of  AprU,  Castlereagh  added  hiji  contumelious 
assent,  profusely  lavish  of  titles,  left  all  but  empire  and 
France  to  the  still-styled  Emperor  Napoleon,  with  revenues  to 
him,  his  family,  and  some  favorite  officers,  civil  and  military, 
less  than  the  amount  of  the  public  and  private  fortunes  of  the 
Bonapartes :  cheap,  price  for  the  throne,  said  Fozzo  di  Borgo, 
when  afterwards,  Russian  ambassador  at- Paris,  he  condemned 
the  gross  Bourbon  breach  of  that  treaty,  by  withholding  every 
sous  allowed  by  its  grants,  as  dictated  by  Alexander's  politic 
genero^ty. 

Soon  after  Napoleon  finally  abdicated,  on  the  6th  of  April, 


"Hi 


mmmmmmm 


NAPOLEOX. 


he  turned  his  thoughts  to  suicide,  and,  on  the  8th,  resolved  on 
it.  When  Caulaincourt  presented  him,  from  Paris,  the  treaty 
of  the  11th,  dejected  and  debilitated,  he  refused  to  ratify  it, 
demanded  the  return  of  his  last  abdication,  and  protested 
agamst  all  provision  for  himself  as  superfluous  for  a  conquered 
man,  trho  had  nothing  to  ask  or  to  hope.  Louis  insisted  that 
the  throne  was  his  by  right,  without  the  usurper's  abdication, 
which  Napoleon  denied  to  be  necessary  by  a  conquered  captive. 
After  he  had,  for  nearly  forty-eight  hours,  remained  intractable, 
moody  and  desperate,  on  the  night  of  the  12th  of  April,  1814, 
he  attempted  suicide,  alone^  on  a  sofa  in  his  bed-chamber.  On 
the  retreat  from  Moscow,  after  being  twice  nearly  taken  pri- 
soner, he  got  from  his  physician,  Yvan,  a  compound  of  opium 
with  some  other  poisonous  drug,  said  to  be  like  that  with  which 
Condorcet  saved  himself,  in  prison,  from  execution  by  the  guil- 
lotine, which  the  Emperor  carried  in  a  bag  round  his  neck, 
and,  after  his  escape  from  Russia,  kept  in  his  desk.  Either 
time  had  diminished  its  force,  or  he  mixed  it  with  too  inuch 
liquid;  from  some  cause  or  other,  the  dose  failed  to  produce 
the  expected  efiiect  when  he  swallowed  it  at  Fontainebleau,  to 
escape  the  mortification  of  being  exhibited  as  a  captive.  After 
Maret,  Ganlaincouirt,  and  Bertrand,  suddenly  called  from  their 
beds  by  attendants,  alarmed  by  his  condition,  in  dread  of  his 
dissolution,  hurried  to  his  chamber  to  witness,  as  thoy  sup- 
posed, its  approach,  a  profuse  swiiat,'  followed  by  profound 
slumber,  relieved' him.  Next  morning  he  rose  as  usual,  con- 
sented to  the  treaty  which  banished  him  to  Elba,  recovered'  hie 
equaniipity,  busied  himself  with  books  and  letters,  and,  at  thel 
end  of  a  solitary  week,  on  the  20th  of  April,  with  General 
Btirtrand  in  his  carriage,  attended  by  the  Russian,  Austrian| 
Prussian,  uid  English  oommiss'bners^' after  an  aSeoting  far 
Well  to  the  rembant  of  the  French  army  at  Fontainebleau 
Napoleon  scjt  out  for  hit  place  of  confinement. 

The  Empress  soon  went  hef  way  to  Vienna;  Napoleon'l 
mothei*!  with  Louis  Bonaparte  and  Cardinal  Fesch,  to  flomef 
.  Joseph  and  Jerome  Bonaparte,  with  Jerome's  wifb,  to  Switzei[ 
land;  Joseph's  wife  and  two  daughters  to  Paris,  which  si 
left,  reluctantly,  the  day  after  the  capitulation ;  and  where  he 


POZZO  DI   BOBOO. 


827 


d,  on  the  8th,  resolved  on 

m,  from  Paris,  the  treaty 

,  he  refused  to  ratify  it, 

abdication,  and  protested 

aperflaous  for  a  conquered 

lope.    Louis  insisted  that 

the  usurper's  abdication, 

,ry  by  a  conquered  captive. 

lOurs,  remained  intractable, 

of  the  12th  of  April,  1814, 

'a  in  his  bed-chamber.    On 

ng  twice  nearly  taken  pri- 

'van,  a  compound  of  opium 

i  to  be  like  that  with  which 

from  execution  by  the  guil- 

in  a  bag  round  his  neck, 

kept  in  his  desk.     Either 

he  mixed  it  with  too  much 

the  dose  failed  to  produce 

awed  it  at  Fontainebleau,  to 

chibited  as  a  captive.    After 

[,  suddenly  called  from  their 

I  c6)idition,  in  dread  of  his 

er  to  witness,  as  they  sup- 

W0at,  followed  by  profound 

ning  he  rose  as  usual,  oon- 

d  him  to  Elba,  recovered'  his 

joks  and  letters,  and,  at  the 

!Oth  of  April,  with  General 

d  by  the  Russian,  Austrian, 

ers)  after  an  afieoting  fare- 

ich  army  at  Fontainebleau, 

confinement. 

vay  to  Vienna;  Napoleon's 
I  Cardinal  Fesch,  to  Rome ; 
;h  Jerome's  wife,  to  Switzer- 
ighters  to  Paris,  which  she 
capitulation ;  and  where  her 


sister,  Bernadotte's  wife,  together  with  several  other  relatives, 
were  residing. 

One  of  Napoleon's  most  active  enemies,  who  entered,  sword 
in  hand,  with  his  master,  the  Emperor  Alexander,  and  the  con- 
quering allies,  into  Paris,  was  a  brother  Corsican,  and  former 
friend,  though  for  many  years  a  bitter  and  most  efficient  foe — 
Pozzo  di  Borgo.  As  I  have  often  heard  Joseph  tell,  and  with 
no  acrimony  of  expression  or  recollection,  Pozzo  and  Joseph 
were  coUetlgues  in  the  Directory,  or  what  we  might  consider 
the  State  Legislature,  of  Corsica,  in  1790 ;  Joseph  then  only 
twenty-two  years  old,  and  Pozzo  abodt  the  same  age,  with  whom 
Napoleoii  was  also  intimate.  Sebastian!,  since  marshal,  noble, 
peer,  minister  and  ambassador  of  France,  distinguished  in  both 
military  and  civil  life,  but  of  whom,  Joseph  told  me.  Napoleon 
had  no  great  opinion,  was  then  a  bare-footed  Corsican  boy,  son 
of  a  tailor,  as  well  as  I  remember  that  part  of  his  biography ; 
but  certainly  employed  by  Joseph  to  go  of  errands,  and  pro- 
moted to  being  allowed  to  seal  his  letters,  for  whom  Joseph  at 
length  got  a  commission  in  the  French  army,  from  which  Se- 
bastiani  rose,  like  Napoleon,  by  his  own  merits  and  oppor- 
tunities, till  cieep  in  King.  Louis  Philippe's  confidence,  and  his 
ambassador  in  England  during  one  of  Joseph's  visits  there. 
When  Joseph  parted,  in  London,  with  his  secretary  in  America, 
Sari,  another  Corsican,  Sebastiani  introduced  him  to  a  situation 
id  Paris,  by  which,  together  with  Joseph's  liberal  donation  in 
•money,  Sari  was  enabled  to  establish  himself  to  the  satisfaction 
of  his  handsome  Spanish  Cuban  wife.  Miss  St.  George,  and 
educate  their  children  in  France.  Pozzo,  like  Joseph,  was  a 
liberal  or  republican  member  of  the  Corsican  local  govern- 
ment, till,  on  thei  occupation  of  the  island  by  the  English,  he 
abandoned  the  French  and  joined  the  English  party,  which 
separated  him  from  the  Bonapartes.  When  the  English  were 
expelled,  Pozzo  had  to  go  too,  and  sought  employment  in 
England,  nnder  the  protection  of  Lord  Elliot,  who  had  been 
viceroy  in  Corsica,  and  made  use  of  Pozzo  there.  Elliot  being 
sent  ambassador  to  Russia,  Pozzo  accompanied  him,  where  his 
conduct,  in  several  transactions  with  the  Emperor  Alexander, 
pleased  him,  and  induced  Lord  Elliot  to  offer  him  to  the  Ctzar, 


828 


POZZO  DI  BQROO. 


as  the  lest  wa;r  of  providing  for  an  jidvcnturcr  to  whom  Lord 
Elliot  was  indebted  for,  without  being  able  to  requite,  uueful 
services.     The  English  seldom  employ  foreigners,  as  the  Rus- 
sians  often  do.     Alexander  gave  Pozzo  a  commission  in  the 
army ;  and  as  ho  never  could  return  to  Corsica,  when  become 
part  of  France,  the  Corsican  pushed  hie  fortune,  with  all  his 
might,  in  Russian  uniform.    He  was  employed,  as  secret  agent, 
in  many  places,  to'  excite  governments  against  France ;  and 
in  that  capacity  at  Vienna,  in  1809,  when  it.  was  taken  by 
Napoleon,  Pozzo  fled  with  the  Austrian  court  into  Hungary. 
Being  disavowed,  by  both  Austrian  and  Russian    govern- 
ments, as  a  mischievous  and  unlucky  spy,  he  made  his  escape, 
with  much  diflSoulty,  in  great  destitution  and  danger,  worn 
down  with  fatigue  and  exposure,  to  Constantinople,  where  he 
threw  himself  on  the  mercy  of  the  British  ambassador,  by 
whom  he  was  restoted  to  the  Emperor  of  Bujssia's  favor. 
More  active  than  ever  in  secret  missions,  he  was,  especially 
80  in  1814,  urging  the  Russian?  to  marcli  upon  Paris,  where 
he  flattered  himself  that  his  intrigues  would  succeed  in  gt  jng 
the  gates  thrown  open  -without  serious  resistance,  as  Fouch^, 
Talleyrand,  and  others  of  the  same  order  of  talents  and  of 
merit  as  Pozzo,  were  C9ntriving,  like  him,  to  get  them  opened. 
Pozzo,  having  assured  his  master  that  it  would  be  done, 
passed  a  very  critical  and  anxious  night  before. the  capitula- 
tion ;  for,  if  his  assurances  had  failed,  bis  life  might  have  paid 
the  forfeit.    As  he  rode  into  Paris  next  day,  in  tte  train  of 
the  sovereigns,  the  Archduke  Constantine,  with  his  barbarous 
face,  and  hoarse,  guttural  voice,  fljud  to  him,  "  Pozzo,  this  is  a 
lucky  day  for  you.     If  we  were  not  here,  you  would  be 
hanged."'    Sometime   afterwards,  Pozzo   said  to  Meneval, 
'<  There  was  one  man  wantmg  to  make  Napoleon  master  of  the 
world,  and  I  was  that  man.    What  he  wanted  was  some  one 
like  me,  deep  in  th6  inHgues  end  designs  of  cabmets,  to  let 
him  know  what  was  contriving  against  him.    But. our  recon- 
ciliation was  impossible;  if  he  had  ever  cauglrt  mei  be  would 
have  hanged,  me.    Pozzo  di  Borgo  became  Russian  ambassador 
at  London,  and  afterVrards  at  Paris,  where  he  died  very  ricjh, 
'  and  much  admired. 


JO. 

,tl venturer  to  whom  Lord 

able  to  requite,  uueful 

>y  foreignera,  as  the  Rus- 

)Zzo  a  commission  in  the 

to  Corsica,  when  heeome 

hie  fortune,  with  all  his 

imployed,  as  secret  agent, 

ints  against  France ;  and 

J9,  when  it  was  taken  by 

rian  court  into  Uungarj. 

in  and  Russian   govern- 

f  spy,  he  made  his  escape, 

itution  and  danger,  worn 

Constantinople,  where  he 

e  British  ambassador,  by 

iperor  of  Russia's  favor. 

tissions,  he  was,  especially 

march  upon  Paris,  w^ere 

!s  would  succeed  in  ge  jng 

ious  resistance,  as  Fouch^, 

e  order  of  talents  and  of 

e  him,  to  get  them  opened. 

r  that  it  would  be  done, 

night  before, the  capitula- 

9d,  his  life  might  have  paid 

next  day,  in  the  .train  of 

itantine,  with  his  barbarous 

d  to  hun,  "  Pozzo,  this  is  a 

not  here,  you  would  be 

Pozzo   said  to  Meneval, 

)ke  Napoleon  master  of  the 

t  he  wanted  was  some  one 

designs  of  cabinets,  to  let 

inst  him.    But. our  recon- 

ever  caught  me^  he  would 

ecame  Russian  ambassador 

5,  where  he  died  very  riqh, 


POZZO  DI   BOROO. 


829 


Joseph's  conduct,  counsel,  and  suggestions,  during  the  hun- 
dred days,  were,  as  they  always  were,  such  that  the  Emperor's 
most  unbounded  confidence  reposed  in  him  to  the  last.  Be- 
sides writing  to  King  Murat^  and  causing  a  confidential  mes- 
sage to  be  sent  to  Prince  Bernadotte,  his  brothers-in-law,  to 
bring  them  back  to  Napoleon,  Joseph  got  the  Emperor  to  de- 
spatch a  sure  messenger  to  his  old  Corsican  colleague,  Pozzo 
di  Borgo,  one  of  those  masters  of  intrigue,  like  Talleyrand 
and  Fouch^,  who  seldom  fail.  The  messenger  to  him  carried 
five  mUlions  of  francs,  and  an  offer  of  high  station  in  Corsica, 
if  Pozzo  would  divide  the  allied  powers,  and  detach  one  or 
more  of  v  )  potentates  or  ministers  from  the  coalition.  Alex- 
ander was  so  disgusted  by  the  disclosure,  made  too  late,  of 
Talleyrand's  «ndeavor,  at  the  Congress  of  Vienna,  to  combine 
Austria  with  France,  under  the  Bourbons,  against  Russian  do- 
signs  on  Poland,  that  probably  time  only  was  wantiqg  to  sow 
dissension  among  the  Allies.  But  Napoleon's  messenger  and 
bribe  reached  Pozzo  too  late,  as  he  said,  "I  have  just  left  the 
Congress,  where  all  my  power  was  exerted  to  rouse  the  coali- 
tion against  Napoleon ;  and  I  cannot  now  recall  what  I  have 
done.  I  should  be  powerless  if  I  attempted  it.  Why  did  yoa 
not  come  to  n\e  sooner  ?"  'If  Pozzo  di  Borgo  bad  been  reached, 
or  his  master,  the  Emperor  Alexander,  apprised  sooner  of  the 
inimical  designs  of  the  English,  united  with  the  French  royal- 
ists, to  check  Russian  aggrandizement,  possibly  the  result  might 
have  been  different.  This  remarkable  adventurer  is  believed  to 
have  suggested,  in  1817,  that  the  imperial  and  royal  powers 
of  Europe  should  unite,  by  force  of  invasion,  to  put  down  re- 
publicanism in  America.  ' 

On  the  20th  April,  1814,  the  Luiperor  left  Fontaineblean, 
on  his  way  to  Elba,  and  embarked  on  board  the  British  frigate 
the  Undaunted  the  4th  of  May.  On  the  29th  of  that  month 
the  Empress  Josephine  died,  exhausted  by  efforts,  when  in 
feeble  health,  to  receive  and  entertain  at  great  enter ta'  lenta 
the  Emperor  Alexander  and  King  of  Prussia,  with  their  suites. 
Alexander,  always  amiaUe,  was  especially  kind  in  attentions  to 
her,  and  his  constftnt  attachment  to  her  son  Eugene,  whose 


880 


BOURBONS. 


second  son,  Duke  of  Leuchtenberg,  is  now  the  husband  of 
Alexander's  niece,  the  present  Emperor  Nicholas's  daughter. 

The  French  did  not  accept  the  Bourbons  when  a  few  in- 
triguers and  adventurers  in  Paris  succeeded  in  restoring 
Louis,  by  no  means  the  desired,  though  that  title  wad  given  to 
him.  Amazement  and  uneasiness  were  prevailing  sentiments, 
at  his  clamorous  Parisian  restoration,  of  a  people  so  fickle, 
Napoleon  said,  that  their  levity  should  not  be  imputed  as 
a  fault,  especially  as  their  frequent  changes  are  without  selfish 
motive.  The  people  were  not  pleased ;  the  army  was  morti- 
fied and  discontented.  The  few  liberal  ameliorations  conceded 
by  the  king  were  his  grants,  when  they  should  have  been . 
enacted  by  popular  convention,  of  which  government  Jiad 
nothing  to  fear;  for  during  thirty  years  every  constitution 
proposed  to  the  nation  it  had  adopted.  Cherishing  free 
principles,  without  familiarity  with  the  forms  of  free  govern- 
ment, the  French  never  understood  or  enjoyed  liberty,  which 
Napoleon  feared  and  excluded,  while  confirming  well-esta-' 
blished  equality.  Under  the  Bourbons  both  liberty  and  equal- 
ity were  discountenanced,  as  revolutionary  conquests  from 
royal  and  noble  rights.  Nearly  ten  millions  of  persons  inte- 
rested in  confiscated  property^  called  national  domain,  were' 
alarmed  by  government  intimations  of  the  injustice  of  such 
property;  thousands  of  military  men  Were  discharged,  re^* 
dnced  or  otherwise  discountenanced;  the  imperial  nobility 
were  socially  proscribed,  ridiculed,  and  superseded  by  the 
royal  nobles ;  which  Benjamin  Constant  denominated  the  fac- 
tion of  rank — small  in  numbers,  but  strcmg  in  show,  vain  of 
elegance  and  pretensions  to  taste,  which  they  mistook  for 
authority,  deceiving  themselves  by  their  own  imbecility,  and 
doomed  to  be  always  ignorant  of  the  nation,  with  which,  con-> 
sidering  it  bad, company,  they  would  not' take  the  trouble  to 
become  acquainted. 

Before  Napoleon's  return  from  Elba,  therefore,  all  'France, 
fermenting  with  aversion  to  the  royal  government  and  old. 
aristocracy,  its  chitif  support,  was  canvassed  by  an  imperial 
party,  for  restoring  Napoleon  and  the  empire,  a  regency  party, 
for  proclaiining  his  son  with  a  regent,  and  an  Orleans  party; 


ELBA. 


881 


;,  18  now  the  husband  of 
eror  Nicholas's  daughter. 
Bourbons  wh^'n  a  few  in- 
succeeded  in   restoring 
ugh  that  title  waa  given  to 
rere  prevailing  sentiments, 
on,  of  a  people  so  fickle, 
lould  not  be  imputed  as 
:hangcs  are  without  selfish 
sed ;  the  anpy  was  morti- 
ral  ameliorations  conceded 
n  thej  should  have  been . 
f  which  government  iad 
years  every  constitution 
dopted.      Cherishing  free 
the  forms  of  free  goverh- 
or  enjoyed  liberty,  which 
hile   confirming  well-esta- 
ons  both  liberty  and  equal- 
jlutionary  conquests  from 
1  millions  of  persons  inte- 
led  national  domain,  were 
s  of  the  injustice  of  such 
men  trere  discharged,  re> 
id;    the  imperial  nobility 
,  and  superseded  by  the 
itant  denomibated  the  fac- 
ut  strong  in  show,  vain  of 
which  they  mistook  for 
their  own  imbecility,  and 
le  nation,  with  which,  con- 
Id  not' take  the  trouble  to 

Iba,  therefore,  all  .France, 
jyal  government  and  old 
canvassed  by  an  imperial 
e  empire,  a  regency  party. 
It,  and  an  Orleans  party ; 


in  one  or  taore  of  which  parties  several  of  the  French  who 
afterwards  escaped  to  this  country  were  engaged,  particularly 
Marshal  Grouchy,  Generals  Charles  Lallemand  and  Lefebvre 
Desnouettes,  and  Colonel  Henry  Lallemand.     The  Emperor 
was  aware  of  none  of  these  conspiracies;   busy  at  Elba, 
building,  reading,  riding,  active  as  ever,  but  in  different  ways 
from  former  occupations,  though  continually,  for  pastime,  re- 
viewing, minutely  inspecting,  and  carefully  disciplining  his 
few  hundred  soldiers.     Straitened  for  means,  and  obliged  to 
borrow  of  some  Italian  bankers,  he  knew  that  revolutions  and 
restorations,  and  other  great  national  and  popular  movements, 
are  seldom  accomplished  by  conspiracies  or  intrigues,  but  must 
rijake  themselves  by  spontaneous  operation,  in  order  to  bo  per- 
manent and  satisfactory.     Both  Emperor  and  king  lost  the 
French  throne  by  suppressing  that  liberty  which  the  Emperor 
detested  and  the  king  could  not  understand;  though  neither 
dreaded  it  so  much  afi  many  of  the  courtiers  and  counsellors, 
plebeian  and  aristocratic,  of  both.     It  was  thought  that  Met- 
ternich,  who  was  almost  the  Austrian  government,  contem- 
plated placing  the  young  Napoleofl,  with  his  mother,  on  the 
throne ;  and  imptited  to  the  English  ministry  that  their  vessels 
on  guard  around  the  island  of  Elba  became  extremely  remiss 
on  that  station,  in  order  to  favor  the  Emperor's  escape.    Be- 
fore he  left  Fontainebleau  he  probably  contemplated  and  con- 
certed some   method  of   intercourse  and    intelligence  with 
France,  without  written  correspondence.    But  till  the  22d  of 
February,  1815,  when  a  young  man  named  Fleury  du  Chabou- 
•  Ion  visited  Porto  Ferrajo,  Napoleon's  place  of  residence  in 
Elba,  without  letters,  but  with  signs,  from  Maret,  the  Duke  of 
Bassano,  Napoleon  had  formed  no  plan,  and  made  few,  if  any, 
preparations  for  his  escape  and  return  to  France.     The  Con- 
gress of  Vienna  ^egan  its  active  sessions  in  October,  1814,  into 
which  assembly  of  potentates,  prime  ministers,  and  other  an- 
tagonists of  all  representative  government  and  new-made  per- 
sonages Talleyrand  carried  the  earnest  orders  of  Louis,  eogerly 
seconded  by  the  Spanish,  the  Neapolitan,  and  all  other  Bour- 
bon kings  and  princes,  to  eflfect  the  removal  of  Napoleon  from 
Elba  to  Malta,  St.  Helena,  or  some  other  remote  place  of 


^ 


)f 


m 


882 


napolson's  rsturk. 


safe  confinement,  and  the  exptUsion  of  King  Murat  from  the 
throne  of  the  Two  Sicilies.  The  royalists  had  often  attempted 
Napoleon's  assassination,  for  which,  Joseph  Bonaparte  told 
me,  that  Louis  Philippe,  as  well  as  Charles  X.,  contributed 
means.  That  the  fallen  Emperor  was  to  be  murdered,  or  re- 
moYed  to  i  >me  severer  confinement,  was  his  belief,  and  that 
of  nearly  til  his  followers.  The  Bourbons  had  broken  every 
article  of  \he  treMy  of  abdication.  All  of  a  sudden,  there- 
fore, he  resolved  to  leave  Elba,  and  put  it  in  execution  as  sud- 
denly as  it  was  resolved,  after  personal  confidential  communi- 
cation with  Fleury  du  Chaboulon.  On  the  26th  of  February, 
1815,  just  when  throughout  this  country  we  were  celebrating 
peace,  Pauline  Bonaparte  gave  a  ball  at  Napoleon's  plain  and 
almost  shabby  residence,  in  Porto  Ferrajo,  where  he  took  leave 
of  her  and  his  mother,  who  were  living  there  with  him,  and 
next  day  embarked,  with  Generals  Bertrand,  Drouet,  and  Cam- 
bronne,  in  one  small  brig  of  war  and  three  luggers,  with  about 
a  thousand  men,  with  whom,  after  five  days'  pavigation  among 
French  royal  and  English  vessels  of  irar,  as  adventurous  and 
fortunate  as  his  voyage  from  Egypt,  he  landed,  on  the  Ist  of 
March,  at  nearly  the  same  spot  in  Franco  where  he  landed  in 
1799.  From  a  ball,  on  the  26th  of  February,  1815,  Napoleon 
darted  like  a  bomb  on  his  last  romantic  adventure ;  from  a  ball 
at  Metternich's,  the  11th  of  Marbh,  1815,  ihe  Emperors  of 
Russia  and  Austria,  King  of  Prussia,  Other  kings,  princes,  and 
potentates,  started  in  affright  at  the  ne.ws,  then  just  whispered, 
that  Napoleon  was  in  France;  from  a  ball  at  Brussels,  near 
midnight,  the  16th  of  June,  Wellington  and  several  of  his  offi- 
cers, surprised  by  intelligence  of  Napoleon's  advance  on  the 
Prussian  and  English  armies,  without  time  to  ebange  their 
clothes,  hurried  forth  to  the  battle  of  W#terlo<i|. 

The  common- impression,  that  nearly  all  Finance  was  for  the 
Emperor,  and  joined  his  standard  at  onee,  is  a  great  mistake. 
France  was  opposed  to  the  Bourbon,  king;  bat,  excepting  the 
bulk  pf  that  rural,  population  which  has  lately  so  wonderfully 
plied  jiniversal  suffrage  to  elect  the  Emperor's  nephew  fikst  pre- 
sidenl  of  the  French  republic,  almost  nil  odiOr',  especially  tho 
higher  and  conspicuous  classes  of  France,  were  not  only  opposed 


JRN. 

f  King  Murat  from  the 
Jista  had  oft«n  attempted 
Joieph  Bonaparte  told 
Charles  X.,  contributed 
as  to  be  mardered,  or  re- 
VM  bis  belief,  and  that 
'bona  had  broken  every 
All  of  a  sodden,  there- 
tut  it  in  execation  as  sud- 
lal  confidential  communi- 
)n  the  26th  of  February, 
ntrj  we  were  celebrating 
at  Napoleon's  plain  and 
rajo,  where  be  took  leave 
iring  there  with  him,  and 
rtrand,  Drouet,  and  Cam- 
three  luggers,  with  about 
B  days'  itavigation  among 
'war,  as  adventurous  and 
he  landed,  on  the  let  of 
ranee  where  he  landed  in 
rebruary,  1816,  Napoleon 
io  adventure ;  from  a  ball 
I  1815,  the  Emperors  of 
,  Other  kings,  princes,  and 
lews,  then  jnst  whispered, 
1  ft  ball  at  Brussels,  near 
9n  and  several  of  his  offi- 
{wleon's  advance  on  the 
ut  time  to  ebange  their 
Waterloo!. 

ly  all  France  was  for  the 
onee^  is  a  great  mistake, 
king;  but,  excepting  the 
tas  lately  so  wonderfully 
iperor's  nephew  fikst  pre- 
ftll  other',  especially  tho 
$e,  were  not  only  opposed 


NAPOLKON  8  RETURN. 

to  Napoleon,  but  preferred  King  Louis,  though  they  disliked 
his  government.  The  army  was  not  for  the  Emperor ;  not  a 
single  oflBcer  of  note  gave  in  his  adhesion  to  him,  except  the 
very  few  constrained  by  overpowering  oiroamstanccB.  The 
marshals  were  all  against  him ;  and,  till  the  very  day  of  his 
installation  at  Paris,  generals  were  continually  publishing  their 
adhesion  to  the  king.  The  merchants  were  all  against  him, 
for  wars  and  his  reign  were  fatal  to  commerce.  Tho  nobh  a, 
old  and  new,  dreaded  his  restoration.  The  men  of  learning, 
of  literary  and  scientific  celebrity,  were  mostly  either  neutral 
or  royalists.  Eve^  the  holders  of  confiscated  property  feared 
that,  with  Bonaparte's  return,  there  would  be  more  distarbanee^ 
Capitalists,  stockholders,  bankerb,  speculators,  the  clergy,  the 
provincial  aristocracy,  all  these  large  and  influential  classes, 
feared  in  the  Emperor  a  warrior  to  disturb  and  endanger  them, 
and  regarded  Louis's  reign  of  supineness  as  preferable  to  the 
Emperor's  belligerent  agitation ;  for  whom  only  the  mass  of 
the  common  people  volunteered  —  those  who  )\Kve  the  least 
influence  in  calm  times,  biit,  like  the  ocean  troubled,  carry  all 
before  them  when  roused  to  tempestuous  action^  Napoleon  was 
aware  of  this  state  of  things.  He  knew  that  among  his  former 
most  pliant  instroments  once  were  some  of  his  most  venomous 
enemies,  after  they  crooked  their  knees  to  King  Louis.  Tal- 
leyrand, Foucfa^,  Sotilt,  Ney,  and  Davoust  would  suffer  by  his 
return  more  ihtax  steadfa;st  royalists.  So  clear  was  his  convic- 
tion that  bis  enemies  were  the  organised,  high  and  low,  uid 
his  advocates  the  instinctive  country-folk,  that  he  avoided  all 
fortified  pla«es»  and  proceeded  one  hundred  an4  twenty  miles 
during  six  days,  before  he  ventured  to  expose  himself  before 
any  government  obstaolej  material  or  personal,  civil  or  military, 
keeping  away  firom  towns  till  he  got  as  far  as  Grenoble.  The 
common  people  wwe  for  him,  but  that  was  nearly  all ;  and  if, 
t^hen  reinstated,  he  had  countenanced  thenf,  as  they  did  him 
when  a  mere  adventurer,  in  1799, 1818,  and  1815,  he  need 
not  have  bson  sent  to  St.  Helena^  after  losing  one  battle  at 
Waterloo,  imy  more  than  to  Elba  after  the  capture  of  Paris» 
Unfortunately  for  him,  and  most  unwisely,  he  pat  his  trust  in 
princes ;  looked  to  the  Emperor,  his  father-in-laW)  and  Metter> 


884 


napolbon'8  return. 


nich,  that  tnonBrcK'a  mentor,  from  whom  thert  wai  no  hope, 
inbtcad  of  the  French  people,  who  were  hia  fwt  friends.     Yet 
he  told  Benjamin  Constant  that  be  was  the  Emperor  not  of  the 
soldiers,  hut  of  the  peasants.     "The  people,"  said  be,  "the 
multitude,  want  no  one  but  me.    The  plebs  of  France  are  my 
supporters ;  they  sympatbico  with  mo,  as  one  of  themselves. 
That  was  not  the  way  of  the  pririleged.    The  nobility  served 
me,  rushed  into  my  anwobnmbers  in  crowds  for  places,  which 
they  accepted,  sought,  and  demanded.    But  it  was  another 
thing  with  the  people.    The  popular  fibre  responded  to  mine ; 
I  came  from  their  ranks ;  my  voice  acted  on  them.    Look  at 
my  conscripts,  peasants'  sous.     I  never  flattered  them;  I 
treated  them  roughly.    They  did  not  surround  me  the  less ; 
they  did  not  the  less  hurra  for  the  Emperor,  because  l^otveen 
them  and  me  there  is  the  same  nature.    Tbey  regard  me  as 
their  support ;  their  guardian  against  the  nobles.    I  have  but 
to  make  a  sign,  or  rather  look  away,  and  the  nobles  would  be 
massacred  in  all  the  provinces.    If  there  is  any  way  of  govern- 
ing by  a  constitution,  so  be  it.    I  wanted  the  empird  of  the 
world,  and  to  assure  that,  power  without  bounds  was  necessary 
for  me.    To  govern  only  France,  it  may  be  that  a  constitution 
win  do  better ;  I  wanted  to  rule  the  world.    An«^  who  would 
not  in  my  pl^ce  ?    The  world  invited  me  to  do  it ;  sovereigns 
and  subjects  were  rivals  to  oast  themselves  beneath  my  sceptre. 
I  seldom  fonnd  any  resibtanoe  in  France ;  but  more  from  somd 
obscure  and  unarmed  Frenchmen  than  from  all  the  kings  noir 
90  proud  to  have  no  equal.    See,  then,"  said  he  to' Constant, 
"  what  seems  to  you  practicable.    Bring  me  your  ideas.    PubUo 
discussions,  free  elections,  responsible  ministen,  liberty  of  the 
press  —  I  desire  all  that.    Above  all  a  free  press:  to  stifle  i^ 
is  absurd;  I  am  convinced  of  that.    I  »m  the  man  of  the 
people.    If  the  people  really  want  liberty,  I  owe  it  to  them. 
t  have  acknowledged  their  sovereignty ;  I  must  lend  an  ear  to 
their  wishes,  even  to  their  caprices.    I  never  wanted  to  op- 
press them  for  my  own  pleasure.    I  had  great  designs ;  ftite 
has  decided  them.    I  am  no  longer  p  conqueror;  I  cannot  be. 
I  have  but  one  mission ;  to  raise  up  France,  and  give  her  the 
government  that  suita  her.    I  by  t>o  .means  hate  liberty.    I, 


URN. 


MAPOLION  8   RRTURN. 


rboin  there  was  no  hope, 

ero  bis  foat  friemlH.     Yet 

118  the  £mperor  not  of  the 

e  people,"  aaid  be,  "the 

le  plebi  of  France  are  my 

no,  as  one  of  tbcmseWei. 

;ed.    The  nobility  aerved 

crowds  for  places,  which 

ed.    But  it  was  another 

fibre  responded  to  mine ; 

acted  on  them.     Look  at 

never  flattered  thorn;  I 

ot  surroaad  me  the  less; 

Emperor,  because  l;>otwe«n 

ure.    They  regard  me  as 

st  the  nobles.    I  have  but 

and  the  nobles  would  be 

here  is  any  way  of  govern* 

wanted  the  empire)  of  the 

hout  bounds  was  necessary 

may  be  that  a  constitution 

le  world.    An^  who  would 

«d  me  to  do  it  i  sovereigns 

iselves  beneath  my  sceptre. 

anoe ;  but  more  from  some 

lan  from  all  the  kings  now 

ben,"  said  he  to' Constant, 

ring  me  your  ideas.    Public 

le  ministen,  liberty  of  the 

II  a  free  press :  to  stifle  it 

t.    I  am  the  man  of  the 

liberty,  I  owe  it  to  them. 

tty ;  I  must  lend  an  ear  to 

I.    I  never  wanted  to  op- 

[  had  great  designs;  fkte 

a  conqueror;  I  cannot  be. 

i>  France,  and  give  her  the 

<o  .means  hate  liberty.    I 


thrust  it  aside  when  it  obstructed  mo ;  but  I  understand  it ;  I 
was  nourished  in  its  thoughts.  The  work  of  fifteen  years  is 
destroyed,  and  cannot  be  begun  again ;  it  would  require  twenty 
years,  and  the  sacrifice  of  two  millions  of  men.  In  order  t<* 
sustain  the  long  and  difficult  contest  upon  us,  the  nation  must 
sustain  mc.  In  return,  I  believe  it  will  require  liberty.  It 
shall  have  it.  The.  state  of  things  is  new,  and  I  ask  only  to 
be  enlightened.  Men  of  forty-five  are  not  what  they  were  at 
thirty.  The  repose  of  a  constitutional  king  will  suit  me ;  it 
win  still  better  suit  my  son.  During  twelve  years  the  nation 
rested  from  all  political  agitation,  and  for  the  last  year  from 
war.  That  double  repose  has  rendered  activity  necessary.  It 
wants,  or  thinks  it  wants,  tribunes  and  discussions.  It  did  not 
always  want  them.  It  threw  itself  at  my  feet  when  I  first 
came  to  the  government  You  must  remember  that,"  said  he 
to  Constant,  "you  who  attempted  opposition.  Where  waa 
your  support,  your  strength  ?  Nowhere.  I  took  less  author- 
ity than  I  was  invited  to  take.  Now  all  is  changed.  A  feeble 
government,  contrary  to  the  national  interests,  has  given  those 
interests  the  habit  of  standing  on  the  defensive,  of  wrangling 
with  authority.  Taste  for  constit^itions,  for  debates,  for  ha- 
rangues, appears  to  be  come  again.  It  is  only  the  minority, 
however,  who  desire  them.  Don't  deceive  yourselves  there. 
The  people,  or,  if  you  please,  the  multitude,  want  only  me." 

In  this  strain  of  garrulous,  eloquent,  and  imposing  argu- 
ment, Bonaparte's  vindication,  such  as  all  those  intimate 
with  Joseph  Bonaparte  continually  heard  from  him,  did  Na- 
poleon explain  and  justify  his  career,  confeto  his  errors,  recog- 
nize his  altered  oondition,  and  concede  part  of  the  freedom 
indispensable  for  his  support ;  but  the  whole  he  never  could  be 
prevailed  upou  to  allow.  Hence  his  faihire  m  1816,  as  in 
1814.  A  chamber  of  deputies  was  forthwith  convoked  for  aU 
the  departments,  as  one  of  the  first  acts  of  his  new  reign ;  and 
a  vote  of  the  people  asked  to  affirm  his  restoration.  Perfect 
freedom  of  the  press  was  establbhed.  During  the  hundred 
day**,  the  French  press  was  freer  than  the  English — as  free  as 
the  American.  Bonaparte's  government,  his  right  to  govern, 
the  policy  he  pursued,  all  his  conduct,  every  thing  ^as  freely , 


« 


886 


KAPOLEON  i  RETURN. 


diicuBflod  in  the  public  printa.  On  all  alarming  public  junc< 
tures,  governments  solicit  the  people.  Like  individuals  in  dJM- 
tress,  they  promise  and  they  mean  amendment.  In  that  way 
English  liberty  was  established  in  1088.  Under  sach  exigency 
the  people  of  Germany,  Spain,  and  much  of  Europe,  have 
obtained  some  share  of  government.  Louis  and  Napoleon  bid 
rival  eonces^^Ions  fur  empire ;  but  both  lost  it  bv  ^^<-^f  bidding 
enough.  The  Emperor's  amazing  aptitude,  i'  <ti  ersa* 
tility,  unabated  and  incredible  talents  for  govoi  re  dis> 

played  in  every  way  but  for  freedom.  He  would  not  render 
the  people  sovereign,  but  persisted  in  merely  declaring  them 
so,  while  he  retained  and  clung  to  the  real  sovereignty.  When 
the  allied  sovereigns  at  Vienna,  by  their  ferocious  decree  of 
the  18th  of  March,  1816,  declared  him  an  outlaw,  and  called 
on  all  people  to  hunt  him  down,  why  did  not  he  imitate  the 
much-libused  Jacobins  of  France,  resisting,  fUriously,  nearly  all 
Europe  combined  to  crush  the  French  Republic  as  a  national 
nuisance,  to  be  abated  vi  et  armis  ?  The  Emperor,  in  1815,  wai 
that  nuisance  which  the  republic  had  been.  But  imperial  organ- 
iiation  could  not  save  the  country,  like  republican  enthusiasm. 
The  struggle  of  Napoleon's  last  imperial  hundred,  days  was  the 
very  crisis  for  letting  loose  universal  and  unrestricted  French 
liberty,  to  resist  that  combination  of  German  promise  of  liberty, 
by  which  royalty,  in  1818,  expelled  him  from  Paris,  and  of  which 
there  was  still  hope  enough  left,  in  1815,  to  drive  him  from 
Europe.  King  Murat,  like  a  fool,  alarmed  by  his  open  denun- 
elation  at  the  Congress  of  Vienna,  attacked  the  Austrian  troops 
in  Italy  at  the  very  moment  when  he  sliould  have  united 
with  them.  A  year  before,  when  he  united  with  them,  it  was 
an  act  of  the  highest  and  most  ungrateful  treason  to  Napoleou ; 
in  1815,  when  he  attacked  them,  it  was  ea^treme  folly,  and  ruin 
to  himself  and  his  brothers.  It  put  an  end  to  all  possibility 
or  appearance  of  KapoleOn's  concert  with  the  Austrian  govern- 
ment, either  tO  join  him  or  stand  aloof^  precipitated  the  uni- 
versal European  combinations  against  him,  and  sharpened  its 
hate.  Reduced  to  her  own  single  energies,,  France,  however, 
still  powerful,  unanimous,  and  zealous^  patriotically  and  wisely 
regarded  Nftpoleon^  cause  as  her  own,  an^  him  ae  updoubtodly 


^■"^i^w^MW^^^M 


iTfRK.  ^ 

all  alarming  public  June- 
ID.  Like  individualfl  in  diu- 
amondmont.  In  that  way 
188.  Under  sach  exigency 
id  much  of  Europe,  have 
Louia  and  Napoleon  lid 
oth  loat  it  by  not  bidding 

aptitndo,  i'  itr  ersu- 
ta  for  govoi .  .iig.  ro  dio- 
>in.     He  would  not  render 

in  merely  declaring  them 
le  real  sorereignty.  When 
r  their  ferooions  decree  of 
him  an  outlaw,  and  called 
hy  did  not  he  imitate  the 
Bistitag,  Airioualy,  nearly  all 
Qoh  Republic  aa  a  national 
The  Emperor,  in  1816,  was 

been.  But  imperial  organ- 
like republican  enthusiasm. 
)erial  hundred  days  was  the 
lal  and  unrestricted  French 
'  German  promise  of  liberty, 
lim  from  Paris,  and  of  which 
n  1815,  to  drive  him  from 
slarmed  by  his  open  denun- 
ttacked  the  Austrian  troops 
in  he  should  have  united 
he  united  with  them,  it  was 
"ateful  treason  to  Napolcou ; 
was  ejFtreme  folly,  and  ruin 
tut  an  end  to  all  possibility 
rt  with  the  Austrian  goyern- 
aloof^  precipitated  the  uni- 
inst  him,  and  sharpened  its 
energies,, France,  however, 
tnSf  patriotically  and  wisely 
wn,  an^  him  aa  uvdoubtedly 


KArOLKON'H   RRTIIRN. 


887 


by  fnr  the  grentcHt  of  all  militiiry  caaropionH.      Con«oii|it« 
rullicd  to  his  standard  in  numbers  unprecedented,  luul  with 
ordor  never  surpassed;   the   national  guard  wos   aiij^mentcd 
and  organiacd ;  arms  and  munitions  were  prepared  with  pro- 
digious industry;   funds  were   not  wanting;   loans  were  to 
be  had;   all  worliko   arrnngoroents  proceeded  with  complctf 
success;   every  thing  was  right,  except   the  heart  of  tht- 
people,  which  the  Emperor  chilled  by  paralysing   Imappoint 
ment.    When  Camot  was  called  to  the  ministry,  and  Constant 
invited  to  form  a  constitution,  the  nation  were  persuaded  thot 
Napoleon's  promises  of  liberal  institutions  were  to  bo  realized. 
Born,  as  he  said,  one  of  them,  bred  republican,  profoHsing 
republican  sentiments  during   the  first  year  of  his  brilliant 
career,  elected  Emperor  by  the  sovereignty  of  the   people, 
repenting  his  dictatorial  sway,  and  declaring  that  ho  would 
renounce  it,  the  great  commonalty,  who  loved  and  sustained 
him,  believed  that  liberty,  long  withheld,  was  ot  last  to  be 
added  to  established  equality.     Such  was  the  popular  faith  of 
the  thoughtless  but  patriotic  mass,  who  feel  without  reasoning ; 
but  there  was,  as  he  truly  said,  a  minority  of  thinking,  rea- 
soning, discoursing,  writing,  agitating,  and  controlling  French 
—the  same  intelligent  minority  of  the  plebeian  majority  which 
influences  and  mostly  regulates  every  free  country  — who 
taught  the  community,  by  means  of  a  free  press  and  every 
other  channel  of  inculcation,  that  the  Emperor  was  not  as  good 
as  his  word ;  that  he  still  feared  anarchy,  stigmatiaod  those  he 
denounced  as  Jacobins  and  idealogues,  and  insisted,  as  ho  told 
Constant,  when  urging  more  freedom,  that  the  Emperor's 
heavy  hand  must  be  felt  as  usual.    Till  his  return  from  Elba, 
he  had  never  .even  encouraged  liberty,  which,  when  arrived  at 
Paris,  in  1816,  he  promised ;  and  actually  began  to  institute, 
but  stopped  short,  to  expire  of  that  suppression. 

Perhaps  he  was  not  altogether  or  alone  guilty  of  that  fatal  and 
vdgor  error,  into  which  he  was  not  led  by  any  highborn  gentle- 
man. His  two  former  evil  genii  were  still  working  his  destruc- 
tion :  the  aristochitic  Talleyrand  at  the  Congress  of  Vienna, 
and  the  incomprehensible  Jacobin,  Fouchd,  whom  the  Emperor, 
by  inexplicable  mistake,  appointed  minister  of  police  during  the 
Vol.  m.  — 22    . 


838 


FOUCH^. 


hundred  days,  though  in  constant  correspondence  with  Metter- 
nich,  Talleyrand,  and  Wellington.    At  St.  Helena,  his  imperial 
diipe  andyictim  thus  sketched  Fouch^'s  portrait: — "He  was  a 
taan  infinitely  more  wicked  than  Bobespierre.     His  venality 
was  not  as  prominent  as  Talleyrand's.     He  had  been  a  ter- 
rorist, one  of  the  chiefs  of  the  Jacobin  Action.     He  betrayed 
and  sacrificed,  without  remorse,  all  his  old  comrades  and  accom- 
pUces.     He  intrigued  every  where,  every  how,  and  with  every 
body.  '  Intrigue  was  as  necessary  to  him  as  food.    He  tras  very 
rioh  with  ill-got  wealth.    There  was  no  reliance  on  the  morality 
of  such  a  minister,  with  the  versatility  of  his  talents.    I  was 
not  his  dupe.     If  I  had  been  successfid  in  1815^  be  would  have 
been  faithful."    Fouch^'s  advice  to  Napoleon,  and  intrigues 
against  him  at  Paris,  Talleyrand's  at  Vienna,  were  pernicious 
to  the  mighty  Othello,  counteracted  by  those  twin  lagos. 
Tall0yt'and,  at  Vienna,  had  him  proclaimed  an  outlaw ;  while 
Fouoh^  at  Paris,  dissuaded  or  frustrated  all  honest  appeals  to 
the  people,  when,  excited  by  Napoleon's  public  discourses  to 
patriotic  fervor,  they  felt  sure  of  the  establishment  of  their 
rightJ!.     If  his  dictatorial  power  was  to  be  prolonged,  what 
assurance  had  they  that  it  would  ever  cease  ?     Constitutional 
reforms  or  amendments,  prepared  under  his  superintendence, 
^puld  be  no  better  than  the  royal  grants.    The  apostles  of 
liberty  preached  public  discussion  of  free  government  by  con- 
ventions of  national  representatives;  while  the  Emperor  in- 
sisted that  there  was  not  time  for  such  debate,  and  offended  the 
deputies  elected  to  the  Assembly,  by  'warning  them,  in  his 
speech,  against  the  divisions  which  ruined  the  lower  Roman 
Empire,  as,  ft  year' before,  he  insulted  another  assembly  of 
different  deputies  by  coarser  but  similar  admonition.    In  the 
midst  of  a  general  rising  of  the  unanimous  nation,  and  military 
derebpments  the  most  astonishing,  doublmg  all  his  own  won- 
derful labours  and  exertions  for  organization,  the  Emperor  per- 
ceived, nevertheless,  that  progress  and  public  sentiment  were 
cliilled  by  two  apprehensions.    First,  the  recent  treason  of  Mar- 
mont,  Sbuham,  and  other  superior  officers ;  the  misconduct  of 
Augureau  and  Oudinot ;  the  obsequiousness  with  which  all  the 
marshals  joined  the  king,  imbued  people  with 'suspicion  of  the 


PARIS. 


839 


rrespondence  with  Metter- 
Lt  St.  Helena,  bis  imperial 
i^'s  portrait: — "He  was  a 
obespierre.     His  venality 
i's.     He  bad  been  a  ter- 
bin  &ction.     He  betrayed 
is  old  comrades  and  accom- 
jvery  bow,  and  with  every 
him  as  food.    He  Hiras  very 
ao  reliance  on  the  morality 
lity  of  bis  talents.    I  was 
M  in  1815,  he  would  have 
)  Napoleon,  and  intrigues 
at  Vienna,  were  pernicious 
ted  by  those  twin  lagos. 
)claimed  an  outlaw;  while 
rated  all  honest  appeals  to 
[eon's  public  discourses  to 
the  establishment  of  their 
ras  to  be  prolonged,  what 
ver  cease  ?     Constitutional 
under  his  superintendence, 

grants.  The  apostles  of 
if  free  government  by  con- 
}s;  while  the  Emperor  in- 
ich  debate,  and  offended  the 
,  by  warning  them,  in  his 
\  ruined  the  lover  Roman 
lulted  another  assembly  of 
imilar  adm'^nition.  In  the 
nimous  nation,  and  military 
;,  doubling  all  his  own  won- 
anizatioD,  the  Emperor  per- 

and  public  sentiment  were 
t,  the  recent  treason  of  Mar- 
officers  ;  the  misconduct  of 
uiousness  with  which  all  the 
)eople  with 'suspicion  of  the 


general  infidelity  of  the  military  chiefs.     Secondly,  and  worse 
than  that,  they  were  led  to  fear  that  the  Emperor  himself  was  a 
monarch,  who,  as  he  said  of  the  Bourbons,  had  forgot  nothing, 
and  learned  nothing,  of  the  great  springs  and  resources  of 
national  patriotism  and  independence.     In  his  first  calculation 
of  what  was  necessary  for  the  crisis,  he  ordered  the  opening  of 
popular  clubs,  and  the  formation  of  bodies  of  associated  work- 
men in  the  cities,  to  >e  confederated  from  city  to  city,  accord- 
ing.to  a  plan  which  he  drew.    But  Fouch^  was  to  be  the  ma- 
nager of  this  levy  in.  mass;  which  he  undermined,  while  the 
mass  detested  him.     Napoleon  was  told  to  beware  of  commo- 
tions and  intestine  bloodshed,  of  which  he  had  a  great  horror, 
prodigal  as  be  was  of  blood  on  fields  of  battle.     When  he 
reviewed  the  federes  of  the  suburbs  of  St.  Anthony  and  St. 
Marceau,  in  front  of  the  Tuileries,  and  promised  them  arms, 
those  stout  and  valiant  workmen,  bone  and  sinew  of  the  capital, 
telling  Napoleon  that  they  would  have  saved  it  if  Joseph  had 
embodied  them  for  that  purpose  the  year  before,  when  the 
capitulation  of  Paris  lost  him  the  Empire,  called  oil  the  Em- 
peror for  liberty  as  well  an  arms,  and  shouted  for  liberty  as 
well  as  for  the  Emperor.     In  a  corresponding  strain  of 
patriotic  fervor,  he  answered  them,  and,  for  the  first  time  in 
many  years,  cheered  the  nation.    But  will  it  be  believed  that, 
misled  by  Fouch^  and  other  evil  counsellors,  and  by  bis  own 
fear  of  all  democratic  and  popular  commotion,  be  withheld 
arms  from  the  twenty-five  thousand  able-bodied  brave  men 
of  those  two  BuburbB,  whose  descendants,  in  1848,  proved 
their  fighting  faculty  by  resisting  large  numbers  of  disci- 
plined troops,  and  killing  more  generals  than  Napoleon  lost 
at  Waterloo?    He  fbrimk  from  being  dictator  of  an  upraised 
democracy,  which  might  have  saved  him,  with  insuperable 
aversion  to  populir  tumultuary  reinforcement.    Referrbg  to 
the  vast  numbeni  of  mere  populace  that  flocked  to  his  wel- 
cotoe,  on  the  way  from  Elba  to  Paris,  "  I  could  have  brought," 
said  he,  "  two  millions  of  men  with  me.    But  we  must  not  de- 
ceive ourselves;  there  was  a  great  deal  of  Jacobmism  in  all 
that."    He  therefore  could  not  be  prevailed  on  to  establish  a 
new  constitution.    Nothing  but  that  of  the  Empire,  which  was 


h,r 


840 


REPRESEKTATION. 


a  chain  of  hia  usurpations,  would  satisfy  him,  with  what  he  was 
pleased  to  grant  us  additional  articles.  Those  grants,  not  sub- 
mitted to  discussion,  deliberatjion,  or  amendment,  were,  how< 
ever,  perfectly  liberal.  Religious  liberty,  freedom  of  the  press, 
perstoal  security,  no  troops  without  legislative  enactment,  and 
other  guarantees  of  national  emancipation  firom  monarchical 
power,  more  than  were  granted  by  th6  king's  chai-ter,  were 
constituted ;  a&d  with  reason  to  believe  that  the  Emperor  was 
sincere  in  their  establishment.  Still,  this  patching  old  cloth 
with  new,  defusing  arms  to  all  but  soldiers  in  regimentals, 
together,  with  other  undeniable  indications  of  Napoleon's 
inttactable  clin^g  to  powers  justly  odious  to  the  large  ma- 
jority of  the  French  people,  enabled  his  adversaries  of  every 
party,  royalists,  Orleanists,  and  repubUcans,  to  raise,  as  they 
did,  formidable  cries  of  disappointment  and  complaints  of  his 
incurable  tyranny.  As  monarch,  he  was  worse  than  Louis,  it 
was  said,  in  all  but  military  capacity.  Although  the  common- 
alty did  not,  at  once,  lose  confidence^  in,  or  desert  him,  yet 
those  he  called  idealognes  and  Jacobins,  oha,.,  is,  intelligent, 
liberal,  influential,  democratic,  founders,  des^.'^n.  xe.  or  disci- 
ples of  the  founders  of 'the  devolution  and  }  ^  >^' irable  re- 
forms, were  constrained  fo  depopuralize  him  as  monarch  inoor- 
rigible  in  his  despotic  habits,  tendencies,  and  prejudices.  La 
Fayette,  in  constant  correspondence'  with  Benjamin  Constant, 
eame  frc*^  his  retirement,  after  fifteen  years  of  ostracism ; 
Lucien,  the  only  one  of  bll  the  Bonapartes  inflexibly  averse  to 
monarchical  rule,  went  from  Boime  to  help  Napoleon  defend 
France.  Lndeh,  La  Fayette,  and  his  son,  were  elected  raem* 
bers  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies ;  into  which  body  were  chosen 
many  of  that  class  which,  like  Somers  in  England,  Adams 
tod  Henry  in  America,  has  always  replen&hed  the  old  French 
parliaments,  and  all  English  and  American  public  bodies,  with 
orators  contending  for  liberty  against  military  chainpious,  6f 
arbitrary  power.  The  French  bar,'  provincial  and  metropolitan, 
furnished  many  advocates  of  free  government ;  to  which  com- 
merce, literature,  and  science,  likewise  contributed  their,  pro- 
portion. In  times  of  belligerent  emergeiicy,  that  class  was 
overruled  by  the  soldiers  and  the  titled  aristocracy  i  but  iu  all 


OK. 


BBPRESINTATIOM. 


841 


8. 

r 


if  J  him,  with  what  he  was 
Those  grants,  not  sub- 
amendment,  were,  how- 
erty,  freedom  of  the  press, 

egislative  enactment,  and 
cipation  fi'om  monarchical 

the  king's  chatter,  were 
ieve  that  the  Emperor  was 
U,  this  patching  old  cloth 
Lt  soldiers  in  regimentals, 
indications  of  Napoleon's 
ly  odious  to  the  large  ma- 
d  his  adversaries  of  every 
rabUcans,  to  raise,  as  they 
nent  and  complaints  of  his 
le  was  worse  than  Louis,  it 
J.  Althougli  the  common- 
nce.  in,  oir  desOrt  him,  yiet 
bcobins,  vha.  is.  Intelligent, 
ders,  deiiv.^  ■  i^  or  disci- 
ition  and  }'  .  -r  .irable  re- 
alize him  as  monaroh  intior- 
mcies,  and  prejudices.  La 
ie  with  Benjamin  Constant, 
ifleen  years  of  ostracism; 
lapartes  inflexibly  averse  to 
)  to  help  Napoleon  defend 
his  son,  were  elected  mem- 
nto  which  body  were  chosen 
omers  in  England,  Adams 
rejJeniJBhied  the  old  French 
merican  publio  bodies,  with 
inst  mifitiury  chainpioiis.  Of 
provihdsl  and  metropoUtan, 
;overnment ;  to  which  com- 
irise  contributed  their,  pro- 
emergency,  that  class  was 
itled  aristocracy  i  but  in'  all 


contests  between  a  monarch  and  those  he  calls  his  people,  law- 
yers have  revived  those  principles,  which,  like  Lnthcranism  in 
Germany,  Jacobinism  in  France,  representative  government  in 
England,  and  democracy  in  America,  have  been,  for  two  hun- 
dred years,  constantly  progressive,  whether  right  or  wrong ; 
which,  if  Napoleon  had  triumphed  at  Waterloo,  he  must  have 
suffered  to  rule.  His  mistake  was  confessed,  and  that  of  other 
arbitrary  governors,  signalized  during  his  last  hundred  days, 
when  government  worked  well,  without  the  least  di£Sculty, 
with  unlimited  freedom  of  the  press.  Nor  can  it,  I  think,  bo 
denied  that,  as  Napoleon  himself  said,  liberty  is  the  spring  of 
all  public  and  individual  prosperity. 

Bonaparte,  one  of  the  people,  natural  champion  of  their 
rights,  heir  of  Ihe  revolution,  avenger  of  the  people's  wrongs 
from  royalty,  in  his  last  acts  shrunk  from  the  people  and 
the  great  reforms  of  the  revolution.  The  six  hundred  and 
twenty-nine  members  of  the  National  Assembly  he  convoked 
met  at  Paris,  the  8d  of  June,  1815,  mostly  well  disposed  for 
constitutional  monarchy.  The  day  before  their  organization 
the  Emperor  met  them,  together  with  the  army,  the  militia, 
the  ministers,  and  the  people,  in  the  Field  of  Mars,  at  one  of 
those  great  Parisian  ostentations  which,  like  all  such  popular 
displays,  impose  more  than  they  empower,  and  rather  mislead 
than  inform.  He  appeared  delighted  with  a  demonstration 
which  seemed  to  redintegrate  him  in  naUonal  confidence, 
though  most  of  the  nunc  city  crowd,  with  like  enthusiasm, 
would  have  cheered  King  Louis,  if  not  the  Emperor  Alexan- 
der :  a  crowd  uot  of  mere  people,  not  the  French  plebs,  but 
the  shop-keepers,  the  office-holding,  or  hunting  class,  the 
courtiers  of  power,  the  lovers  of  show,  the  aristocratic  vulgar^ 
like  Tallejrrand's  handsome  niece,  the  Duchess'  of  Dino,  on 
horseback  behind  a  man,  when  Louis  XVIII.  was  to  be  idolized. 
Few  signs  of  the  times  are  more  fallacious  than  street  crowds, 
cheering  any  object  of  momentary  excitement,  but  seldom  to 
be  relied  on  as  tokens  of  .p(^ular  sentiment.  A  large  number 
of  the  military  and  deputies,  entertained  by  him  in  his  palace, 
was  an  equally  delusive  demonstration.  When  the  represent 
tatives  of  the  people  from  all  the  eighty-six  departments  of 


842 


REPRE6ENTATI0X. 


:'/- 


France  came  to  be  organized,  a  spirit  at  once  displayed  itself, 
Trhich  proved  the  radical  error  of  Napoleon's' tenacity.  Uncer- 
tain whether  the  falling  royalty  or  the  imperial  dictatorship 
would  be  restored,  numbers  of  the  members  inclined  to  repub- 
licanism, which  never,  since  the  revolution  began,  however  laid 
aside,  was  totally  suppressed.  Many  of  those  Napoleon  dreaded 
as  Jacobins,  those  called  voters  (that  i»,  who  voted  for  the  king's 
death)  and  conventionalists,  members  of  the  first  revolutionary 
convention,  had  seats  in  the  chamber  of  June,  1815.  There 
were  also  many  Bonapartists ;  but  several  of  them,  and  a  de- 
cided majority  of  the  whole  assembly,  upheld  the  Emperor,  not 
to  found  a  dynasty,  but  as  champion  of  the  country.;,  averse  to 
the  Bourbons,  but  suspicious  of  Bonaparte,  whose  long  tyranny 
they  were  resolved  to  reform.  Contrary  to  our  common  Ame- 
rican, which  is  generally  little  more  than  the  English  impres- 
sion,  it  was  an  enlightened,  patriotic  body  of  able  men,  men 
of  education,  of  property,  of  settled  free  principles;  more 
tumultuary  and  inconstant  than  the  representatives  of  Eng- 
land or  this  country  are,  but  not  therefore,  because  their  pas- 
sions were  French  instead  of  English,  to  be  deemed  either 
incapable  or  unworthy  of  free  government.  ~  It  was  obvious, 
from  first  to  last,  that  they  were  not  like  Napoleon's  Senate 
and  Legislative  Body,  mere  satellites  of  his  sun.  In  open 
defiance  of  all  he  oonld  do  to  ^t  jone  of  his  ministers  elected 
president,  the  chamber  chose  LanjuQaiSj  a  conventionalist  and 
constitutional  monarchist  of  tried  patriotism,  firmness,  and 
worth,  with  ifhom  the  Emperor  ought  to  have  been  satisfied, 
though  he  was  not.  A  young  lawyer,  since  constantly  distin- 
guished ia  French  politics,  now  (1850)  president  of  the  first 
Chamber  of  Deputies  under  the  republic,  Pnpin,  objecting  tc 
the  Assembly  ewearing  fidelity  to  the  Emperor,  Us  motioi 
wtts  overruled.  But  in  their  answer,  of  the  11th,  to  the  Empe 
ror's  speech,  on  the  7th  of  June,  the  Assembly  told  )am  plainly 
that  the  nationd  representatives  would  rectify  what  was  de 
feotive  in  prior  oonstitotions  and  oompromises ;  and  Napoleon'i 
last  words,  the  imperial  reply,  Warned  the  members  against  id 
discussion,  when  action  was  indispensabte. 
National  i&dependenoe  was  of  higher  ndoessitythan  consti 


tiov. 


REPKE8ENTATI0N. 


848 


9 


it  at  once  displayed  itself, 
.poleon'B  tenacity.    Uncer- 
|r  the  imperial  dictatorship 
embers  inclined  to  rcpub- 
>lution  began,  however  laid 
of  those  Napoleon  dreaded 
is,  who  voted  for  the  king's 
•8  of  the  first  revolutionary 
of  June,  1816.     There 
several  of  them,  and  a  de- 
ly,  upheld  the  Emperor,  not 
of  the  country;^  averse  to 
laparte,  whose  long  tyranny 
itrary  to  our  common  Ame- 
e  than  the  English  impres- 
►tio  body  of  able  men,  men 
;tled  free  principles;  more 
he  representatives  of  Eng- 
herefore,  because  their  pas- 
glish,  to  be  deemed  either 
rernment.     It  was  obvious, 
not  like  Napoleon's  Senate 
lites  of  bis  sun.     In  open 
one  of  his  ministers  elected 
liDaisj  a  conventionalist  and 
1  patriotism,  firmness,  and 
ight  to  have  been  satisfied, 
yer,  since  constantly  distin- 
850)  president  of  the  first 
spublic,  Pnpin,  objecting  to 
>  the  Emperor,  Us  motion 
r,  of  the  11th,  to  the  Empe> 
B  AssemMy  told  !him  plunly 
would  rectify  what  was  de- 
tnpromises;  and  Napoleon's 
ed  the  members  against  idle 
nsatde. 
igher  ndcessity  than  consti^ 


tutional  guarantees.  Still  one  executive  sovereign,  elected  by 
the  people,  cannot  control  some  hundreds  of  legislative  sove- 
reigns, likewise  empowered  by  the  same  people,  whom  it  is 
worse  than  vain  to  chide,  by  telling  them  that  they  must  act 
and  not  talk  ;  fortify  the  country  against  foreign  foes,  and  not 
till  that  is  done  vouchsafe  it  from  encroachments  by  its  own 
servants.  Several  hundred  assembled  deputies  of  a  nation  will 
discourse,  even  though  twelve  hundred  thousand  enemies,  as  the 
Emperor  Alexander  said  of  that  crisis,  are  marching  to  invade 
their  constituents.  It  is  a  question  how  far  La  Fayette  went, 
or  was  for  going,  in  opposition  to  Napoleon,  in  that  Assembly. 
Beholden  to  him  for  the  noble  generosity,  without  instruction 
from  the  Directory,  of  making  La  Fayette's  enlargement,  after 
five  years'  incarceration  at  Olmutz,  an  article  in  the  treaty  6f 
Campo  Fonnio,  that  republican,  as  he  was  called,  became  ex- 
tremely hostile  to  the  Consul  and  Emperor,  rejected  his  several 
profiers  of  distinction,  and  must  have  had  his  aversion  as  citi- 
zen much  embittered  by  his  anger  as  father,  when  his  son  ob- 
tained no  promotion  in ,  the  French  army,  after  long  and 
meritorious  service.  Inclining  to  the  Bourbons  more  than  to 
Bonaparte,  La  Fayette  waited  on  the  king,  after  his  first 
restM-ation,  but  never  on  the  Emperor  throughout  his  whole 
reign ;  seized  the  first  occasion  in  the  Assembly  for  denouncing 
him,  and  for  ofiensively  saying  that  it  was  to  be  seen  whether 
it  would  be  a  national  representation  or  mere  Napoleon  club. 
Accused  of  endeavoring  to  unite  Carnot  and  Fouch^,  the  revo- 
lutionary Dsembers  of  the  ministry,  with  himself  in  a  plan  to 
dethrone  the  Emperor,  La  Fayette's  opposition  and  fear  of 
renewed  despotism  were  maniicsted  in  evefy  way,  till  at  last  he 
was  the  immediate  mover  of  Napoleon's  thu'd  abdication,  final 
overthrow,  «nd  the  resulting  subjugation  of  France,  when  Jo- 
seph,^ always  a  mediator,  attempted  in  vain  to  convince  La 
Fayette  of  Napoleon's  funcere  attachment  to  free  governments 
On  the  12th  of  June,  1815,  leaving  Joseph  president  of  the 
Council^  with  Luoien  and  the  ministry  to  conduct  the  govern- 
ment in  his  absence,  the  Emperor  left  Paris  for  the  army. 
His  insuperable  aversion  to  popular  freedom^  and  consequent 
dissidenoe  with  the  CHiamber  of  Deputies,  precipitated  the 


?! 


■i^^im4Mik''iiidei^d-^Mh^^i^lL-^-^-.i^^~'..\it^dJii'AMa^ 


844 


WATEKLOO. 


caiijiiiljjii,  inducing  him  to  undcrtako  the  aggressive,  when  it 
was  his  own  judgment  that  it  would  have  been  wiser  to  stand 
on  the  defensive,  by  waiting  in  France  till  the  Allies  invaded, 
which  they  could  not  have  done  with  any  eflfect  before  the 
middle  of  July.  The  Prussian  and  English  armies  were  alone 
on  the  frontiers ;  the  llussians  and  Austrlans  could  not  arrive 
for  some  time ;  and,  at  all  events,  it  was  better  to  be  attacked 
than  to  attack.  But  speedy  victory  in  arms  seemed  indispen- 
sable to  triumph  over  the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  for  which  Na- 
poleon was  less  qualified  than  a  field  of  battle.  .  The  battle^ 
of  Ligny  with  Blucher,  and  of  Waterloo  with  Wellingtou, 
were  therefore  precipitated.  And,  after  his  defeat,  the  Em-> 
peror's  apprehension  of  a  jealous  popular  assembly  induced 
him,  when  ho  should  have  staid  with  the  army,  to  hurry  back 
to  Paris,  without  rallying  the  scattered  troops,  giving  any  order 
for  their  retreat,  or  appointing  a  commander  in  his  stead.  Ilia 
own  judgment  was  that  he  ought  to  stay  with  the  army,  as  it 
had  been  that  the  army  should  not  have  been  marched  out  of 
France^  But,  over-persuaded  by  most  of  his  officers,  though 
contrary  to  the  opinion  of  some,  after  issuing  orders  at  the 
various  places  he  stopped  at  on  the  way  home,  for  bringing 
together  from  all  quarters  as  many  troops  as  could  be  collected, 
he  posted  to  Paris  in  a  carriage  with  Bertrand,  and  alighted, 
near  midnight  of  the  20th  of  Juno,  1815,  at  the  Elysian  palace, 
where  his  nephew  now  resides  as  president.  The  legislative 
bodies  sat  every  day,  except  the  18th  of  June,  the  day  of  the 
battle  of  Waterloo,  which  was  Sunday.  In  the  course  of  various 
discussions  several  members  indicated  aversion  to  the  Emperor, 
but  without  any  alarming  measure  or  even  speech.  If  Napoleon 
had  possessed  Lucien's  talent  for  addressing  and  swaying  a 
deliberative  assembly,  and  had  displayed  that  talent  in  the 
midst  of  the  deputies,  peradventure  he  might  have  saved  him- 
self. But,  eloquent  and  admirable  talker  as  he  was,  composer 
of  the  most  inspiring  appeals  to  martial  and  natioi^al  enthusiasm, 
able  indeed  to  excite  armies  by  captivating  speech,  he  had  no 
command  of  that  oratofy  which  discourses  to  bodies  of  un- 
armed men ;  a  deficiency  he  shares  with  nine-tenths  of  France. 
Eloquent  apd  persuasive,  not  only  men  but  women,  in  oonrer^ 


NAPOLEON. 


845 


CO  tho  aggressive,  when  it 
tl  have  been  wiser  to  stand 
nco  till  tho  Alliea  invaUeil, 
ffith  any  effect  before  the 
English  armies  were  alone 
Austriana  could  not  arrive 
was  bettor  to  be  attacked 
in  arms  seemed  indispen- 
of  Deputies,  for  which  Na- 
old  of  battle.  .  The  battle- 
Vaterloo  with  Wellingtou, 
after  hia  defeat,  the  Em« 
popular  aaaembljr  induced 
th  the  army,  to  hurry  buck 
od  troopg,  giving  any  order 
nmandor  in  his  stead,    llh 
)  stay  with  the  army,  as  it 
have  been  marched  out  of 
lost  of  hia  o£Scera,  though 
ifter  issuing  orders  at  tho 
ho  way  homo,  for  bringing 
;roopa  as  could  be  collected, 
ith  Bertrand,  and  alighted, 
1816,  at  the  Elysian  palace, 
president.     The  legislative 
th  of  June,  the  day  of  the 
y.    In  the  course  of  various 
od  averaion  to  the  Emperor, 
'  even  speech.    If  Napoleon 
addresaing  and  swaying  a 
iplayed  that  talent  in  the 
he  might  have  aaved  him- 
talker  as  he  was,  composer 
ial  and  national  enthusiasm, 
tivating  apeech,  he  had  no 
iacouraes  to  bodies  of  un- 
nth  nine-tenths  of  France, 
nen  but  women,  in  oonrer- 


sation  and  written  oompoaition,  abound ;  but  few  French  can 
do  what  in  English  we  call  gpeak  ;  that  is,  standing  erect,  ex- 
cited yet  self-poised,  in  the  midst  of  numerous  bystanders,  with 
animated  voice  and  gesture,  command  their  attention,  con- 
vince their  understanding,  and  charm  their  attachments.  That 
common  attribute  of  lawyers,  and  special  endowment  of  some 
few  othera,  nature,  education,  and  habit,  had  denied  to  Napo- 
leon. Serene,  cheerful;  commanding,  and  charming  in  battle, 
where  death  was  dealing  all  around  him ;  cool,  logical,  and  elo- 
quent in  council ;  he  waa  abashed  and  confounded  in  the  tribune, 
and  quailed  undor  the  mere  looka  of  an  audience.  There  wore 
one  hundred  at '  >  .aty  lawyera  elected  to  that  Chamber  of 
Deputies,  in  which  one  of  the  additional  acta,  drafted  by  Con- 
stant and  adopted  by  the  Emperor,  provided  that  no  written 
speech  should  be  read.  There  had  been  no  discussion  in  Franco 
for  many  years ;  neither  the  Senate  nor  the  Legislative  Body 
being  allowed  debate.  In  order  to  revive  it,  the  reading  of 
written  speeches  was  prohibited  by  tho  Constitution,  which 
gave  great  ascendency  to  lawyera,  whom  Napoleon  and  hia 
soldiera  disliked,  and  in  whose  presence  he  would  not  venture 
a  harangue.  Of  the  other  four  hundred  members,  most  were 
in  some  way  or  other  public  functionaries.  But  Napoleon  was 
not  only  apeechlesa,  he  woa,  moreover,  irresolute ;  hesitated  at 
that  crisis  as  in  others,  held  back  and  doubted,  when  all  de- 
pended on  instantaneous  decision.  Lucien,  on  the  contrary, 
was  as  wisely  bold  then,  and  as  persuasive  in  debate,  as  ho  had 
been  in  1799.  To  dissolve  the  Assembly,  and  assume  the  dic- 
tatorship, was  his  unhesitating  and  unvarymg  opinion.  So 
was  it,  Joseph  told  me,  that  of  Sieyes,  another  man  of  reso- 
lution and  action.  But  Napoleon  waa  afraid.  The  array  alto- 
gether, and  nine-tenths  of  the  nation,  would  have  aupported 
hia  asaumption,  if  be  had  aeiisod  the  sword  and  the  purse.  But 
the  most  -wondeifuUy  sagacious,  and  certainly  one  of  the  moat 
valiant  of  men  in  the  right,  with  the  immenae  majority  at  his 
command,  suffered  a  very  small  minority,  headed  by  one  he 
contemptuously  pronounced  a  ninny,  a  weak  visionary  —  La 
Fayette  ■ —  with  the  principle  of  freedom  and  the  word  of  the 
tribune,  to  OTercome  vaat  preponderance  of  might,  against 


i 


assafeiit*.'*'^^r>y'^"'''°*^^»»-*'''«***?«K#»^^ 


afcaidLi^  .-'."n-j.  iiii-t^-j^'iiintti^ 


846 


LA  PAYETTE. 


Buah  a  mere  enthusiast,  with  merely  moral  means.  Roynl 
legitimacy  had  some  adherents,  and  popular  sovereignty  avus 
i»ith  tlio  mass.  The  Emperor's  halting  between  his  own  and 
that  sovereignty,  with  all  the  inclinations  and  the  powers  of 
the  people,  if  he  had  espoused  them,  to  crush  the  feeble 
remains  of  legitimacy,  suffered  his  inferior,  at  the  head  of  a 
small  minority,  with  nothing  stronger  than  words,  to  overthrow 
the  whole  authority  of  his  government.  But  La  Fnyette 
either  had  not  the  power,  or  was  not  inclined,  to  exclude  legi- 
timate royalty,  which  supplanted  Napoleon's  dictatorship  by  a 
sway  in6nitely  more  sanguinary,  exhausting,  and  disgraceful. 
Joseph  Bonaparte  used  often  to  repeat,  with  evident  gratifica- 
tion, what  John  Adams  told  him,  when  he,  with  Quinette, 
visited  that  ancient,  honest,  and  patriotic  patriarch,  at  Quinoy. 
"La  Fayette  was  wrong,"  said  he;  "the  Emperor  was  the 
true  rallying  point.  The  deputies  and  the  country  should 
have  stuck  to  him  af^or  his  defeat  at  Waterloo." 

The  condition  of  things  at  Paris,  on  the  Emperor's  return 
there,  was  extremely  critical ;  and  neither  he,  Joseph,  nor  any 
other  of  his  immediate  advisers,  except  Lucien,  proved  equal 
to  the  crisis.  Whether  La  Fayette  was  right  or  wrong,  his 
conduct  was  at  any  rate  fearless ;  and  his  last  burst  of  impas- 
sioned eloquence,  in  answer  to  Lucien's  admirable  address  to 
the  deputies,  was  worthy  of  Grecian  or  Roman  oratory.  Na- 
poleon thought  that  he  ought,  but  was  afraid,  to  dissolve  the 
Chamber  of  Deputies,  and  assume  the  dictatorship.  Tha 
deputies  were  urged  by  L»  Fayette  and  a  few  more  to  insist 
on  his  abdication,  and  if  he  withheld  it,  to  declare  him  de- 
throned. As  soon  as  Fouch^  heard  of  his  defeat  at  Waierloo, 
that  most  consummate  of  all  traitors  immediately  wrote  tc 
Wellington,  was  in  treasonable  concert  with,  and  enoou- 
ragmg  the  enemies  of  France,  while  in  constant  conference 
with  the  chief  magistrate  he  betrayed.  A  deputy  named 
Jay,  tutor  of  Fouch^'s  children,  spoke,  moved,  and  managed 
in  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  as  Fouch^  secretly  dictated 
The  contest  was  earnest  and  doubtful  throughout  all  the  21sl 
of  June,  day  and  night,  between  the  deputies  and  the  Empe 
ror,  the  house  of  peers  performing  a  secondary  but  not  impot 


FE. 

rely  moral  mcam.  Ruynl 
id  popular  sovereignty  was 
ilting  between  his  own  an'l 
inations  and  the  powers  of 
them,  to  crush  the  fecblo 
I  inferior,  at  the  head  of  a 
;er  than  words,  to  overthrow 
rnmcnt.  But  La  Fayette 
lot  inclined,  to  exclude  logi- 
^^apoleon's  dictatorship  by  a 
lixbaustlng,  and  disgraceful, 
peat,  with  evident  gratifica- 
I,  when  he,  with  Quinettc, 
triotio  patriarch,  at  Quinoy. 
te;  ''the  Emperor  was  the 
cs  and  the  country  should 
at  Waterloo." 
is,  on  the  Emperor's  return 

neither  he,  Joseph,  nor  any 
)xcept  Lucien,  proved  equal 
>tte  was  right  or  wrong,  his 
and  his  last  burst  of  iropas- 
icien's  admirable  address  to 
ian  or  Roman  oratory.  Na- 
it  was  afraid,  to  dissolve  the 
ime  the  dictatorship.  Tho 
te  and  a  few  more  to  insist 
iheld  it,  to  declare  him  de- 
rd  of  his  defeat  at  Waterloo, 
litors  immediately  wrote  to 

concert  with,  and  enoou- 
rhile  in  constant  conference 
etrayed.  A  deputy  named 
spoke,  moved,  and  managed 
I  Fouch^  secretly  dictated. 
i)tful  throughout  all  the  21st 
the  deputies,  and  the  Empe- 
g  a  secondary  but  not  impot* 


ABDICATION. 


iHT 


tant  part.    Lucien  Bonaparte  !«nd  La  Foyetto,  as  ch.eft,  con- 
ducted  the  controversy,  with  great  and  equal  ardour,  courage, 
and  address.     The  people  of  Paris  were  vehement  for  uphold- 
ing  the  Emperor,  whom,  in  Benjamin  Constant  s  generous 
opinion,  the  welfare  and  safety  of  the  nation  requ.ml  the 
deputies  to  sustain.     Napoleon,  though  irresolute,  extremely 
anxious  to  remain  monarch,  and  yielding  the  crown  under 
compulsion  only,  was  calm,  almost  torpid,  continually  p  ead^i 
the  peril  to  Franco  by  his  removal,  disclaiming  merely  per- 
gonal considerations,  and  environed  by  «™'"«»; /^•''^"f"^' 
nearly  every  one  of  whom  deserted  him,  extolled  the  v  tuo 
and  the  wisdom  of  the  populace,  whom  he  deserted.        Do 
you  hear,"  said  he  to  Constant,  "those  people  cheering  me. 
It  was  not  on  them  I  heaped  honors  and  riohes.     What  do 
they  owe  me?    I  found  them  poor,  and  I  leave  them  poor. 
But  their  instinct  of  nationality  enlightens  them ;  the  voice  of 
the  country  speak,  by  them.    In  a  moment,  .f  I  cl^«o;M^e 
chambers  would  be  no  more.    But  one  man's  life  is  not  worth 
Buch  sacrifice.    I  did  not  return  from  Elba  to  drench  Pans  in 
blood."     The  Chamber  of  Deputies,  as  a  body,  was  more  irre- 
solute  and  fluctuating  than  the  Emperor.   Alarmed  by  frequen 
reports  that  Napoleon  Aras  coming  i»ith  soldiers,  fts  in  17  J9  to 
disLve  atid  di.per.e  them,  they  feared  that  Lucien  would  per- 
form the  same  part  in  1815.     Their  political  existence  a   stake, 
th^y  were  told  they  must  choose  between  putting  the  Emperor 
down,  and  suffering  him  to  put  them  down.     La  Fayette,  and 
a  few  more,  pressed  for  his  removal,  if  he  did  not  abdicate 
Foulh^  ar^ed  that,  if  he  abdicated  in  favor  of^-^-;^- 
dynasty  would  continue,  and  France  be  saved  /<>  ^o'"^""- 
isU  appeared,  but  there  were  some  Orleanists     Great  numbers 
of  imperialists,  too,  confidentially  urged  abdication  in  favor 
of  Ae  son.     Oarnot  was  the  only  minister  that  held  out,  and 
Luctn  ZorAj  peer,  when  the  deputies,  on  the  22d  of  June  b^ 
came  cla^oris  in  tU  insistance  for  abdication.    Not  one  of 
hXeror's  palace  counsellors  then  stood  fast.    Even  Lueien 
was  at  length  silent,  when  members,  one  after  another,  from 
Z  ctlVbrought  intelligence  that  he  ^^^^^^^^^ 
there^  as  at  Vienna,  if  he  did  not  abdicate,  and  that  the  cham- 


1= 


Bi'ijuiiiarw 


wmm 


848 


NAPOLKON  n. 


ber  would  wait  only  one  hour  for  it.    Thu«  forced,  at  lost,  on 
the  22d  of  Juno,  1815,  he  sent  to  the  two  hou»M  his  abdica- 
tion in  favor  of  his  son ;  which  was  roeeived  by  the  deputies 
with  aoolamations,  but  that  part  soon  annulled  which  nomi- 
nated bis  son  for  successor.    In  the  Chamber  of  Peers  several 
boisterous  sessions  ensued,  through  the  day  and  night,  Lucien 
struggling  there,  not  for  the  Emperor,  but  his  son  and  a 
regency ;  one  of  the  members  calling  ';(.  nonsense  to  choose  a 
child  for  monarch  who  was  an  Austrian  prisoner  at  Vienna. 
The  result  of  violent  agitation  in  both  chambers,  and  of  the 
Emperor's  abdication  on  the  22d,  was  the  election,  by  the  joint 
houses,  of  a  provisional  government  of  five  executive  commis- 
sioners, whose  president,  the  traitor  Fouchrf,  contrived  to  be 
chosen  by  voting  for  himself.    Hope  that  Napoleon's  removal 
would  appease  the  coalition,  induced  many  to  make  the  sacri- 
fice to  peace ;  but  selfish  calculations  actuating  most  of  those 
voting  for  it,  his  deposition  was  effected  almost  unanimously. 
As  the  condition  on  which  he  abdicated  was  that  his  son  should 
succeed,  his  family,  and  the  incumbents  of  places,  flattered 
thomselvet  that  the  Bourbons  were  shut  out,  and  the  Bona- 
partes  would  continue  to  govern.    The  legislative  bodies  cota- 
bined  assumed  the  government,  and  gave  it  to  five  dictators, 
one  of  whom,  by  an  act  of  indecent  efirontery,  substituted 
himself,  with  dictatorial  powers,  for  the  deposed  chief  magis- 
trate.   The  empire  of  intrigue  thus  inaugurated,  on  the  28d 
cf  June,  1816,  on  the  motion  of  Manuel  (whose  speech  that 
day  prefaced  his  reputation  as  an  orator),  the  deputies  resolved, 
and  the  peers  reaffirmed,  that  by  the  fact  of  the  abdication  of 
Napoleon  I.,  Napoleon  II.  became  Emperor  by  the  Constitu* 
tion  of  the  Empire.    In  all  these  prooeodings  there  was  no 
public  appearance  of  or  for  the  Bourbons,  except  a  party,  for 
the  Duke  of  Orleans,  of  which  Fouch^  was  the  manager,  in- 
triguing against  both  the  elder  branch  of  Bourbons  and  the 
Bonapartes,  and  reckoning  Napoleon  II. 's  nomination  the  best 
way  to  bring  about  that  of  the  Duke  of  Qrltans.    When  the 
Emperor  found  the  two  houses  inclined  to  acMsept  his  abdic*> 
tion,  but  a'lnul  the  condition  which  he  made  part  of  it  in  favor 
of  his  son,  he  threatened  to  treat  the  abdication  as  evaded, 


<« 


BLVCQER. 


849 


ThoM  forced,  at  hat,  on 
e  two  houiea  his  abdica- 
r«eeived  by  tho  deputies 
>Q  annulled  which  nomi- 
Chamber  of  Peers  eeveral 
ihe  day  and  night,  Luoion 
ror,  but  his  son  and  a 
t>  nonsense  to  choose  a 
trian  prisoner  at  Vienna, 
joth  chambers,  and  of  the 
I  the  election,  by  the  joint 
of  five  executive  commis- 
Fouohtf,  contrived  to  be 
e  that  Napoleon's  removal 
many  to  make  the  sacri. 
IB  actuating  most  of  those 
oted  almost  unanimously. 
;ed  was  that  his  son  should 
ibents  of  places,  flattered 
shut  out,  and  the  Bona- 
The  legislative  bodies  eoia- 
gave  it  to  five  dictators, 
Bnt  effrontery,  substituted 
the  deposed  chief  magis- 
I  inaugurated,  on  the  23d 
anuel  (whose  speech  that 
tor),  the  deputies  resolved, 
)  fact  of  the  abdication  of 
Emperor  by  the  Constitn-^ 
[Nroceodings  there  was  no 
urbons,  except  a  party,  for 
oh^  was  the  manager,  in> 
nch  of  Bourbons  and  the 
II.'s  nomination  the  best 
e  of  Qrlisans.    When  tho 
aed  to  accept  his  abdica* 
e  made  part  of  it  in  favor 
he  abdication  as  evaded, 


and  to  declare  himself  dictator;  to  pcevcnt  which  Fi)ttch<5 
intrigued  with  tho  two  houses  to  accept  the  conditionul  abdi- 
cntion.  Apparent  sanction  of  tho  King  of  Koine's  right  to 
tlio  throne  was,  therefore,  rather  to  prevent  his  father's  recall 
of  his  abdication,  than  to  affirm  the  son's  title. 

On  the  23d  of  June,  Fouche  sent  an  emissary  to  Bhu-hor 
and  Wellington,  to  inform  them  of  tho  Emperor's  abdication : 
whereupon  they  put  their  forces  in  motion  for  Paris.  But  not, 
it  is  said,  without  considerable  difference  of  opinion  between 
Blucher,  who  was  for  marching  forthwith,  and  Wellington,  who 
deemed  it  more  prudent  to  wait  awhile ;  the  Prussians  actually 
preceding  the  English  two  days'  march.  Fouche  sent  to  Na- 
poleon  that  his  remaining  in  Paris  would  bo  dangerous ;  and, 
on  the  25th  of  June,  he  withdrew  to  Malmaison,  where  General 
Becker,  a  member  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  and  respectable 
officer  of  the  army,  was  sent  to  take  charge  of  the  Emperor's 
person ;  in  which  oapadty  he  continued  to  act  with  kind  and 
respectful  attention,  until  he  left  Napoleon  on  board  the  Eng- 
lish ship.  A  commission  of  five,  of  whom  La  Fayetto  was  ^e 
chief,  visited  the  head-quarters  of  the  allies,  foolishly  seek- 
ing peace.  Louis  Bonaparte's  wife,  Hortensia  Beauharnois, 
followed  the  Emperor  to  Malmaison,  gave  him  her  diamonds 
for  funds,  of  which  he  was  in  great  need,  and,  until  his  depar- 
ture, cohtinued  to  console  him  with  affectionate  devotion.  His 
mother  and  her  brother,  Cardinsl  Fesch,  were  also  with  him 
there.  The  26th,  27th,  and  28th  of  June,  were  days  of  ex- 
treme anxiety.  The  French  »nny,  under  Grouchy,  sixty  thou- 
sand strong,  and  well  provided  with  eVery  thing,  all  warmly 
attached  to  the  Emperor,  arrived  near  Paris.  But  many  of 
the  higher  officers  were  treacherously  contriving  their  own 
safety  by  his  sacrifice.  Soult  had  resigned  and  retired; 
Grouchy  was  inclining,  to  the  Bourbons ;  Davoust,  Secretary  of 
War,  gave  himself  over  to  them  with  shameful  indignity.  Fouche 
was  hourly  contriving  to  get  rid  of  Napoleon.  La  Fayette's 
commission  bftsely  proposed  to  surrender  him  to  Wellington 
and  Blucher.  The  Ptussians  wore  close  behind  the  French 
army,  near  Paris.  Blucher  sent  out  partisan  columns,  to  cap- 
ture Napoleon  at  Malmaison,  and  swore  he  would  hang  him  in 


■'^fm 


NAPOI.KOlf'it  TLtonC. 

sight  of  both  armu'ii.  Wellington,  while  he  rofuHctl  (iiiMporta 
fur  Napok'on'a  auto  conduct  to  America,  diwuBtlcil  RItichcr 
from  fcrocioua  vengcnncc,  which,  Wellington  aaid,  would  tar- 
niah  thoir  laureb.  Nnpolcon,  atill  hoping  fur  aomu  favorable 
turn  of  fortune,  waa  lingering  at  Malmaiaon ;  Fouch^  urging 
hia  departure  for  America,  for  which  purpoae  the  provisional 
government  put  two  frigates  at  hia  dispoaal.  On  the  29th  of 
Jane,  between  fifty  and  aixty  thousand  Pruaaians  arrived  near 
Paria,  where  a  much  larger  French  army  wai  at  hand ;  Wel- 
lington two  daya'  march  behind  the  Pnuaiana,  and  hia  army, 
as  hia  publiahed  oflScial  deapatchea  complained,  the  worst,  and 
moat  inefficient  h«  had  for  many  years  commanded.  French 
offioera,  both  of  the  army  and  national  guard,  therefore  en- 
treated Napoleon  to  place  himaelf  at  their  head,  when  so 
favorable  an  opportunity  offered  for  demolishing  the  Prussians, 
who  might  be  inevitably  destroyed,  without  the  possibility  of 
the  English  coming  to  thf'r  relief.  Accordingly  Napoleon,  on 
the  28th  of  June,  despatched  Oeneral  Becker  to  Paris,  to  ask 
permission  of  the  executive  to  make  that  attaok ;  but  Fouoh^ 
refused.  When  Becker  returned  to  Malmaisoo,  he  found  the 
Emperor  in  regimentals,  with  his  horses  saddled,  and  all  ready 
for  action ;  but,  without  permission  from  the  government,  or 
more  formal  request  than  he  hod  received  from  the  army,  ho 
would  not  venture  a  step,  which  Blucher,  in  his  plaoe,  would 
have  risked  without  hesitation ;  and  which,  if  successful,  might 
have  revived  Napoleon's  ascendant.  Towards  evening  of  the 
29th  of  June,  somewhat  disguised,  in  a*  round  hat  instead  of 
that  he  generally  wore,  plain  clothes,  and  a  light  summer 
carriage,  accompanied  by  Becker,^  Bertramd,  and  Savary,  tra- 
velling by  themselves,  without  escort,  while  his  suite,  in  several 
ostentations  equipages,  followed  at  some  distance  behind,  and 
not  all  by  the  same  road.  Napoleon,  and  his  few  faithful 
attendants,  left  Malmaison  for  Bochefort,  there  to  embark 
for  America.  Whctn  he  left  Paris  for  Malmaison,  it  was  neces- 
sary to  send  his  parade-equipage,  a  coach  and  six  horses,  with 
outriders  and  escort,  by  the  public  street,  while  he,  in  a  car- 
riage of  humble  appearance,  went  by  a. back  way,  in  order  to 
avoid  the  tumultuary  greeting  of  the  crowd,  the  soldiery,  «nd 


■:i^^_^_:'^r^^^!4''i^''ftf^'^''^i^^ii^k(tiiltB(iB^ 


li  ni*. 


fURRKNDER. 


hile  he  rofuHcd  imixports 
orico,  diiauB(l(Hl  Rlticher 
llington  laid,  would  tar- 
•ping  fur  somo  favurablo 
Imaiaon;  Fuucb^  urging 
purpose  the  proviHional 
liapoAal.     Od  tlio  29th  of 
id  Fruasiana  arrived  near 
rmj  waa  at  hand ;  Wol- 
Pnualana,  and  his  army, 
omplained,  the  worst,  and 
ara  oommanded.    French 
onal  guard,  therefore  en* 
at  their  head,  when  ao 
lemoliahing  the  Prussians, 
without  the  possibility  of 
Accordingly  Napoleon,  on 
al  Becker  to  Paris,  to  ask 
that  attack ;  but  FouoM 
MalmaisoQ,  he  found  the 
ses  saddled,  and  all  ready 
from  the  government,  or 
ceived  from  the  army,  he 
ucher,  in  his  place,  would 
which,  if  suocesaful,  might 
Towards  evening  of  the 
Q  ti  ronnd  hat  instead  of 
lies,  and  a  light  summer 
ertrand,  and  Savary,  tra- 
while  his  suite,  in  several 
ome  distance  behind,  and 
on,  and  his  few  faithful 
ihefort,  there  to  embark 
Malmaison,  it  was  neces- 
ioach  and  six  horses,  with 
itreet,  while  he,  in  a  car- 
f  a. back  way,  in  order  to 
crowd,  the  soldiery,  and 


861 


national  guards.  On  leaving  MalniAiiton,  incognito  wan  again 
pructiMcd,  not  only  to  avoid  notice  of  the  army  and  the  people, 
but  for  fear  of  assassination,  which  had  been  altoinptcd  in 
1H14,  and  other  injurious  treatment  on  the  road.  Tlio  fare* 
well  at  Malmaison  was  still  more  afiboting  than  that  at  Fon- 
taincbleau,  where  many  manly  tears  were  shed,  when  tliuru  wdh 
yet  hope,  of  which,  in  1815,  none  was  entertained,  except  by 
Napoleon,  though  no  one  anticipated  the  cruel  suffiirings  in 
store  for  his  perfidious  and  barbarous  captivity.  But  for  false 
hopes,  fickle  minds,  and  trivial  contradictions,  there  is  little 
doubt  that  Napoleon  might  have  escaped  to  America ;  either 
on  board  the  frigate  Saale,  Captain  Fhilibert,  on  board  of  which 
vessel  he  slept  one  night,  or  somr>  American  or  other  neutral 
vessel  from  Bourdeaux  or  Havre,  several  of  which  were  eagerly 
at  his  service.  The  Bellerophon  ship-of-the-liue  had  been 
twenty-two  years  in  continual  commission,  waa  old,  crazy,  dull 
and  ineffleinnt;  the  Fuale  a.-d  the  Medusa  were  new  French 
fVigatos;  fine  saiLrs,  with  xcellont  ''rews  or  old  seamen,  and 
the  whole  population  of  that  mariti;;  "  region,  enthusiastically 
devoted  to  the  Emperor,  would  \:  s'\  utaked  all  they  had  on 
effecting  hia  safe  depart'^re ;  but  after  ever-'  measure  for  its 
judicious  accomplishmer.;,  v.:>'«  completed,  ai.  <  ae  was  about  to 
embark,  mere  trifles  deft<ited  (be  plan.  The  women  who  were 
to  accompany  him,  and  some  of  the  men,  exclaimed  agr<.in'  <^  the 
method  of  thdr  distribution  in  separate  vesseb ;  and  Napoleon, 
his  characteristic  kindness  then  carried  to  instability  of  purpose, 
yielded  to  their  clamoroiu  outcries.  Louis  XVIII.,  reinstated 
on  the  8th  of  July,  sent  his  agent,  the  future  Admiral  de 
Rigny,  who,  on  the  15th,  was  far  on  his  way  to  arrest  Napo- 
leon ;  and  the  provisional  government  had  ordered  his  being 
forcibly  deported,  so  that  some  deterlnination  or  other  was 
unavoidable.  Savary  and  Las  Gasas,  sent  before  on  board 
the  Bel!  ^nhon,  were  encouraged  by  Captain  Maitland,  no 
doubt  ca-"^'  y,  to  believe  that  Napoleon  would  be  generously 
treated  in  England.  America,  abandoned  as  impracticable, 
the  only  remaining  option  was  capture,  either  by  Bourbon 
emir'diries  or  the  British.  Between  them,  Napoleon  preferred 
'Jie  latter,  and  with  reason.    His  treatment  of  all  the  Bour- 


I 


,;;<alw^ 


852 


NAPOLEON  SITRBENDERS. 


boDS,  except  the  Buke  of  Enghein,  had  always  been  nobly 
generous.  Their  return  for  it  would,  no  doubt,  have  been 
ignobly  (Jruel;  if  possible,  worse  than  that  of  the  English 
government,  of  which  George  FV.,  a  callous  profligate,  and 
Castlereagh,  verging  to  insanity  with  pride  of  powet,  were  the 
exponents.  I  have  been  assured,  by  excellent  authority,  that 
the  Emperor  Alexander,  when  waked  up  to  be  told  of  Napo- 
leon's overthrow,  said  to  Cztemicheh,  "If  he  falls  into  my 
hands,  he  shall  be  safely  kept,  but  with  all  the  indulgence  com- 
patible with  magnificent  captivity."  Bat  Napoleon's  admira- 
tion of  the  free  principles  of  the  British  constitution,  and  of 
the  unconquerable  fortitude  of  the  British  nation,  induced  him 
to  consider  British  captivity  preferable  to  Russian  or  Austrian. 
From  Joseph's  personal  intercourse,  in  1801,  with  Lord  Corn- 
wallis,  he  formed  the  opinion  that  inflexible  rectitude  charac- 
terizes the  well-btred  and  educated  English.  Las  Casas,  whose 
acquaintance  with  England  was  greater  than  any  of  the  rest 
of  Napoleon's  followers,  tind  Madame  Bertrand,  who,  with 
several  others,  dreaded  a  six  weeks'  voyage,  to  end  in  the  wilds 
of  America,  took  the  English  side  of  the  question  with  earnest 
importunity.  Finally,  the  Emperor's  fifty  followers,  with  only 
one  solitary  exception,  flattered  themselves^  a&d  advised  him, 
that  he  would  be  safe  undet  English  laws,  hospitably  guarded 
by  the  English  nation,  and  ultimately  released.  The  only  pro- 
testant  against  that  fatal  mistake,  was  General  Charles  Lalle- 
mand,  a  sturdy  soldier,  whom  I  well  knew  in  this  country. 
Contrary  to  his  vehement  and  wise  counsel.  Napoleon  resolved 
to  trust  England.  As  he  took,  for  ever,  leave  of  France,  the 
tri-colored  flags  were  Supplanted  on  his  two  frigateA,  all  the 
French  shipping,,  and  other  places,  by  the  \rhite  standard  of 
bloody  proscription,  subjugation,  and  degradation,  yfith  which 
the  country  was  overrun  by  the  Bourbons  and  their  ifbreign. 
armies.  Napoleon  was  welcomed  as  a  sovereign  gbest  on  board 
the  Bellerophon,  and  also  by  Admiral  Hotham,  in  the  Non- 
pareil, another  English  line-of-battle  ship,  lately  from  the 
American  station,  whose  attendance  at  the  ball  tO  D^atur,  in 
New  London,  lor  celebration  of  our  peace  \(ith  England,  is 
mentioned  in  another  part  of  this  volume.  '  But  in  a  few  days, 


ST.   HELENA. 


858 


NDERS. 

1,  had  always  been  nobly 
aid,  no  doubt,  have  been 
than  that  of  the  English 
a  callous  profligate,  and 
I  pride  of  powet,  were  the 
J  excellent  authority,  that 
d  up  to  be  told  of  Napo- 
lefa,  "If  he  falls  into  my 
ith  all  the  indulgence  com- 
Bnt  Napoleon's  admira- 
iritiah  constitution,  and -of 
British  nation,  induced  him 
ble  to  Russian  or  Austrian. 
,  in  1801,  with  Lord  Corn- 
inflexible  rectitude  charac- 

1 

Inglish.  Las  Casaa,  whose 
ater  than  any  of  the  rest 
lame  Bertrand,  who,  with 
voyage,  to  end  in  the  wilds 
r  the  question  with  earnest 
8  fifty  followers,  with  only 
mselveS)  afid  advised  him, 
h  laws,  hospitably  guarded 
J  released.  The  only  pro- 
vas  General  Charles  Lalle- 
ell  knew  m  this  country, 
counsel,  Napoleon  resolved 
ever,  leave  of  France,  the 
n  his  two  firigateA,  all  the 
by  the  white  standard  of 
id  degradation,  with  which 
ourbons  and  their  foreign 
a  sovereign  gbest  on  board 
iral  Hotham,  in  the  Non- 
;tle  ship,  lately  from  the 
e  at  the  ball  to  D^atur,  in 
ar  peace  \dth  England,  is 
>Iume.  ^  Bat  in  a  few  days, 


taken  to  the  English  coast,  instead  of  being  honored  as  the 
guest,  Napoleon  was  tortured  as  the  prisoner  of  England. 
The  buccaneer  Admiral  Cockburn,  whose  recent  American 
piracies  fitted  him  for  any  detestable  service,  performed  that 
of  jailor  to  the  ill-fated  prisoner,  in  the  line-of-battlo  ship 
Northumberland,  transporting  him  to  St.  Helena.     Cockburn 
deprived  Napoleon,  before  sailing  from  England,  of  most  of  the 
friends  who  wished  to  follow  him  into  captivity,  and  stripped 
those  who  remained  of  their  swords ;  which  brutality  he  also 
endeavored  to  inflict  on  the  hero,  whose  sword  was  almost  the 
only  remaining  national  symbolleft  by  his  cruel  captors  of  his 
immortal  glory.      On  the  17th  of  October,  1815,  Admiral 
Cockburn  delivered  his  prisoner  to  General  Lowe,  at  St.  Helena, 
another  barbarian,  who  tortured  him  to  death,  after  nearly  seven 
years  of  inhuman  and  unexampled  excruciation;  hia  last  will, 
written  on  that  bed  of  torment,  with  impassioned  indignation, 
denouncing  the  assassination  of  his  death.   Never  was  the  fallen, 
dethroned,  and  incarcerated  Emperor  so  great  or  formidable  as 
on  that  deWh-bed,  when  all  the  awe-struck  potentates,  states- 
men, and  aristocracy  of  Europe  trembled  for  their  titles,  pos- 
sessions, and  divine  rights,  at  the  name  of  their  solitary  indi- 
vidual prisoner.    No  irop  mask  or  dungeon  in  Europe,  they 
proclaimed,  Would  confine  him,  whom,  afraid  even  to  execute, 
they  tortured  slowly  to  death.    And  dying,  as  his  infi^nt  Son 
clung,  crying  with  childish  petulance,  to  the  palace  in  which 
he  was  bom,  so  his  immense  father,  with  puerile  tenacity,  in 
the  agonies  of  dissolution,  cliing  to  the  title  of  Emperor,  rafter 
bemg  stripped  of  all  the  powet.    As  General  and  Consul, 
having  amassed  all  his  best  renown,  with  indestructible  vanity 
he  hugged  the  title  of  Emperor,  which  emperors  and  kings  as 
preposterously  refused. 

Paris  was  given  up  by  Dftvoust  to  Blucher  and  Wellington, 
by  a  oonrentlon  or  eapitolation,  termed  suspension  of  arms, 
executed  the  8d  of  Ju^,  1815;  and  King  Louis  was  restored 
by  the  Prussians  and  Engjish  the  «th  of  that  month,  by  per- 
fidious, disgraceful,  and  ruinous  surrender.  In  1814,  though 
discreditably  abandoned  by  ihe  government,  that  city  was 
bravely  defended  by  the  troops;  but  in  1815,  government, 
Vol.  in.— 28 


t 


jt;J?((JSia««P?' 


854 


NAPOLBOK. 


army,  and  all,  were  infamously  betrayed  by  nearly  all  the 
great  functionaries.    WelUngton,  after  passing  some  weeks 
among  them,  informed  Dumouriez  that  there  were  very  few 
real  patriots  or  good  heads  in  the  capital  of  France.    Joseph 
Bonaparte,  long  afterwards,  declared  that  the  nation  was  not 
to  blame  for  what  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  did.     "The 
French  nation,"  he  said,  "was  not  in  a  coterie  of  peers,  but 
in  the  workshops,  at  the  fireside,  in  the  study,  in  the  fields, 
in  all  hearts  throbbing  with  recoHections  of  national  glories 
left  to  them  by  so  many  heroes  —  the  nation  that  welcomed 
Napoleon  at  his  return  from  Elba.    I  remember,"  said  Joseph 
(as  I  have  heard  him  often  repeat),  "that,  to  the  eternal 
honor  of  Si^yes,  when  he  heard  of  the  loss  of  the  battle 
of  Waterloo,  he  came  to  see  me,  and  finding  me  conversing 
with  Lanjuinais,  president  of  the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  he 
said :  '  If  you  wean  to  persuade  by  talking,  you'll  have  a  great 
deal  to  do.    Give  me  the  right  to  speak.    Lanjuinais,'  said  he, 
'  Napoleon  has  at  last  lost  a  battle.    He  has  need  of  us ;  he  is 
coming.     Let  us  go  and  help  him,  that  he  may  drive  off  the 
barbarians.     He  alone  can  do  it,  with  bur  help.     After  that, 
and  the  danger  over,  if  he  wants  to  be  a  despot,  we'll  hang 
him,  if  necessary.    But  now  let  us  march  with  him ;  it  is  the 
only  way  to  save  ourselves.    Let  hs  save  him,  that  we  may 
save  ourselves.     The  nation  will  be  grateful  to  us  for  it ; 
for  now  he  is  the  mau  of  the  nation.' "    Joseph  ad^ed  that, 
beyond  doubt.  Napoleon  desired  all  the  happiness  and  all  the 
liberty  for  France  and  Italy  that  they  were  capable  of.     All 
that  he  could  do  was  to  pacify  them  within  and  put  them  on 
the  way,  leaving  it  for  time  to  do  the  rest.    Religious  settle- 
,  ment  with  the  Pope,  the  empire,  the  imperial  nobility,  the 
marriage,  all  those  were  contrivances  to  reach  an  end  unknown 
to  those  incorrigible,  but  with  their  concurrence  tending  to  the 
common  result.    Napoleon  sought  peace  yith  England,  and 
the  conquest  of  all  rights  proclaimed  by  the  revolution,  whic(h 
the^  reign  of  terror,  in  1793,  outraged.    For  that  purpose  all 
parties  must  be  united*  and  wOrk  together  for  the  same  end, 
which  would  have  been  the  happiness  of  France,  of  Italy,  of 
Europe,  and  immense  glory  for  himself.    Englaod  successfully 


MASSENA. 


855 


trajed  by  nearly  all  the 

fter  passing  some  weeks 

that  there  were  very  few 

pital  of  France.     Joseph 

that  the  nation  was  not 

of  Deputies  did.     "Tho 

in  a  coterie  of  peers,  but 

the  study,  in  the  fields, 

KStions  of  national  glories 

the  nation  that  welcomed 

I  remember,"  said  Joseph 

it),  *'that,  to  the  eternal 

of  the  loss  of  the  battle 

ind  finding  me  conversing 

Chamber  of  Deputies,  he 

talking,  you'll  have  a  great 

eak.    Lanjuinais,'  said  he. 

He  has  need  of  as ;  he  is 

,  that  he  may  drive  off  the 

with  bur  help.    After  that, 

to  be  a  despot,  we'll  hang 

march  with  him ;  it  is  the 

tis  save  him,  that  we  may 

be  grateful  to  ns  for  it ; 

on.' "    Joseph  ad^ed  Uiat, 

II  the  happiness  and  all  the 

they  were  capable  of.    All 

»m  within  and  put  them  on 

the  rest.     Religious  settle- 

the  iipperial  nobility,  the 

)s  to  reach  an  end  unknown 

concurrence  tending  to  the 

peace  with  England,  and 

ed  by  the  revolution,  whidi 

iged.    For  that  purpose  all 

together  for  the.  same  end, 

lees  of  France,  of  Italy,  of 

self.    England  successiully 


opposed  that  consummation,  and  Napoleon  perished  in  the 
midst  of ~  the  effort  or  contrivance,  when  his  real  system  and 
end  were  not  yet  understood  and  unmasked. 

So  said  Joseph  Bonaparte,  whose  affection  for  Napoleon  led 
him  to  appreciation  of  his  designs  more  favorable  than  strict 
truth  will  warrant.  Joseph  ^as  as  much  of  a  republican  as  a 
man  once  a  king  could  be.  His  sentiments  were  sincerely 
those  of  freedom,  equality,  and  fraternity ;  but  neither  he  nor 
Napoleon  had  ever  taken  that  view  of  their  extraordinary 
elevation  and  downfal  submitted  by  my,  however  protracted, 
yet  much  abridged,  account  of  such  vast  transactions.  They 
all  tended,  I  submit,  to  the  final  and  permanent  establishment 
of  peaceable  free  government :  in  what  precise  form  may  not 
be  foretold,  nor  is,  perhaps,  important.  The  end  may  not  be 
a  republio  by  nam^,  but  some  sort  of  free  government,  mixed 
with  royalty.  The  issue,  in  1815,  is  deplored  by  numberless 
historical,  biographical,  and  other  authors,  as  caused  by  the 
errors  of  La  Fayette,  Lanjuinais,  and  other  inflexible  advo- 
cates of  liberal  institutions.  The  misconduct  of  the  Chamber 
of  Deputies  convoked  by  Napoleon,  which,  more  than  Water- 
loo, contributed  to  his  overthrow,  is  condemned  as  outdoipg 
the  Roman  Senats  besieged  aft  Byiantium.  Representatives 
of  the  French  people  discussed  constitutions,  bills  of  rights, 
and  declarations  of  principles,  till  the  Prussians  actually 
marched  conquerors  into  Paris,  drove  the  debaters  from  their 
hall,  and  closed  it  by  foreign  military  force.  Next  morning 
the  members,  with  La  Fayette  at  their  head,  trying  in  vain 
to  resume  their  session  and  futile  deliberations,  were  com- 
pellod  to  retire,  and  suffer  their  country  to  be  governed  awhile 
by  kings  of  the  old  royal,  superseding  the  new  imperial  race. 

JiOseph  often  told  the  following  anecdote  of  Napoleon  and 
Massena,  whom  the  Emperor  considered  the  most  fearless  of 
his  marshals.  After  the  Emperor's  exile  to  Elba,  when  Mas- 
sena, as  one  of  the  marshals  of  France,  Aipong  a  <arowd  of 
other  courtiers,  was  surrounding  Louis  XVIII.  at  one  of  h^ 
audiences,  he  overheard,  the  king  say  softly  to  a  royalist  nr^ 
ing  tnord  reaction,  '*Not  too  fast  Slow  ftnd  sure ;  we'll  do  it 
all  in  time."    Alarmed  and  disgusted  by  that  disclosure,  Ma*> 


856 


LOUIS  xvni. 


eena  joined  Napoleon  cordially  yrhen  he  returned  from  Elba, 
who  gave  him  command  of  tht;  south,  near  Corsica,  and,  I 
believe,  including  that  island.  Before  he  went  to  assume  that 
command,  he  said  to  the  Emperor :  '<  If  yoa  should  be  unfor- 
tunate, take  r,efuge  in  Corsica ;  I  will  go  with  you,  and  there 
we  can  make  head  against  the  world."  But  the  Emperor  de- 
clined that,  as  he  did  all  sitnilar  suggestions  and  expedients  for, 
Cjcape,  by  what  he  inflexibly  rejected,  as  efforts  that  might 
and  probably  would  fail,  and  then  would  disparage  him,  as  a 
mere  adventurer,  instead  of  the  vast  conqueror,  emperor,  dic- 
tator, and  hero  he  had  been.  I  am  assured  ^so,  by  a  person 
near  him  in  his  last  struggles,  after  the  second  abdication,  that 
Napoleon  was  disabled  by  fatigue,  exhaustion,  want  of  rest, 
and  physical  incapacity  for  any  greet  resolution  or  exploit, 
when  Lamatque's  forces  on  th^  Loire,  or  Clansel  near  Bour- 
deaux,  offered  better  and  worthier  means  than  Massena's 
project. 

On  the  14th  of  July,  1815,  Captain  Maitland's  declaration 
was,  that  he  had  then  no  safe-conduct  for  the  Emperor ;  but 
that,  if  he  desired  to  embark  for  England,  Captain  Maitland 
was  authorized  to  convey  him  there,  and  to  treat  him  with  all 
the  respect,  and  even  regard,  due  to  the  rank  he  held.  On 
the  faith  of  that  assaYanoe^  the  Emperor  repaired,  with  hii^ 
suite,  on  board  the  Belltrophon,  there  surrendered  accord* 
ingly,  and  was  received  with  all  the  military  honors/  The 
letter  which,  on  the  18th  July^  he  wrote  to  the  prince-regent, 
putting  himself  imder  the  {uroteotion  Qf  the  British  laws,  was 
made  known  to  Captain  Maitland,  to  whcm,  as  the  Emperor 
stepped  on  board  the  Bellerophon,  he  said,  **  I  im  come  on 
board  your  ship  to  put  myself  under  protection  of  the  British 
laws."  In  the  reign  or  Ufe  of  Georg«f  IV.,  ihto  whose  'hands 
Napoleon,  unfortunately,  put  himself,  representing  the  sove- 
reignty .of  Great  Britain,  I  am  not  aware  of  any  one  act  of 
exemplary,  generous,  or  manly  conduct.  Sensual,  puerile,  and 
callous,  he  lived,  reigtied,  and  died,  a  contemptible  man ;  from 
the  time  when  he  was  disgraced  for  cheating  at  «  horse-race, 
to  that  when  his  kingd(nn  was  disturbed  by  his  indecent  at- 
tempts to  divorce  %  wife,  the  mother  of  bis  daughter  and  heir- 


he  returned  from  Elba, 
th,  near  Corsica,  and,  I 
e  he  went  to  asBame  that 

If  you  should  be  unfor- 

1  go  with  you,  and  there 
But  the  Emperor  do- 
estions  and  expedients  for 
ed,  as  efforts  that  might 
rould  disparage  him,  as  a 

conqueror,  emperor,  die- 
assured  ^so,  by  a  person 
he  second  abdication,  that 
exhaustion,  want  of  rest, 
eat  resolution  or  exploit, 
re,  or  Glansel  near  Bonr- 
'  means  than  Massena's 

ain  Maitland's  declaration 
uct  for  the  Emperor ;  but 
ngland.  Captain  Maitland 
,  and  to  treftt  him  with  all 
o  the  rank  he  held.  On 
mperor  repaired,  with  his 
there  surrendered  accord* 
he  military  honors;  The 
rrote  to  the  prince-regent, 
D  Qf  the  British  laws,  was 
to  whom,  as  the  Emperor 
he  said,  "I  itm  come  on 
r  protection  of  the  British 
rg«  IV.,  into  whose  'hands 
1^  representing  the  sorve- 
sware  of  any  one  act  of 
lot.  Sensual,  puerile,  and 
a  oontemptible  man ;  from 
r  cheating  at  «  horse-race, 
urbed  by  his  indecent  at- 
of  his  daughter  and  heir* 


GEORGE  IV. 


6T 


apparent.  His  father's  chancellor,  Eldon,  whom  he  kept  in 
place  by  shameless  tergiversation,  spoke  no  doubt  his  princely 
master's  sentiment,  when  mentioning  the  Emperor  as  that 
fellow.  The  ministerial  declaration  of  the  80th  July,  1815, 
apprising  Napoleon  that  he  was  to  be  transported  a  prisoner 
to  the  island  of  St.  Helena,  in  order  that  he  might  not  again 
disturb  the  peace  of  the  continent,  assured  him  before  the 
world  that  the  climate  was  healthy,  and  the  local  situation 
would  permit  his  being  treated  with  more  indulgence  than 
could  be  done  elsewhere.  I  am  informed  by  M.  Archambault, 
who  was.  with  Napoleon  as  coachman  during  part  of  his  con- 
finement at  St.  Helena,  and  till  sent  away  by  Sir  Hudson 
Lowe,  that  O'Meara's  account  of  the  Emperor's  treatment  and 
sufferings  there  agrees  perfectly  with  all  M.  Archambault  saw 
and  heard.  He  is  now  a  respectable  store-keeper  in  Phila- 
delphia, fully  entitled  to  credit,  and  with  no  motive  to  misre- 
{Hresent,  beyond  the  feeling  of  attachment  which  may  color,  but 
should  not  falsify  a  statement. 

The  manifesto  against  Napoleon,  executed  at  Vienna,  the 
13th  March,  1815,  by  Russia,  Austria,  Great  Britain,  Prussia, 
France,  Spain,  Sweden,  and  Portugal,  which  denounced  him 
as  an  outlaw,  delivered  to  public  vengeance,  was  the  most  re- 
markable act  of  national  proscription  ever  individuated.  If 
captured  by  Blucher,  he  declared  his  determination  to  hang 
the  Emperor  without  trial.  .  Wellington  remonstrated  against 
the  impolicy  of  that  act,  but  perfidiously  suffered  the  restored 
Bourbons  to  execute  Ney.  If  Napoleon  had  fallen  into  their 
hands,  the  Sicilian  Bourbons,  by  Murat's  execution,  showed 
what  the  French  Bourbons  would  have  done  with  Napoleon. 
Compelled  by  Fouch^  to  leave  France,  refused  by  Wellington 
the  passport  to  take  him  safe  through  English  fleets  to  Ame- 
rica, misled  by  his  attendants  to  trust  the  British  government, 
on  the  15th  of  Jdy,  1815,  the  Empwor  went  on  board  the 
Bellerophon  as  a  guest,  soliciting  and  promised,  by  Captain 
Maitland,  protection.  All  that  followed  was  not  British  law^ 
liberty,  oiv  magnsnimity,  but  ministerial  and  royal  violence 
On  board  the  British  ship  the  Emperor  was  in  England,  under 
the  flag  and  law  of  that  great  kingdom.    Not  suffered  to  land, 


:1 


858 


NAPOLEON   IN   ENOiiAND. 


however,  no  legal  proceeding  for  liberation  was  practicable. 
So  mistaken  was  their  great  enemy's  conception  of  British 
sentiment,  that  not  a  man,  not  a  press,  not  a  single  voice  was 
raised  in  his  behalf.     Castlereagh's  peremptory  illegality  was 
unanimously  upheld  and  applauded.     From  July,  ISlf),  when 
Napoleon  surrendered,  till  April,  1816,  when  an  act  of  Par- 
liament was  passed,  he  was  captive,  but  not  prisoner,  con- 
demned and  confined  without  sentence.     The  prince-regent,  in 
his  speech  to  Parliament,  did  not  mention  him;  the  act  of 
Parliament  spelt  his  name  with  u  ;  the  prime  minister,  Castle- 
reagh,  told  Parliament  he  was  Corsioan;  the  Lord  High  Chan- 
pcUor  Eldon  called  him  that  fellow;  his  brother,  the  admiralty 
judge,  Grant,  master  of  the  rolls,  EUenborough,  the  chief 
justice,  Lord  Liverpool,  the  legists  and  statesmen  of  the 
crown,  taxed  in  vain  their  wits  to  establish  legality  in  the 
detention  of  4  captive,  whom  it  was  resolved  to  imprison  for 
life.    As  there  was  no  war  between  France  and  England,  when 
he  surrendered,  he  was  not  a  prisoner  of  war.     Can  there  be 
war  against  one  person  ?    Or  was  Napoleon,  as  was  said  to  be 
Wellington's  opinion,  a  rebel  traitor,  in  arms  against  the  lawful 
sovereign  of  France  ?     The  act  of  Parliament  of  the  11th  of 
April,  1816,  is  entitled,  to  regulate  intercourse  with  the  island 
of  St.  Helena  during  the  time  Napoleon  Bwonapart^  shall  be 
.    detained  there;  interdicting  all  intercourse  with  the  island, 
but  by  special  permission,  as  high  crime  and  misdemeanor, 
severely  punishable.    After  three  sections,  providing  for  that 
purpose,  the  fourth  section  declares,  that  whereas  it  may  have 
happened,  from  the  urgency  of  the  case,  that  orders  may  have 
been  given,  acts  done^  and  meant  uaed  not  atrictly  justified  by 
late,  therefore  all  persons  so  implicated  are  justified. 

There  was  an  act  of  Parliament  unanimously  passed;  but, 
except  that  Parliament  is  omnipotent,  there  was  no  law;  for 
Napoleon's  cruel  retention,  by  the  greatest  exigency  of  state 
necessity.  Doubts  had  been^entertained,  Castlereagh's  brief 
speech  confesssd,  as  to  the  competency  of  the  crown  to  detain 
Buonaparte  a  prisoner  after  the  termination  of  hostilities.  Its 
justice  he  asserted,  because,  if  a  sovereign  prince,  he  violated 
a  treaty ;  if  not  a  sovereign,  but  a  Corsican  subject  of  France. 


liberation  was  practicable. 
ly's  conception  of  British 
ress,  not  a  single  voice  was 
peremptory  illegality  was 
From  July,  ISlf),  when 
816,  when  an  act  of  Par- 
e,  but   not  prisoner,  con- 
ice.     The  prince-regent,  in 
mention  him;  the  act  of 
the  prime  minister,  Castle- 
ioan;  the  Lord  High  Chan- 
r  his  brother,  the  admiralty 
Ellenborough,  the  chief 
sts  and  statesmen  of  the 
;o  establish  legality  in  the 
IS  resolved  to  imprison  for 
France  and  England,  when 
oner  of  war.     Can  there  be 
Napoleon,  as  was  said  to  be 
r,  in  arms  against  the  lawful 
'  Parliament  of  the  11th  of 
B  intercourse  with  the  island 
poleon  Buonaparte  shall  be 
intercourse  with  the  island, 
;h  crime  and  misdemeanor, 
sections,  providing  for  that 
8,  that  whereas  it  may  have 
»  case,  that  orders  may  have 
laed  not  atricUy  justified  by 
ated  are  justified. 
b  unanimously  passed ;  but, 
tent,  there  was  no  law  for 
greatest  exigency  of  state 
tained,  Oastlereagh's  brief 
mcy  of  the  crown  to  detain 
nination  of  hostilities.    Its 
>vereign  prince,  he  violated 
Corsican  subject  of  France, 


NAPOLEON  AT   ST.    HELENA. 


359 


then  his  sovereign  had  not  demanded  his  restoration.  The 
policy  of  the  measure  was  -uo  to  public  safety  and  general 
peace.  Every  indulgence,  the  prime  minister  promised,  should 
be  extended  to  Buonapartd,  consistent  with  his  safe  custody. 
Brougham,  representing  the  opposition,  spoke,  approving  tho 
confinement,  but  bespeaking  lenity.  In  the  lords'  house  Fox's 
nephew.  Lord  Holland,  put  a  brief,  manly,  eloquent,  and  soli- 
tary appeal  to  British  magnanimity  on  the  journal,  by  his  single 
protest.  Not  another  voice  in  either  hous*  was  raised  in  behalf 
of  their  vanquished  victim,  held,  confessedly,  by  illegal  act,  till 
validated  by  parliamentary  omnipotence. 

Of  Napoleon  at  St.  Helena,  I  am  able  to  add  but  one  im- 
portant fact  to  the  particulars  of  his  sufferings  there  published 
by  others :  which  is  that  he  never  attempted  to  escape,  but 
underwent  his  cruel  captivity,  if  not  with  resignation,  at  all 
events  with  submission.  Among  the  English  governor  Lowe's 
numerous  barbarities  was  depriving  the  prisoner  of  his  friends, 
physician,  and  servants.  Las  Casas  and  his  son  were  sent 
away,  and  the  surgeon,  O'Meara ;  so  that  when  Antomarchi, 
the  Italian  sent  by  Cardinal  Fesch  to  supply  O'Meara's  loss, 
arrived  there,  in  September,  1819,  Napoleon  had  been  a  year 
without  a  physician,  and  attacked  by  the  painful  disease  which 
proved  fatal.  Bertrand  and  Montholon,  with  their  wives,  were 
the  only  associates  left  for  the  Emperor's  long  lingering  illness. 
On  the  2d  of  April,  1821,  when  a  servant  mentioned  that  a 
comet  had  been  seen  in  the  east  —  "A  comet !"  said  the  Em- 
peror with  animation;  "that  was  the  precursor  of  Caasar's 
death."  On  the  16th  of  April  he  shut  himself  up,  and  made 
his  last  will,  perfectly  conscious  of  his  approaching  end. 
"These  are  my  final  preparations,"  said  he;  "I  am  going; 
it  is  all  over  with  me."  Dr.  Antomarchi  answering  that  there 
were  yet  many  chances  in  his  favor  —  "No  more  illusions," 
replied  the  Emperor.  "I  know  how  it  is;  I  am  resigned." 
To  the  attendants  round  his  bed  he  spoke  with  the  utmost 
kindness,  and  of  his  approaching  dissolution  calmly,  soiqetimes 
gayly.  "I  shall  meet  my  brave  comrades  in  Elysium,"  said 
he,  "  where  we  will  talk  over  our  wars  with  the  Scipios,  the 
Hanuibals,  the  Caesars,  and  the  Fredericks ; — unless,  indeed," 


M: 


m%] 


i:-m 


860 


napoleon's  death. 


ho  added,  with  a  smilo,  "  they  ahould  bo  afraid  below  of  seeing 
80  many  warriors  together."     To  the  English  surgeon,  Arnold, 
ho  caused  his  valedictory  malediction  on  the  Dritish  govern- 
ment to  bo  translated  by  Bcitrand,  an  the  Emperor  dictated  it 
to  him.    "  The  British  government  bus  assassinated  me  slowly, 
by  piecemeal,  and  with  premeditatior. ;  and  the  infamous  Hud- 
son Lowe  has  been  executor  of  their  high  deeds.     Dying  on 
this  frightful  rock,  deprived  of  my  family  and  all  communica- 
tion with  them,  I  le;ivo  the  opprobrium  of  my  death  to  the 
reigning  house  of  England.     I  should  havo  been  differently 
treated  by  the  Emperor  Alexander,  the  Emperor  Francis,  even 
by  the  King  of  Prussia."     On  the  21st  of  April,  he  asked  for 
the  succor  of  the  Catholic  religion,  in  which,  he  said  to  the 
priest,  he  was  born,  and  whose  duties  he  desired  to  fulfil.     On 
the  28th  of  April,  he  directed  Dr.  Antomarchi  to  make  the 
autopsy  of  his  body,  carry  his  heart  to  his  dear  Maria  Louisa, 
and  tell  his  mother  and  family  that  he  died  in  want  of  every 
thing,  abandoned,  and  in  the  most  deplorable  condition.     On 
the  29th  of  April,  after  enjoying  a  draft  of  the  little  good 
water  there  was  at  St.  Helena,  which  had  been  brought  from 
a  spring  a  mile  off,  he  said :  *'  If  after  my  death  thoy  do  not 
proscribe  my  corpse,  as  they  have  my  person ;  if  they  do  not 
refuse  me  a  little  earth,  I  wish  to  be  buried  near  my  ancestors, 
in  the  cathedral  of  Ajaocio,  in  Corsica,  or  on  the  baqks  of  the 
Seine,  in  the  midst  of  the  French  people  I  loved  so  much.    If 
not  allowed  to  be  buried  there,  let  my  body  be  put  where  this 
sweet  pure  water  flows."    On  the  2d  of  May,  he  was  delirious, 
with  increased  fever.     On  the  8d,  in  possession  of  his  reason, 
he  told  his  testamentary  executors,  Bertrand  and  Montholon, 
that,  aboT\t  to  die,  he  had  sanctioned  the  principles  infused 
into  his  laws  and  acts,  not  one  of  which  he  had  not  conse- 
crated,    "  Unfortunately,  ciroumstanpes  were  adverse.    I  was 
obliged  to  be  stern,  and  to  put  off.    Beverses  came.    I  could 
not  unstring  the  bow ;  and  France  was  deprived  of  the  liberal 
institutions  which  I  designed  for  her.    3he  will  judge  mo  in- 
dulgently, will  look  to  my  intentions,  cherish  my  name,  my 
victories."    The  ^  of  May,  18^1,  was  a  day  of  frightfully 
tempestuous  weatheiu,  the  rain  falling  in  torrents,  the  wind 


:ath. 

1  be  afraid  below  of  seeing 
English  Burgoon,  Arnold, 
>n  on  the  Dritish  govern- 
in  the  Emperor  dictated  it 
1(13  assassinated  me  slowly, 
;  and  the  infamous  Hud- 
ir  high  deeds.     Dying  on 
amily  and  all  oommunica- 
trium  of  my  death  to  the 
»uld  have  been  diffcicntly 
the  Emperor  Francis,  even 
2lBt  of  April,  he  asked  for 
,  in  which,  he  said  to  the 
)8  he  desired  to  fulBl.     On 
Antomarchi  to  moke  the 
I  to  his  dear  Maria  Louisa, 
he  died  in  want  of  every 
deplorable  condition.     On 
a  draft  of  the  little  good 
ich  had  been  brought  from 
i'ter  my  death  they  do  not 
ny  person ;  if  they  do  not 
>  buried  near  my  ancestors, 
lica,  or  on  the  bai)ks  of  the 
iople  I  loved  so  much.    If 
my  body  be  put  where  this 
i  of  May,  he  was  delirious, 
A  possession  of  his  reason, 
Bertrand  and  Montholon, 
led  the  principles  infused 
which  he  had  not  conse- 
nces  were  adverse.    I  was 
Reverses  came.    I  could 
ivas  deprived  of  the  liberal 
r.    3he  will  judge  me  in- 
ns, cherish  my  name,  my 
,  was  a  day  of  frightfully 
tng  in  torrents,  the  wind 


ei.  HELENA. 


861 


raging  with  the  greatest  violence,  laying  waste  the  plantation, 
beating  down  Napoleon's  favorite  willow,  the  one  only  solitary 
green  tree  left  standing  by  the  storm,  being  at  length  torn  up 
and  thrown  down  in  the  mud.  Bat  all  the  noise  of  the  hurri- 
cane did  not  rouse  Napoleon  from  his  stupor.  At  half-past 
five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  he  murmured  some  incoherent 
words,  and  at  eleven  minutes  before  six,  with  a  slight  foam  on 
his  lips,  he  expired.  Governor  Lowe,  persecuting  the  fallen 
Emperor's  dead  body,  would  not  suffer  it  to  be  taken  to 
Europe,  nor  buried  with  any  other  than  military  honors,  when 
laid  in  the  earth  at  the  foot  of  the  willow  shading  the  spring 
of  wator  he  was  fond  of;  where,  marked  by  a  plain  stone, 
without  any  inscription,  it  reposed  daring  the  eighteen  years 
of  solitary  interment  which  preceded  the  ostentatious  con- 
veyance of  his  remains  from  St.  Helena  to  Paris. 

Enemies  too  many  and  too  powerful  were  dependent  for 
their  crowns  and  ministries  on  his  removal  far  from  Europe, 
either  by  death  or  perpetual  confinement,  to  allow  law  to  bo 
pleaded  or  justice  to  be  done.  The  great  powers  of  nearly  all 
Christendom  united  pronounced  his  doom,  which  Great  Britain 
was  eager  and  proud  to  carry  into  execution. 

Unexpectedly  incident  to  that  sentence,  this  country  was 
constrained  either  tacitly  to  participate  or,  probably  in  vain, 
resist,  what  all  Europe  combined  had  determined  to  enforce. 
On  the  8d  of  July,  1815,  fk  convention  was  signed  at  London, 
by  Messrs.  Adams,  Clay,  and  Gallatin,  for  the  United  States, 
and  Robinson,  Gouldburn,  and  Adams,  for  Great  Britain,  to 
regulate  the  commerce  between  the  territories  of  the  United 
States  and  of  his  Britannic  Majesty ;  by  the  third  article  of 
which  the  vessels  of  the  United  States  were  authorized  to 
touch  for  refreshment,  but  not  for  commerce,  in  the  coarse  of 
their  voyages  to  and  from  the  British  territories  in  Ludia,  or 
to  or  from  the  territories  of  the  Emperor  of  China,  at  thd 
island  of  St.  Helena.  After  that  commercial  convention  was 
ratified  by  Groat  Britain,  thd  31st  of  July,  1815,  and  before 
its  ratification  by  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  on  the  22d 
of  December  of  that  year)  the  British  charg^  d'afiaires  at 
Washington,  Anthony  St.  John  Baker,  on  the  24th  of  No- 


f 


802 


RT.   HELENA. 


Vfmber,  1815,  oflBclnlly  infoiuied  tho  American  Exocutivo  that, 
in  coiiHe<iuence  of  events  which  had  happened  in  Europe  Hub- 
poqiient  to  the  signature  of  tho  convention,  it  had  been  deeinoi 
expedient  and  determined,  in  coi\junction  with  the  allied  sove- 
reigns, that  St.  Helena  should  be  the  place  allotted  fur  the 
futoro  residence  of  General  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  under  such 
regulations  as  might  be  necessary  for  the  perfect  security  of 
his  person ;  and  resolved  for  that  purpose  that  all  ships  and 
vessels  whatever,  as  well  British  ships  and  vessels  as  others, 
excepting  only  ships  belonging  to  the  East  India  Company, 
should  be  excluded  from  all  communication  with  or  approach 
to  thu'.  .land.  It  had,  therefore,  become  impossible  to  comply 
with  so  much  of  the  third  article  of  the  treaty  as  related  to 
the  liberty  of  touching  for  refreshments  at  the  island  of  St. 
Helenii,  and  the  ratification  of  that  treaty  would  be  exchanged 
under  the  explicit  declaration  and  understanding  that  the  ves- 
sels of  the  United  States  could  not  be  allowed  to  touch  at,  or 
hold  any  communication  whatever  with  that  island,  as  long  as 
it  should  continue  to  be  the  place  of  residence  of  Napoleon 
Bonaparte. 

The  Senate  of  the  United  States,  in  December,  1815,  rati- 
fied the  convention  of  the  preceding  July,  with  knowledf o  of 
that  British  alteration.  On  tho  20th  of  October,  1818,  the 
convention  of  1815  was  extended  for  ten  years  more  by  ano- 
ther convention,  executed  for  the  United  States  by  Mr.  Galla- 
tin, their  minister  to  France,  and  Mr.  Rush,  their  minister  in 
England.  Thus,  from  the  time  of  Napoleon's  confitiement  at  St. 
Helena  until  his  death  there,  the  United  States  werb  passive 
participants  in  his  punishment,  while  his  brother  Joseph  was 
an  inhabitant  of  this  country.  Napoleon  dying  there,  the  6th 
of  May,  1821,  on  the  80th  of  Ju.,'  of  that  year  the  British 
government  gave  ours  ofiScial  notice  that  tho  restriction  was 

at  an  end. 

One  of  Napoleon's  last  acts  at  the  Elysian  palace,  before 
he  went  to  Malmaison,  was  to  tell  Joseph,  as  he  told  me, 
that  he  had  sent  to.  his  residence,  rue  dti  Faubourg  St.  Ho- 
nor6,  copies  of  the  allied  sovei^eignft'  letters  to  keep,  as  well  as 
Joseph  could,  and  that  the  originals  would  be  kept  and  taken 


A. 

0  American  Esoeutivo  that, 

d  happcnril  in  Europe  muI- 

irention,  it  had  been  deemed 

inction  with  the  allied  sove- 

the  placo  allotted  fur  the 

eon  Bonaparte,  under  such 

for  the  perfect  security  of 

purpose  that  all  shipx  and 

lips  and  vessels  as  others, 

the  East  India  Company, 

riunication  with  or  approach 

vecome  impossible  to  comply 

of  the  treaty  as  related  to 

ments  at  the  island  of  St. 

treaty  would  be  exchanged 

understanding  that  the  ves- 

)t  be  allowed  to  touch  at,  or 

with  that  island,  as  long  as 

e  of  residence  of  Napoleon 

J8,  in  December,  1815,  rati- 
ng July,  with  knowledge  of 
20th  of  October,  1818,  the 
for  ten  years  more  by  ano- 
[Jnited  States  by  Mr.  Galla- 
Mr.  Rush,  their  minister  in 
apoleon's  confinement  at  St. 
United  States  werb  passive 
hile  his  brother  Joseph  was 
iprdeon  dying  there,  the  6th 
./  of  that  year  the  British 
ioe  that  the  restriction  was 

the  Elysian  palace,  before 
H  Joseph,  as  he  told '  me, 
,rue  du  Faubourg  St.  Ho- 
i'  letters  to  keep,  as  well  as 
Is  would  be  kept  and  taken 


SOVKRGIONR'    LBTTRiUI. 


863 


cftro  of  by  the  Secretary  of  State,  the  Duke  of  Bassano. 
Aceordingly  Joseph  found  the  copies  on  tho  table  of  hix  Htudy, 
when  ho  went  home,  ond  loft  them  there  with  his  other  pixperw. 
Some  days  afterwards,  when  obliged  to  leave  Pari«,  in  order  to 
follow  tho  Emperor  to  Uochofort,  he  desired  his  wife  and  se- 
cretary, Mr.  Pr<5Ble,  to  collect  all  his  papers,  secure  them  in 
trunks,  and  send  them  to  several  reliable  acquaintances,  to  be 
saved  from  the  enemies  about  to  enter  Poris,  which  was  done ; 
but  soon  after  his  deporturc,  the  friends  with  whom  the  trunks 
were  left,  fearing  that  tho  Bourbon  pcve  would  be  making 
search  for  t'  ni,  requested  Queen  Julia  (Joseph's  wife)  to  take 
the  trunks  back  agoin,  which  were  then  removed  to  her  sister's, 
tho  princess  royal  of  Sweden,  where  it  was  thoiight  they  would 
be  safer. 

The  republicans  of  the  world,  and  all  thinking  frcc-non,  have 
been,  unfortunately,  and  no  doubt  surreptit^ouwly,  dtp'-ived  of 
tho  knowledge  and  just  oppreciation  of  thoHo  specimen  J  cf 
imperial    and  royal   unworthiness.      They   were    'ctturs,   on 
various  occasions,  addressed  to  Napoleon,  both  as  Consul  and 
Emperor,  by  tho  Emperors  Paul  and  Alexander  of  Russia, 
the  Emperor  Francis  of  Austria,  his  future  futher-in-law,  the 
Electors  whom  he  made  kings  of  Bavaria  and  Wirtemburg  — 
the  first-mentioned  of  whose  daughters  married  Eugene  Beau- 
harnois,  and  the  last  mentioned,  Jerome  Bonaparte— and  by  tho 
Spanish  royal  family.     Some  of  the  disgraceful  letters  of  the 
latter  have  been  published ;  but  none  of  the  former  sovereigns 
have  been  subjected  to  that  wholesome  animadversion  which 
their  exposure  would  have  elicited,  to  prove  how  inferior  they 
were  to  Napoleon  in  virtue  as  w«»U  as  wisdom.     Couched  in 
terms  of  base  adulation  and  rapacious  solicitation,  those  impe- 
rial and  royal  missives  were  so  unlilce  what  is,  by  the  ignorant, 
commonly  supposed,  and  by  most  of  the  wise,  who  fashion 
public  sentiment,  inculcated  as  regal,  that  Napoleon  often  spoke 
to  Joseph  with  sovereign  contempt  of  their  authors,  not  merely 
as  monarchs,  but  as  men;  poor  devils,  he  said,  no  more  fik 
for  thrones  than  (using  a  Tavorite  expression  of  his  own)  I  am 
ta  be  a  bishop.    During  the  hostile  occupations  of  the  French 
capital,  in  both  1814  and  1815,  those  original  documents  are 


864 


BOVinitairS    LITTIAi. 


boHevod  to  >  ivc  escaped  the  rooapturo  which  the  oooqurrori 
vuitcd  on  the  monutnouts  of  art,  lent  there  by  Napoluon,  a« 
trophies  of  his  conquestn.  M.  Meneval,  whose  tneaiiH  of 
infonnatioii  were  excellent,  sajs  that  it  is  not  known  what 
became  of  thoso  originals,  for  which,  during  ten  yean,  the 
Duke  of  BuBMano  searched  in  vain.  From  among  the  originals, 
of  which  he  caused  copies  to  be  taken,  by  Napoleon's  order, 
for  Joseph,  the  letters  of  the  Spanish  princes  were  missing, 
the  bundle  containing  them  being  empty,  and  a  memorandum 
left  in  it,  stating  that  it  had  been  delivered  to  the  Duke  of 
Blacas,  by  order  of  the  minister.  The  Duke  of  Blacas  was 
King  Louis  XVIII.'s  first  favorite,  who  may  have  desired  to 
save  the  Spanish  Bourbon  family  from  the  publication  of  their 
villanous  corrospondonoo.  But  it  seems  strange  that  he  did 
not,  if  he  could,  also  snatch  that  of  the  other  sovereigns  from 
exposure.  In  1887,  Joseph  Bonaparte,  at  London,  instituted 
an  inquiry  concerning  these  sovereigns'  letters,  and  ascertained, 
as  far  as  the  partial,  for  it  was  not  a  full  and  unreserved, 
acknowledgment  of  Mr.  Murray,  an  eminent  publisher  in  Al*' 
bermarle  Street,  \^ent,  that  somewhere  about  the  year  1822, 
what  purported  to  be  the  original  letters  were  offered  to  him 
for  sale ;  but  that  he  refused  to  buy  them,  in  consequence  of 
some  doubts  of  their  authenticity  on  the  part  of  his  adviser* 
and  friends.  He  mentioned  the  Duke  of  Wellington  as  one  of 
those  who  doubted  their  genuineness ;  doubts  which,  it  after- 
wards appears,  as  Mr.  Murray  affirmed,  m  1887,  had  no  foua- 
dation ;  and  his  refosai,  founded  upon  which  doubts,  he  much 
regretted.  Mr.  Murray  further  said,  that  the  letters  were 
represented  to  him  as  having  been  forwarded  from  the  custody 
of  a  French  marshal,  whose  name  he  had  forgotten.  On 
naming  the  Duke  of  $asB«no  to  him,  he  said  that  was  it.  The 
letters  bitten  by  the  Emperors  of  Russia  were,  at  the  sugges* 
tion  of  Mr.  Murray,  offered  for  sale  to  Prince  Lieven,  the 
Russian  ambassador,  who  gave  ten  thousand  pounds  for  that 
portion  of  the  correspondence.  There  ard  improbabilities  in 
this  statement.  The  Duke  of  Wellington,  Lord  Castlereagh, 
and  several  other  persons,  on  seeing  the  letters,  must  have 
been  able  to  decide  whether  they  were  genuine.    And  would 


:srt«  '.-tfaf^'.arar-'-ctJigaata^ga-i'Wi^w  a 


riM. 

luro  which  iho  oonqncron 
nt  there  by  Napolvun,  na 
oneval,  whoao  meaiiN  of 
at  it  ii  not  known  what 
during  ten  years,  the 
'rom  among  the  originali, 
,  by  Napoleon's  order, 
liah  princes  were  missing, 
impty,  and  a  memorandum 
delivered  to  the  Duke  of 
The  Duke  of  Blacas  was 
who  may  have  desired  to 
[>m  the  publication  of  their 
seems  strange  thut  he  did 
the  other  sovereigns  from 
arte,  at  London,  instituted 
lis'  letters,  and  ascertained, 
lot  a  full  and  unreserved, 
a  eminent  publisher  in  Al- 
lore  about  the  year  1822, 
I  letters  were  offered  to  him 
ly  them,  in  oonseqnenco  of 
[>n  the  p6rt  of  his  advisers 
ke  of  Wellington  as  one  of 
)8g ;  doubts  which,  it  after- 
med,  in  1887,  had  no  foun- 
K>n  which  doubts,  he  much 
lid,  that  the  letters  were 
'orwarded  from  the  custody 
e  he  had  forgotten.     On 
I,  he  said  that  was  it.    The 
Russia  were,  at  the  sugges* 
ale  to  Prince  Lieven,  the 
thousand  pounds  for  thut 
bere  ard  improbabilities  in 
lington,  Lord  Castlereagh, 
ag  the  letters,  must  have 
rere  genuine.    And  would 


BOVEniKmH*    LKTTRIlfl. 


865 


tlio  RiiVMinn  nmbassador  purchase  his  sovereign's  portion  of 
tlii>ni  witlioiit  apprising  the  ministers  of  Bavnriu  and  Wirtcm- 
liirg  tliiit  they  could  likewise  preserve  those  of  their  respective 
Hovci-t'igns  from  publication?  The  Duke  of  Bassnno,  whoHo 
(]iiuv:litcr  nmrriod  a  son  of  Alexander  Baring,  Lord  Ashbui  ton, 
has  lipon  suspected  of  offering  the  letters  for  sale;  as  Mr.  Mur- 
ray,  to  whom  they  were  offered,  said  that  his  offer  came  from 
the  Duke  of  Bassano,  a  French  nmrslial.  But  that  duke  was 
not  a  marshal,  nor,  like  most  marshals,  was  his  dukedom  forti- 
fied by  much  wealth.  lie  was  poor ;  and  hence  suspicion  arose 
of  him  among  some  not  apt  to  be  uncharitable.  But,  in  all 
the  stages  of  Napoleon's  downfal,  the  Duke  of  Bassano  re- 
mained exemplnrily  faithAil  to  him ;  and  it  'w  not  reasonable  to 
suspect  him,  without  proof,  of  so  base  a  contravention  of  what 
he  well  knew  was  Napoleon's  disposition  of  those  original 
letters. 

More  than  one  copy  of  them  was  taken  for  preservation 
and  publication,  in  case  of  need.  The  copies  given  by  the 
Emperor  to  Joseph  wore  deposited  in  a  trunk,  left  at  the  hotel 
Langcron,  St.  Honor^  Street,  which  he  occupied ;  which  trunk 
passed  through  several  hands,  before  being  sent  to  its  destina- 
tion. '  But  when  there  was  question  of  sending  it  from  Paris 
to  Point  Breece,  it  was  untouched.  The  important  documents 
it  contained  had  been  put,  by  parcels,  in  the  bottom  of  trunks 
of  linen  and  other  things,  to  conceal  them  from  the  search  of 
the  police. 

The  Emperor,  exasperated  and  debilitated  by  inhuman  treat- 
ment at  St.  Helena,  after  enduring  its  torments  nearly  four 
years,  when  hope  of  liberation,  of  kinder  custody,  and  of 
almost  life. was  at  an  end,  resolved  to  expose  the  sovereign 
authors  of  his  sufferings  by  publishing  their  disgraceful  let- 
ters. The  Irish  surgeoQ,  O'Meara,  who  accompanied  from 
Europe  the  captive,  not  allowed  his  own  choice  of  a  medical 
attendant,  was  charmed  by  Napoleon's  familiar  intimacy,  as 
almost  any  one  would  have  been,  even  though  he  had  been 
an  obscure  individual,  instead  of  a  prodigiouft'  herp,  who  was 
in  turn  fond  of  his  physician,  as  any  one  is  apt  to  be.  One 
of  the  barbarities  inflicted  was,  therefore,  to  break  up  that 


«•■ 


866 


SOVBREIONS'  LETTERS. 


cordiality,  by  -which  Napoleon  was  left  for  twelve  months  dan- 
gerously ill,  without  a  physician.  When  O'Meara  was  taken 
from  him  and  sent  away,  Napoleon  charged  that  gentleman, 
on  his  arrival  in  Europe,  to  inform  Joseph  that  Napoleon  de- 
sired him  to  give  O'Meara  the  parcel  of  sovereigns'  letters; 
which  O'Meara  was  directed  to  publish ;  "  to  manifest  to 
the  world,"  said  Napoleon,  "the  abject  homiage  which, those 
vassals  paid  to  me,  when  asking  favors  or  supplicating 
thrones.  When  I  waa  strong  and  in  powfer,  they  quar- 
relled for  my  protection,  and  the  honor  of  my  alliance, 
and  licked  the  dust  under  my  feet."  Mr.  O'Meara^s  book 
adds,  that  the  person  with  whom  Joseph  deposited  the  copies 
with  which  he  was  charged  basely  betrayed  Joseph,  as  spme 
one  brought  the  original  letters  to  London  for  sale.  The 
Empdror,  about  the  same  time,  caused  Bertrand  to  write  to 
Joseph  to  publish  his  copies  of  the  letters.  As  all  that  he 
wrote  from  St.  Helena  was  ezunined  by  his  jailors  there,  be- 
fore it  wa^  put  on  the  way  to  its  destination,  it  was  known,  to 
Sir  Hudson  Lowe  and  all  the  commissioners  of  custody,  who 
made  it  also  known  to  theic  respective  sovereigns  that  the 
letters  were  about  to  be  ezpos^  to  the  World.  What  occurred 
in  Europe  with  the  originals,  or  any  other  copy  of  them  than 
that  deposited  with  Joseph,  I  am  unable  to  state,  further  than 
as  before  mentioned.  Nor  do  I  know  to  whom  Mr.  O'Meara 
alludes  as  keeper  of  Joseph's  (Copies,  who  buely  betrayed  him ; 
unless  he  intended  to  intimate  that  Bemadotte  got  possession 
of  those  copies  and  delivered^them  to  his  great  northetn  pro- 
tector, the  Emperor  of  Russia ;  which  was  sospected  by  Joseph. 
An  attempt  to  destroy  them  in  tiiis  oountry  was  suspected  also. 
When  Joseph's  residence  tA  Point  Breez^  was  burned,  the  4th 
of  January,*  1820.  At  that  time  his  house,  furniture,  and  a 
Urge  amount  of  valuable  property  were  destroyed  by  fire,  be- 
lieved to  be  the  work  of  aA  i^cendiSry,  servant,  suspected  as 
the  instruipent  of  a  female  member  of  'the  Russian  embassy  in 
this  oonntry/who  often  sojourned  at  Bordentown,  adjoining 
Point  Breeze.  There  was  no  proof  of  that  perpetration^ 
beyond  inference,  from  the  strong  motive  imipelling  the 
barbarian  patriotism  which  reduced  Smolensk  and  Mosoow 


for  twelve  months  dan- 
len  O'Meara  was  taken 
harged  that  gentleman, 
seph  that  Napoleon  de- 
of  sovereigns'  lettora ; 
ilish ;    **  to  manifest  to 
fct  homage  Trhich,  those 
favors  or  supplicating 
in   powfer,  they  quar- 
honor  of   my  alliance, 
Mr.  O'Meara^s  book 
ph  deposited  the  copies 
itrajed  Joseph,  as  some 
London  for  sale.     The 
d  Bertrand  to  write  to 
etters.    As  all  that  he 
by  his  jailors  there,  be- 
ination,  it  was  known  to 
ssioners  of  custody,  who 
ive  sovereigns  that  the 
>  world.    What  occurred 
other  copy  of  them  than 
ble  to  state,  further  than 
r  to  whom  Mr.  O'Meara 
ho  basely  betrayed  him ; 
amadotte  got  possession 
'  his  great  northern  pro- 
ma  aospeoted  by  Joseph. 
UQtry  was  suspected  i^o, 
)ezd  was  burned,  the  4th 
house,  furniture,  and  a 
•e  destroyed  by  fire,  be- 
ry,  servant,  suspected  as 
the  ftussian  embassy  in 
Bordentown,  aiyoining 
r  of  that  perpetration^ 
motive    impelling  the 
Smolensk  and  Moscow 


JOSEPH  S  DEPARTURB. 


367 


to  heaps  of  ruins,  as  sacrifices  of  Russian  loyalty.  Napo- 
leon'd  directions  to  O'Meara  to  have  the  letters  published 
were  given  in  July,  1818,  and  his  letters  by  Bertrand  to 
Joseph,  written  about  that  time.  Allowing  a  twelve  month 
or  something  more  for  those  orders  to  be  made  known  to 
the  Russian  and  other  governments,  and  {br  thdir  instructions 
to  their  foreign  ministers  to  prevent  the  exposure,  by  getting 
and  destroying  the  letters,  the  destruction  of  Joseph's  copies 
may  have  been  attempted  in  America  early  in  1820,  when 
the  box  supposed  to  contain  them  had  been  ordered  from 
Paris  to  his  American  residence.  And  in  1822  the  originals 
were  ofierod  for  sale  to  Murray,  the  London  bookseller.  The 
whole  subject,  however,  is  involved  in  impenetrable  obscu- 
rity, except  t^e .  mere  existence  of  the  sovereigns'  letters  to 
Napoleon,  which  mre  seen  by  too  many  persons  attesting  that 
fact  to  leave  any  doubt.'of  it.  The  iniquities  imputed  by  legi- 
timate monarchy  &nd  aristocracy  to  the  alleged  usurper  of  their 
rights  would  *be  relieved  of  much  of  their  darkest  hues  by  ex- 
posure, in  their  true  colore  of  his  accusers,  to  whom,  as  he  said, 
his  greatest  inferiority  and  fatal  demerit. was  that  he  could  not 
be  his  own  grandson.  Such  is  the  vast  and,  in  some  respects, 
just  influence  of  ancestry,  and  dread,  not  always  irrational, 
of  innovation. 

Joseph  Bonaparte,  resident  with  his  wife  and  two  daughters 
at  the  Liucombourg  palace,  left  Paris  on  the  30th  of  June, 
1815,  the  day  after  the  Emperor's  departure,  to  follow  him  to 
Rochefo^t,  and  embrxk  with  him  for  America.  They  together 
e^camined  maps  and  fixed  on  the  place  foi^  residence  which 
Joseph  purchased  in  New  Jersey,  near  Bordentown,  between 
the  two  chief  American  cities,  Philadelphia  and  New  York. 
In  moments  of  occasional  tranquillity,  the  Emperor  nob  only 
talked  of  his  American  existence,  but  gave  some  orders  for 
horses,  dogs,  and  bther  means  of  recreation  in  exile.  Joseph's 
companions,  travelling  with  him  in  two  carriages,  were  General 
Expert,  one  of  his  aids  as  king  of  Spain;  a  young  attendant, 
M.  Lonis  Maillard,  who  became  in  exile  his  most  confidential 
companion' in  America,  England,  and  Italy,  as  he  had  been  in 
France  and  Spain  ;^a  young  Spanlturd,  named  Unzaga;  and  a 


868 


JOSEPH'S  DEPARTURE. 


cook,  named  Francois  Parrot.  At  Beaujency,  wfiere  they 
passed  a  night,  they  fell  in  with  M.  Le  Ray  de  Chaumont,  who 
desired  to  sell  the  Emperor  land  for  his  residence  in  America; 
and  through  whose  introduction  Joseph  became  acquainted  with 
Mr.  James  Caret,  for  several  years  a  member  of  his  America^ 
family.  Mr.  Caret's  written  narrative  of  those  occurrences  is 
here  incorporated  with  my  Sketch,  as  a  more  accurate,  actual, 
and  indicative  account  than  I  can  write,  preceded  by  my  state- 
ment of  some  circumstances  unknown  to  Mr.  Caret,  as  they 
have  bei&n  related  to^  me  by  Joseph.  Encouraged  by  tidings 
ttpm  his  wife  at  Paris,  he  proposed  to  Napoleon  to  put  himself 
at  the  head  of  the  forces  commanded  by  General  Clausel,  at 
Bourdeaux,  and  raise  the  standard  of  the  Empire.  Napoleon 
refused.  "  If,"  said  he,  '^  I  did  any  thing  of  that  sort,  I  would 
take  command  of  the  more  considerable'  army  under  Genial 
Lamarque,  on  the  Loire.  But  any  such  attempt  would  be 
civil  war,  to  which  I  feel  invincible  repugnance,  which,  though 
it  might  last  some  time,  would  be  unceirtaih  in  its  results,  and, 
if  it  failed,  would  dishonor  me  as  an  adventurer.  Besides," 
he  added,  "I  have  seen  too  much  of  the,  vile  time-serving 
treachery  of  those  whom  I  havb  loaded  with  honors  to  trust 
them  for  sudi  an  entwprise."  Napoleon  was  unwell.  He 
was  so  at  Waterloo ;  the  fatigue  he  underwent  prior  to  which 
misfortune,  and  the  distress  afterwards,  had  much  demoralized 
him.  Joseph's  last  propmial,  at  Rochefort,  w&s  to  save  hh 
brother  by  taking  his  place„  as  Lavalette's  wife  soon  after 
saved  his  life.  He  efteved  Napoleon  that,  unwell  as  he  wa^, 
he  (Joseph)  would  go  to  bed  and  stay  there  for  sever^  days, 
as  Napoleon  confined  by  illness,  while  Napoleon  might  escape 
to  America,  M  Joseph,  in  the  vessel  he  had  engaged,  and 
with  the  means  pre|»kred  for  his  passage.  The  Emperor, 
howover,  was  averse  to  all  merely  fugitive  Cizpedi^nts,  which 
he  deemed  unworthy  his  great  position ;  and  moreover  flat- 
tered himself  that  English  magnanimity  and  justice  would 
.save  him  from  all  but  temporary,  and  that  not  rigorous 
confinement. 

Mr.  Caret's/  narrative^  entitled  "  Beoollections  of  1815,"  is 
as  follows: —  . 


TURK. 

t  Beaujency,  where  they 

Le  Bay  de  Chaumont,  who 

his  residence  in  America ; 

iph  became  acquainted  with 

a  member  of  his  American 

ive  of  those  occurrences  is 

as  a  more  accurate,  actual, 

rite,  preceded  by  my  state- 

iwn  to  Mr.  Caret,  aa  they 

Encouraged  by  tidings 

to  Napoleon  to  put  himself 

ded  by  General  Olausel,  at 

of  the  Empire.    Napoleon 

r  thing  of  that  sort,  I  would 

irable  army  under  General 

ly  such  attempt  would  be 

repugnance,  which,  though 

nce«rtaih  in  its'  results,  and, 

an  adventurer.    Besides," 

ih  of  the,  vile  time-serving 

paded  with  honors  to  trust 

STapoleon  was  unwell.    He 

e  underwent  prior  to  which 

iirds,  had  much  demoralized 

Rochefort,  wftB  to  save  hh 

javalette's  wife  soon  after 

)on  that,  tmwoll  as  he  wai;, 

stay  there  for  several  days. 

Idle  Napoleon  might  escape 

tssel  he  had  engaged,  and 

i  passage.     The  Emperor, 

'  fugitive  eixpeditints,  which 

Hsition;  and  iboi^ver  flat- 

animity  and  justice  would 

y,  and  that  not  rigorous 

Beoollections  of  1815,"  is 


CARET  8   NARRATIVE. 


869 


«•  We  were  in  the  last  days  of  June;  the  Emperor  Napoleon  had  abdicated 
in  ffavor  of  his  son,  and  the  power  was  in  the  hands  of  a  provisional  govern- 
ment, of  which  Camot  and  Fouch6  were  the  principal  members.  The  ene- 
mies allied  against  France  heard  of  the  abdication  with  joy,  and  directed 
their  armies  with  more  confidence  against  Paris.  On  their  side,  the  French 
saw  the  number  of  their  soldiers  increasing  under  the  walls  of  the  capital. 
Grouchy  had  brought  back  there  his  corps  d'arm^e  untouchod,  and  it  was 
rapidly  increasi;1g  by  the  junction  of  other  divisions,  which  naturally  directed 
themselves  towarde  Paris.  The  Emperof',  who  observed  with  vigilance 
every  thing  that  nccufred,  thought  the  moment  favorable  for  arrei  ting  the 
enemy  in  his  march,  and  hastened  to  ofler  his  services  to  the  prvwisional 
government  as  general-ih-chief,  thinking,  with  reason,  that  the  enthusiasm 
of  the  army,  on  again  seeing  tlieir  Emperor  at  their  head.  Would  cause  it  to 
make  supcmatnral  effisrts  to  deliver  thb  coqntry  from  a  foreign  yoke.  The 
generutu  oflbrs  of  the  Emperor  were  not  accepted,  and  that  refusal  deter- 
mined him  to  ask  the  means  of  leaving  France  without  further  delay.  The 
government  placed  at  his  disposal  two  frigates,  which  were  lying  in  the  port 
of  Rochefort.  The  Emperor  set  off,  on  the  29tb  of  June,  1815,  from  Mal- 
maison,  where  he  had  been  for  several  days,  accompanied  by  several 
generals^  and  also  by  General  Becker,  appointed  by  the  provisional  govern- 
ment to  aeoompsiiy  him  to  the  ]^a6e  of  his  ombarcation.  The  nexf  day,  I 
waa  presented  to  -his  bro<  jr.  King  Jomph,  at  Bellevue,  above  Sevres. 
Natorally  timid,  1  was  soon  reassured  by  the  habitual  benevolence  of  his 
conversation,  and  the  expression  of  kindness  that  animated  his  fine  face.  It 
was  settled  that  I  should  accompanjr  him  to>  the  United  States  of  America, 
whither  the  Emperor  i^lso  wished  to  repair.  We  g()t  into,  two  carriages, 
and  took  the  road  to  Orieans,'  Arrived  at  Angenrille,  King  Joseph  deter- 
mined to  letom  to  Paria,  #here  he  had  left  the  Queen  and  her  children, 
and  that  he  might  look  after  ocourreaoes  there.  He  entrusted  me  with  a 
letter  fin:  the  Bmperbr,  and,  causing  me  to  be  accompanied  by  one  of  the 
pera6hs  of  his  household,  sent  Use  off,  post,  in  p.  little  eaUcht:  We  soon 
reached  Orljeans,  end  followed  thd  fine  road  that  leads  to  Toufs,  on  the  right 
bank  of  the  Loise.  Fbor  laaynea  fhim  Itlbis,  Wvi  pbreeived,  oii  an  elevation 
to  our  left,  the  atu'i'  1*  eaatla  of  Chaamoat,'  with  it> majestic  towers,  where 
my  wifii  aad  ebiidr;-!,  two  .-naa^  were^  the  youngest  scarcely  |bur  months 
old.  4  begged  my  tmvellini^  compankm,  Baptnte  Oalainoh,  to  wait  for  me 
at  the  pqat;  and,  takinjf  a  light  boat,  croased  the'Lshe,  and  bid  fiirewell  to 
my  fhmily,  no^  knbwiag  what  my  desfhiy  would  be,  or  when  I  should  be 
permitted  :  -  see  Ibetn  agnin.  Soon  I  fesumed'the  nAd  to  Rochefort;  we 
rode  very  flwt,  in  hope  oC  uV«rttikinj^  die  Emperor;  add,  arriving  at  Niorf 
on  the  2d  of  July,  el's  o'^hiek  in  the  maning,  learned  thfcf;  he  was  still 
there,  at  the  PrAfeciture.  I  went  there  at  once,  and  was  received  by 
General  Gonrgaud,  who  introduced  me  into  the  apartment  of  Mard»l  Ber- 
tram!, whu  was. abed;  hot  rose  to  sptak  to  me.  'I  have  a  letter  from  King 
Joseob  fair  tbe  Empetar.*    'Give  me  your  despatch,  aM  in  a  few  minutes  I 

VOL.IIL— 24  / 


i" 


870 


CARET  S  NARRATIVE. 


will  present  you  to  hin  Majesty.'  The  lUarshal  came  for  ine,  And  I  was 
introduced  to  the  Emperor;  vested  in  an  arm-chair,  with  one  of  his  le^s 
extended  on  another  chair;  green  fWwfc,  blue  pantaloons,  and  jk'ing-buots. 
Holding  in  his  hands  King  Joseph's  letter,  he  asked  me  Where  I  had  led  his 
brother;  and  a  conversation  began,  in  which  Marslml  Bertrand  took  part; 
for  I  answered  in  so  low  a  voice,  that  the  Emperor  was  obliged  to  make 
the  Marshal  repeat  what  I  said-  Informed  by  a  naval  officer  that  the 
English  already  blockaded  the  port  of  Rochefort,  he  had  him  called,  and 
put  several  questions  to  him  about  the  strength  of  the.  port,  and  the  direction 
of  the  winds.  During  this  conversation,  having  overcome  my  first  moments 
of  timidity,  I  told  Marshal  Bertrand  that,  if  the  Emperor  coi^ld  embark  in  an 
American  schooner,  whose  sailiifg  was  greatly  superrof  to  the  other  vessels, 
he  would  be  much  more  likely  to  escape  the  English  cruisers;  especially  If 
at  first  protected  by  some  French  veshela  of  wc  r  engaging  the  enemy ;  and 
that,  if  they  could  get  some  other  merchant  vessel  to  eet  ofiT  at  the  same 
tim?,  success  would  be  more  probable,  by  obliging  the  English  to  divide 
their  attacks  among  a  greater  number.  The  Emperor  listened  to  me,  and 
asked  the  naval  officer  if  there  was  any  American  vessel  at  Rt>chefoiu 
On  his  negative  answer,  I  asked  him<  if  there  vvas  any  at  Rochelle.  'I  do 
not  know,'  said  he.  '  We  ought  to  know,*  said  the  Emperor ;  '  Marshal,  you 
must  send  some  one  there.'  As  the  Marshal  did  not  answer,  I  offei\A  to 
fulfil  the  mission;  and  the  Emperor,  fixing  his  eyes  on  me,  said,  'Well,  yes, 
set  ofi*;  give  him  horses.'  Marshal  Bertrand  went  for  an  order  from  the 
prefect,  who  was  in  an  adjoining  room;  and,  soon  after,  I  mounted  my 
horse,  after  explaining  to  young  Dalamon  where  I  was  going,  and  that  I 
would  be  back  in  seven  or  eight  hours ;  and  set  o^  at  a  full  gallop,  pre- 
ceded by  a  postilion ;  changed  horses  four  times,  l  i^hen  arrived  at  Ro- 
chelle, hastened  to  the  port,  there  to  make  inquiries.  Not  only  was  there 
no  American  vessel,  but  the  few  French  brigA  that  were  in  port,  with  thyir 
fishing^boats,  had  strijiped  off  their  rigging,  and  i^  would  have  taken  more 
than  a  week  to  fit  a  single  one  of  them  for  cea.  What  I  saw  convinced  me 
that  we  should  fiiMl  nothing  tha^  would  serve  fi>r  what  was  wanted.  I 
therefore  soon  went  back  to  Niwt,  escaping  the  curiosity  of  those  wishing 
to  know  what  had  broaght  lae  to  Rochelle.  At  Niort,  I  found  the  faithful 
Baptiste  at  the  post>houae,  who  told  me  that  the  Emperor  and  his  suite  had 
set  off  for  Rochefiirt  tvire  hoUra  befiwe,  and  we  waited,  in  oider  not  to  Mow 
en  the  same  mad,  in  the  little  caliche.  The  day  was  fit'r  spent,  add  we  had 
difficulty  in  procuring  horses;  the  Emperor's  suite  was  mimenus,  and  they 
were  deficient  at  several  relays:  in  one  village,  we  werei>bliged  to  use  the 
mayor's  authority  to  get  two  ftrm-honen,  whieh  drew  ns'three  leagues.  At 
lei^fth  wi  reached  the  gates  of  Roehafbrt,  at  one  o'clock  in  the  morning. 
They  were  closed ;  with  difficulty  we  got  them  openedt  and  lodged  at  the 
Pacha  Hotel.  At  nine  o'clock  I  went  to  the  maritime  prefecture,  where 
the  Emperor  kdged.  There  was  a  great  bustle  in  the  bouse;  the  stairs 
I  were  crowded  by  naval  officers  and  other  military,  washing  to  be  pre- 


CARET  S   NARRATIVE. 


871 


I  came  for  tne,  ^nd  I  was 
hftir,  with  one  of  his  lejis 

ntalooiM^  and  jidiDg-booU. 
ed  me  Where  I  had  led  his 
irahal  Bertrand  took  part; 
sror  was  obliged  to  make 

a  naval  b^cer  that  the 
he  had  him  called,  and 
f  the  port,  and  the  direction 
tveroome  my  first  moments 
mperor  coi^ld  embark  in  an 
iperrof  to  the  other  vessels, 
(lish  cruisers;  especially  if 
engaging  the  enemy ;  and 
nel  to  eet  off  at  the  same 
Ifing  the  English  to  divide 
imperor  listened  to  me,  and 
erican  vessel  at  lUrhefoiU 
raa  any  at  Rochelle.  'I  do 
he  Emperor ;  '  Marshal,  you 
lid  not  answer,  I  offeiixL  to 
jres  on  me,  said, '  Well,  yes, 
went  for  an  order  ftom  the 

soon  after,  I  mounted  my 
lere  I  was  going,  and  that  I 
pet  o<^  at  8  full  gallop,  pre- 
18,  L  /hen  arrived  at  Ro- 
[tiiriea.  Not  '»]j  was  there 
that  were  in  port,  with  their 
1  i(  would  have  taken  more 

What  I  saw  convinced  me 
B  fi>r  what  was  wanted.  I 
le  curiosity  of  those  wishing 
Vt  Niort,  I  found  the  fiiithful 
e  Emperor  and  hie  suite  had 
vaited,  in  order  not  to  follow 
ly  was  fiir  spent,  add  we  had 
uite  was  numerous,  and  they 
!,  we  were^liged  to  use  the 
I  drew  oe'three  leagues.  At 
)ne  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
sn  opened,  and  lodged  at  the 
maritime  prefecture,  where 
itle  in  the  bouse;  the  stairs 
'  military,  wishing  to  be  pre* 


sented  to  the  Emperor ;  the  persons  of  whose  suite  were  alfio  busy  fixing 
themselves  in  diflTerent  apartments.  In  the  midst  of  the  bustle,  after 
remaining  three  hours  without  being  able  to  speak  to  the  Grand  Marshal,  I 
returned  to  the  Pacha  Hotel,  and  wrote  him  a  note.  A  person  ear.ie  from 
him  for  me,  an  hour  after,  and  ha  received  me  in  a  sBtall  rooni.  '  Ah ! 
there  you  are,'  said  he.  '  The  Emperor  has  already  asked  tvvice  tor  you ;' 
and  he  took  me  into  a  parlor,  whei^e  Napoleon  was  engaged  looking  at  some 
m(ips,  and  the  Marshal  withdrew.  I  was  about  to  tell  the  Emperor  of  my 
journey  to  Rochelle,  when  he  interrupted  n^e,  and,  taking  up  a  paper, 
asked  me  if  I  kuew  several  Ainerican  commercial  firms,  of  which  he  read 
the  names;  put  other  questicus  to  me  about  the  geography  of  the  country, 
and  the  distances  fitom  one  town  to  another,  and  then  dismissed  me.  I  found 
Marshal  Bertrand  in  a  neighboring  room,  with  several  other  generals  and 
oflScers.  'Come  back  to-morrow  morhing,  at  nine  o'clock,'  said  he  to  me. 
The  following  ^ay,  at  the  appointed  hour,  he  handed  me  an  open  letter,  and 
looking  steadfiistly  at  me, '  This,'  said  he,  *  is  a  letter  in  cypher,  addressed 
to  you.'  It  was  written  in  short-hand,  by  M.  LeRayde  Chaumont,  pro- 
prietor of  large  quantities  of  land  in  the  United  States,  who  had  sold  some 
to  King  Joseph  in  1814.  It  was  he  who  recommended  me  to  that  prince, 
and  at  his  country-seat  I  had  left  my  wife  and  children ;  and  he  desired  me  to 
draw  the  Emperor's  attention,  and  that  of  the  members  of  his  suite,  to  the 
lands  in  the  State  of  New  York.  I  offered  to  read  the  letter  to  the  Grand 
Marshal,  telling  him  that  it  was  written  in  short-hand,  by  a  method  abridged 
and  published  some  time  before.  Afler  a  moment's  silence,  he  said  it  was 
df  no  consequence,  and  took  me  to  the  Emperor,  where  he  left  me. 

"  That  day  the  Emperor  kept  me  a  long  time,  walking  about  with  his 
handq  behind  him,  ana  I  following.  When  he  turned  at  the  end  of  the 
room,  my  arms  sometimes  touched  his,  and -he  often  stopped,  looking  in  my 
face,  asking  me  questions,  and  then  resumed  his  walk.  His  tone  was 
neither  abrupt  nor  rough,  and  I  soon  felt  quite  at  ease  with  him.  The  con- 
versation turned  entirely  on  the  United  States.  The  Emperor  inquired  into 
the  details  of  the  powers  of  the  governors  of  the  diflerent  States,  both  civil 
and  military ;  about  the  army,  the  militia,  the  distances  between  the  large 
townb,  '.Iic  state  of  the  roads,  the  breed*  of  horaes,  the  population  of  New 
York  and  <^  Philadel]4>la.  Ail  was  apeaking  warmly  of  New  York  — '  1 
should  prefer  Baltimore,*  said  he ;  and  I  snppoaod  that  his  brother  Jerome 
had  comme&Jed  it  to  him,  having  resided  in  that  town,  and  married  an 
American  lady  there,  in  1805.  I  ventured  to  speak  to  the  Emperor,  also,  of 
M.LeRaydeChaumont'a  lands  in  the  State  of 'N«w  York,  my  father  and 
brothisrs  having  resided  there  tat  ten  yeirs.  The  Emperor  rejected  that 
overture,  saying,  *  No,  no;  that  is  too  near  the  English,  and  I  wsnt  to  travel 
soBW  time  before  establishing  myself;*' and  then  he  began  again  his  ques- 
tions on  the  roads  and  the  horaes,  and  seemed  in  great  haste  to  set  off. 
'The  winds  are  still- ahead,*  said  he;  and  he  sat  down  to  examine  a  map 
of  the  Rochefort  roadstead,  putting,  also,  several  qqestions  to  me  about  my 


872 


CARET  S  NARRATIVH. 


familyt  >&(1  won  after  desired  me  to  withdraw  and  wait  in  the  adjoining 
pallor,  where  I  found  several  generals  and  officers,  who  examined  me  atten* 
tiVely,  surprised,  no  doubt,  that  the  Emperor  had  kept  me  so  long.  Ailer 
ten  minutes,  Marshal  Bertrand,  coming  oat  from  the  Emperor,  said,  in  an 
audible  voice, '  M^  Caret,  you  are  one  of  us ;  the  Emperor  has  appointed 
you  his  interpreting  secretary.  You  will  be  in  a  berth  near  his  Majesty, 
on  board  the  frigate  La  Saale,  where  you  may  have  your  things  taken  this 
evening.'  When  General  Bertrand  went  out,  the  Duke  of  Rovigo  con- 
gratulated me,  and  asked  for  information  concemiog  the  commerce  between 
the  United  States  and  MMico,  observing  that,  with  a  million  or  two,  one 
might  4I0  a  good  business  in  it.  Hr  had  on  the  table  near  him  two  loaded 
pistols,  and  when  be  got  up  to  go  down  into  the  garden  of  the  Prefecture, 
I  observed- that  he  put  them  in  his  pockets;  precautions  taken,  I  thought, 
against  surprise,  because  he  carried  considerable  sums  of  money.  After 
dinner,  I  took  my  valise  into  a  boat,  going  to  the  roods  with  some  officers. 
.Aa  v/e  were  going,  which  lasted  two  long  hours,  those  gentlemen  talked 
warmly  of  the  Emperor's  stay  at  Rochefort,  ai>d  of  hia  approaching  depar- 
ture; repeating,  (several  times,  that  the  French  navy  would  save  him, 
though  he  had  neglected  it ;  save  him  once  more,  as  it  did  before  in  Egypt. 
There  were  two  frigates  2ying  in  the  road,  near  the  small  island  of  Aix  — 
the  Medusa  and  the  Saale;  the  latter  shosen  for  the  Emperor,  on  board  of 
which  I  went  A  small  room  was  shown  me,  where  I  put  my  things,  and 
thon  went  back  to  sleep  at  Rochefort 

"  Next  day  there  was  groat  commotion  at  the  Prefecture,  it  being  observed 
that  the  English  blockaded  the  port  more  closely,  with  a  8hipK>f-the-line  atid 
two  or  three  frigates.  The  wind  still  west,  and  blowing  in  that  direction 
with  desperate  steadiness,  all  were  busy  embarking  stores  and  eflects,  and 
eveiy  one  had  orders  to  hold  himself  ready  for  the  first  favorable  moment 
foe  departure.  The  people,  observing  these  movements,  gathered  in  greater 
number  round  the  Prefecture,  shouting,  *Long  live  the  Emperor!'  and 
every  day  repeating  the  same  ptanifestalions,  which  also  broke  out  when 
the  Emperor  stopped  at  Niort;  the  French  people  thus  seeming  to  protest 
against  their  sovereign's  abdication,  not  believing  that  one  battle  lost  in 
Belgium,  one  hundred  leagues  fSroip  the  capital,  could  determine  the  fate 
of  the  Empire.  The  genef^s  who  left  Paris  with  the  Emperor,  with  whom 
I  talked,  told  me  that  at  Niort  the  Emperor  had  agaita  oAred  to  command 
the  army  for  the  safety  of  the  country,  knowing  that  the  enemy  had  been 
BO  imprudent  as  to  separate,  the  fiery  Blucber  having  gone  ahead  towards 
Versailles.  The  prompt  answer  he  received  was  a  formal  refiisal,  and 
request  that  he  would  leave  France  immediately ;  on  which  the  Emperor 
gf.vti  orders  forthwith  fat  bis  departui^  from  Niort  for  Rochefort  His  suite 
consisted  of  Generals  Bertrand,  Montholon,  their  wives  and  children.  Gene- 
rals Goiirgand  and  L^Ilemand,  the  elder,  the  Duke  of  Rovigo,  M.  Las  Casas 
and  hu  tv/o  sons,  some  Polish  and  French  officers,  Marchand,  first  valet-de- 
chanbre  of  tiift  Emperor,  and  several  other  persona  attached  to  his  house- 


E. 


CARET  8  HARRATIVB. 


8T8 


and  wait  in  the  adjoining 
ra,  who  examined  me  atten- 
d  kept  me  so  long.  After 
m  the  Emperor,  mid,  in  an 
the  Emperor  has  appointed 
n  a  berth  near  his  Majesty, 
lave  your  things  taken  this 

the  Duke  of  Rovigo  con- 
ning the  commerce  between 

with  a  million  or  two,  one 

table  near  him  two  loaded 
e  garden  of  the  Prefecture, 
recautions  taken,  I  thought, 
ble  Buma  of  money.  After 
he  roada  with  some  officers, 
irs,  thoae  gentlemen  talked 
d  of  hia  approaching  depar- 
ach  nary  would  save  him, 
re,  as  it  did  before  in  Egypt. 
ir  the  small  island  of  Aix  — 
for  the  Emperor,  on  board  of 

where  I  put  my  things,  and 

Prefecture,  it  being  observed 
ly,  with  a  ship-of-the-line  and 
id  blowing  in  that  direction 
rkii^  Btoi^  and  eflecta,  and 
r  the  first  ftvorable  moment 
ivementa,  gathered  in  greater 
ng  live  the  Emperor!'  and 
which  also  broke  out  when 
)p}e  thus  seeming  to  protest 
iving  that  one  battle  lost  in 
tal,  could  determine  the  fate 
vith  the  Emperor,  with  whom 
id  again  oftred  to  command 
(ig  that  the  enemy  had  been 
:  having  gone  ahead  towards 
t  was  a  formal  rcfbsal,  and 
ttely ;  on  whioh  the  Emperor 
iort  for  Rochefort  His  suite 
i'a  wives  and  children,  Gene- 
Hike  of  Rovigo,  M.  Lae  Casas 
lers,  Marchand,  first  valet-de- 
HTSona  attached  to  bis  house- 


hold or  to  the  generals  of  his  suite;  forming  a  total  of  about  fifty  persuns, 
who  were  to  be  distributed  in  the  two  frigates.  Next  day  the  tidings  from 
the  roads  were  the  same ;  another  vessel  was  visible  in  the  English  fleet, 
and  the  news  fVom  Paris  was  no  better.  Marshal  Davoust,  who  commanded 
the  army  under  the  walls,  was  said  to  be  busy  negotiating  with  the  enemy, 
and  had  not  supported  General  EA.:lman*8  movement,  who  had  cut  two 
Prussian  regiments  to  pieces  near  Versailles.  That  feat  became  ueelesp, 
wbich,  if  followed  up,  might  have  destroyed  the  Prussian  army  that  bad 
separated  from  the  English,  and  then  Wellington  would  have  left  France, 
Such  at  least  was  th'e  opinion  of  the  moment  General  Vandamme  tdd  me, 
at  Philadelphia,  in  1810,  that  it  was  also  his  opinion,  and  that  he  thought 
they  had  missed  the  finest  opportunity  of  taking  their  revenge. 

*'  King  Jofteph  arrived  soon  after,  and  informed  the  Empeior  of  the  retieat 
of  the  army  on  the  Loire,  of  the  suspension  of  hostilities,  and  that  evny 
thing  appeared  ready  for  the  return  of  the  Bourbons.  On  these  imporlhtit 
communications,  the  Emperor  could  delay  no  longer,  but  must  come  to  a 
determination.  First  visiting  the  Isle  of  Aix  and  its  fortifications,  where  he 
was  received  with  the  same  enthusiasm  as  at  Rochefort,  he  then  weht  and 
slept  oa  board  the  firigate  La  Saale.  The  day  the  EmperoV  left  thb  Prefoc- 
ture,  going  with  M.  Unzaga,  an  ordnance  officer  of  King  Joseph's,  into  the 
parlor  which  the  Emperor  left,  and  where  he  had  conversed  with  ne,  there 
was  an  open  map  on  the  table,  and  a  pair  of  smaU  aoiasors.  The  raap,'re> 
presenting  th^  roads  of  Rochefort,  was  the  one  which  the  Emperor  fre- 
quently examined,  and,  on  which  he  had  traced,  with  a  pencil,  the  pesitian 
of  the  English  cruisers.  M.  jUnzaga  taking  possession  of  the.  soissors, 
which  no  doubt  had  been  used  by  the  Emperor,  I  followed  his  example,  and 
took  themaiJ^  which  I  still  keep  as  a  precious  remembrance  of  the  grant 
man.  But  I  did  hot  follow  him  on  board  the  frigate,  as  King  Joseph  kept 
me  at  Rochefort,  and  expressed  a  wish  to  have  me  near  him  Some  days 
passed,  amidst  considerable  agitation.  It  was  said  ttiat  the  EmpMror  WKs 
invited  to  join  the  army  of  the  Loire,  which  might  have  been  reinfiireed 
with  all  the  divisions  that  General  Clausel  commanded  at  Bourdeau:^.  The 
Emperor  could  have  contended  a  long  time  at  the  head  <tf  his  brave  soMiers ; 
but  the  contest  would  have  become  a  civil  war,  which  he  did  not  choose. 
General  Lallemand  was  sent  to  see  the,  sitoatkm  of  La  Gironde,  at  the 
mouth  of  that  river,  where  he  found  the  corvette  Bayadere,  with  a  captain 
and  crew  all  devoted,  and  a  single  English  frigate  in  the  ofling.  An  Ame- 
rican merchant-vessel  had  just  succesefiilly  efibcted  its  sortie,  without  being 
overhauled.  But  the  General  declared  at  the  same  time  that  the  whltie  flag 
was  already  hoisted  in  some  villages,'  whioh  it  was  necenaary  to  pass  (hrnugb ; 
and  that  if  the  EmpfSior  wiahed  to  go  ott  board  the  Bayadere,  he,  as  well  as 
the  persons  who  accMnpataied  him,  must  assnme  disguisea  The  Eiriper6r 
refused  to  escape  in  that  way,  or  to  oonceal  himself  on  boerd  a  IittK»  Danish 
vesael  which  was  in  the  anchorage  of  the  Isle  of  Aix,  whose  oaptain  aeeq^d 
sure  of  being  able  to  conceal  him  flrom  English  search,  if  be  did  not  succera 


|;| 


U 


J.l  5' 


ftllitiilWtiMM>.WMMiJy!W!!MWI'^^iIf: 


CARET  B  NABRATT'.jl. 


in  avoiding^  their  visita  in  hia  attempt  to  lea-  e  the  harbor.  When  the  wind 
changed,  a  new  difficulty  occurred:  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Decres, 
had  given  ordera  not  to  riak  the  fate  of  the  frigatca,  fo  that  the  courage  and 
devotion  of  our  brave  aailora  were  paralyaed ;  they  were  not,  by  flghting, 
to  try  and  force  a  paaaage  to  aave  their  Emperor.  Time  preaaed.  In  that 
predicament,  the  Emperor  deapatched  two  of  hia  generala,  with  a  flag  of 
truce,  ^  Captain  Maitland,  who  commanded  the  English  atation,  to  explain 
to  l^im,  that,  wiahing  to  repair  to  the  United  States,  he  requested  a  free 
paaaage  for  himaelf  and  suite.  The  English  captain  replied,  that  he  could 
not  grant  the  request  Then  it  was  that  the  suggestion  was  made  to  the 
Emperor,  that  be  ahould  himaelf  determine  to  go  directly  to  England.  M, 
Las  Caaaa  and  Madame  Bertrand  had  a  great  deal  to  do  with  that  deter- 
mination. They  auppoaed  that  the  Emperor,  having  once  set  foot  on  Bri- 
tish soil,  would  naturally  find  himself  under  the  protection  of  its  laws,  and 
that  he  would  not  even  be  detain^  very  long,  but  hoped  that  at  tlie  end 
of  a  fbw  months  be  would  be  sufiered  to  s^t  off  again'  for  America^  He 
expressed  that  thought  to  hia  brother.  King  Joseph,  who  announced  to  the 
Emperor  his  speedy  departure  for  the  United  States,  if  possible.  They 
hoped,  therefore^  to  see  e^ach  other  again  in  the  new  world.  Captain  Mait- 
land was  apprised  of  the  Emperor's  intention  to  repair  on  board  his  vessel, 
the  Bellerophon,  in  order  to  go  to  England  with  his  suite.  King  Joseph 
sent  for  me,  to  inform  me  of  what  was  passing,  and  that  I  was  to  remain 
with  him ;  that  we  would  soon  set  off  for  the  United  States.  Having  lefl 
my  portnianteau  on  board  the  frigate  La  Saale,  next  morning  ( 14th  of  July) 
I  went  on  board  to  get  it*  and  opened  it  on  deck,  to  put  some  papers  <n  it. 
My  head  was  down,  and  I  had  one  knee  on  the  deck,  when  I  heard  steps 
near  mo,  a  hand  pressed  ray  shoulder,  and  a  Voice,  whoso  sound  had  been 
revealed  to  rne  only  a  few  days  before,  spoke : '  Well,  yon  are  going  to  leave 
meV  I  got  up  quickly,  perceiving  it  was  the  Emperor,  whom  I  had  not 
known  was  in.  the  frigate,  in  the  great  bustle  there  was  on  bosrd,  many 
persons  busy  like  me  in  getting'  their  things  fixed.  I  immediately  ex- 
claimed, '  What,  sire,  has  not  King  Joseph  yet  spoken  to'you.  He  is  going 
to  the  United  States^  where  my  fother  and  brothers. we  expecting  me;  and 
your  aiajasty  is  going  to  England.*  The  Emperor's  countenance  did  not 
e:!:presB  dissatisfaetion,  buU  vith  a  slight  motion  of  the  head,  as  if  to  bid 
me  adieu,  and  folkiwed  by  some  officers,  he  got  down  Into  a  shalbp,  which 
was  waiting  to  take  him  to  the  Isle  of  Alz.  I  never  saw  him  again.  That 
very  day  he  had  a  long  conteraation  with  piittg  Joseph,  who  aJoae  could 
tell  what  passed  ia  that  last  solemn  interview  between  twobfothers  who 
mutually  loved  and  esteemed  each  other.  The  next  day  (15th  of  July ),  the 
Emperor  and  his  numei90B.Buite  embarked  in  shsUqi%  and  went  on  board 
the  Bellerophon,  whidb.  immediately  set  sail  for  England.  How;  the  Empe- 
ror's noble  confidence  was  deceived,  is  known ;  that  he  was  not  allowed  to 
land,  bnt  refilled  passports  for  America,  carried  by  force  to  an  island  under 
the  tropics,  and  exposed  to  igno^de  annoyances,  which  abridged  bis  life. 


tttf^tH<tv-jidJ\j»*m*.-^'t  imHimi' 


CARET  S   NARRATIVE. 


876 


le  harbor.    When  the  wind 
etary  of  the  Navy,  Decres, 
atci,  K  that  the  courage  and 
they  were  not,  by  flghting, 
It.    Time  preaied.    In  that 
hia  generals,  with  a  flag  of 
le  English  station,  to  explain 
States,  he  requested  a  free 
captain  replied,  that  he  could 
suggeetiob  was  made  to  the 
go  directly  to  England.    M. 
X  deal  to  do  witli  that  deter- 
having  once  set  foot  on  Bri- 
be protection  of  its  laws,  and 
g,  but  hoped  that  at  tlie  end 
.  off  again'  for  America.    He 
Joseph,  wIk)  announced  to  the 
ed  Sutes,  if  possible.    They 
lie  new  world.    Captain  Mait- 
to  repair  on  board  his  vessel, 
with  hia  suite.    King  Joseph 
iag,  and  that  I  was  to  remain 
e  United  States.    Having  left 
e,  next  rooming  (14th  uf  July) 
deck,  to  put  some  papera  in  it. 
the  deck,  when  I  heard  steps 
.  Itoice,  whose  sound  had  been 
;  •  Well,  yon  are  going  to  leave 
the  Emperor,  whom  I  had  not 
tie  there  was  on  board,  many 
\g»  fixed.    I  immediately  ex- 
et  epoken  to'you.    He  is  going 
rotberaare  expecting  me ;  and 
imperor'a  countenance  did  not 
Dtion  of  the  bead,  as  if  to  bid 
got  down  Into  a  ahaltop^  which 
I  never  aav  him  again.   That 
fii»g  Joseph,  who  alone  could 
ew  between  two -brothers  who 
he  next  day  (ISthof  July),  the 
n  ahtUops^  and  went  on  board 
for  England.    How  the  Empe- 
rn ;  that  he  waa  not  avowed  to 
ibd  by  force  to  an  island  under 
M,  which  abridged  hia  life. 


"I  remained  with  King  Joseph,  who  conducted  himself  with  prudence  in 
order  to  escape  from  his  enemies;  and,  more  fortunate  than  the  Bmperon 
renched  the  tree  and  hospitable  soil  of  the  United  States.  He  trusted  lum- 
seif  to  M.  Francis  PelletMau,  a  Rochefort  merchant;  but  could  remain  no 
longer  in  that  town,  for  the  Bourbons  were  already  at  Paris,  and  orders  had 
been  given  that  the  white  flag  should  every  where  in  France  repkco  tlio 
glorious  tricolor.  M.  Pelletreau  had,  near  the  aspen  grove  on  the  sea-coast, 
«  small  country-place,  with  some  acres  of  land  and  a  farmer;  to  which  ha- 
bitation King  Joaeph  went,  accompanied  by  two  persons  only,  and  remained 
there  qniet  and  concealed  for  ten  days^  leaving  me  at  Rochefort,  where,  by 
hia  orders,  1  purchased  several  articles  for  the  voyage  we  were  about  to 
, undertake,— linen,  plate,  some  books,  French  classics,  the  work  of  M.  de  la 
Rochefoucalt  on  the  United  States,  &,c.  In  this  interval  I  went  to  see  him 
twice,  and  learned  from  him' that  he  had  sent  Pelletreau  the  son  to  Bour- 
deaux,  to  freight  an  Ainerican  vessel,  who  wrote  that  he  had  secured  a  brig 
going  down  to  the  nioUth  of  the  Gironde,  where  the  Prince  could  embark, 
the  little  town  of  RoyaU  being  the  nearest  point  to  the  river's  mouth.  King 
Joseph  ordered  me  to  go  there,  and  warn  him  by  expreiw  when  the  brig  ap- 
peared. 1  had  an  American  passport,  which  Mr.  Jackson,  chargd  d'aflkirea 
of  the  United  States  at  Paris,  had  given  me.  M.  Dumoulin,  established  at 
Royaii,  exercised  the  office  of  consul  of  that  nation.  He  waa  an  obliging 
man,  and  endoraad  my  passport,  adding,  without  much  difficulty,  the  name 
orone  of  tlie  persona  going  to  America  with  King  Joseph.  During  the 
three  or.  four  days  that  we  sojourned  at  Royau,  we  had  to  be  very  circum- 
spect. The  commandant  of  the  place  lodged  in  the  same  hotel  with  us, 
and  attracted  there  a  great  many  officen  and  persona  curious  to  be  informed 
«rhat  waa  doirig.  The  white  flag  was  already  hoisted  at  Royau.  The 
■econd  day  a  snperror  officer  arrived,  poet  firom  Paris,  his  miaaion  being  to 
have  the  government  of  the  Bourbons  reeogniaed  every  where.  Hia  con- 
versation at  table  with  the  commandant  and  other  military  men  was  most 
revolting;  but  I  had  to  swallow  every  thing  in  ailence,  in  order  not  to  betray 
myself.  After  meals,  some  bfBbera,  who  had  read  in  my  face  what  was 
passing  in  my  mind,  took  me  ande,  and  testified  to  me  their  indignation  at 
bearing  oar. brave  army  treated  with  auoh  injustice,  and  foreseeing  the  fiite 
reserved  for  all  who  expreaaed  any  sympathy  for  the  illustrious  chief  whom 
we  had  just  lost  for  ever.  At  laat  I  learned  that  the  brig  had  anchored 
before  Rayau.  H.  Damoulin  showed  her  to  me,  and  we  agreed  that  a 
rfiallop'  shouM  he  ready  at  midnight  ta  take  us  on  board,  with  aome  friends 
whom  I  expected.  I  aent  an  express  to  King  Joseph,  who  arrived  in  the 
night  on  foot,  qui«tiy,  accompanied  4>y  M.  Edward  Pelletreau,  M.  Unzaga, 
and  young  Maillard.  At  twelve  o'clock  the  bark  bad  not  yet  come.  We 
apent  two  or  three  boom  of  paiinftil  expectation.  The  commandant  was  in 
a  room  near  us;  the  Prince  might  be  recognised  by  some  of  the  officen 
who  were  going  and  coming  in  the  bouse;  and  we  were  relieved  iVom  a 
great  weight,  when  they  informed  as  that  the  bark  was  waiting.    Tt  waa 


;;  ! 


1  A 


I 


II 


878 


CARET  9   XAHRATIVE. 


the  25ihof  July;  the  weather  wai  bcaotiftil;  the  moon  thooeon  our  cm- 
barkHtion,  whicli  waH  miide  cuutuiuly.  Tlie  tide  being  fiivorablo,  the 
anchor  wiii  raiitu  ami  xaili  spread.  The  brig  of  two  hundred  toDM,  named 
tlie  Coruinerco,  was  coimiianded  by  Capluin  MiaiMirvey,*  UHin  of  about  lurty 
year*  of  ago,  born  in  the  iwland  of  Uuernaey,  but  having  inlMbitedthe  United 
Slate*  for  a  loi  7  time,  at  Cbarleaton.  wiiere  he  waa  to  return,  after  having 
trnoMportc'  u,  iu  Jitaw  York.  He  did  not  know  the  illustrioua  pntmrngor 
wiiuin  he  received  on  board ;  thinking  tliat  we  were  periuna  of  the  Kinpc^ 
ror't  luito  who  were  going  to  the  United  State*.  The  brig  had  been 
freighted  in  ballast,  fur  eighteen  tiiouaand  franca;  Edward  Pelletreuu,  ac- 
cording to  his  inatructiana,  having  only  time  to  put  on  board  some  necessary 
provisi(  lis,  and  aome  pipes  of  brandy.  We  passed  very  near  the  majestic 
tower  of  Cordova,  and  soon  EMward  PoUelreau,  taking  leave  of  us,  went 
ashore  with  the  pilot  who  carried  us  out  to  sea.  In  the  course  of  the  day 
a  sail  was  descried,  and  soon  recognised  to  be  an  English  vessel-oftwor, 
bearing  down  on  ua  —  the  brig  Bacchus.  We  backed  sail,  to  awnit  the 
visit  of  two  oiBcers,  who  soon  mounted  our  deck,  but  paid  little  attention  to 
ua  passengers,  an<}  only  appeared  busied  in  gatltering  from^the  captain 
details  of  Napoleon's  departure  for  England  on  board  the  Bolloruplion. 
They  aflerwarda  returned  to  their  brig,  Ooni  which  they  soon  gave  us  the 
signal  to  continue  on  our  way.  They  had  not  examinee)  our  passports. 
King  Joseph  iiad  one  under  the  name  of  Surviglieri,  by  analogy. to  Survil- 
liers,  which  he  aflerwarda  bore,  being  the  name  of  an  eatate  he  owned, 
eight  leagues  from  Paris.  Next  day  a  new  encounter  witlt  the  English ; 
this  time  it  was  the  frigate  Endymion.  The  visit  of  the  officers  was  more 
minute ;  tiiey  went  dov  n  into  the  cabin,  where  the  captain  had  refresh- 
ments served.  The  Prince  remained  in  the  cabin  and  in  bia  berth,  as  a 
person  su^ring  from  sea-aickness.  They  examined  our  passporta,  without 
asking  any  queations;  and,  resuming  their  conversation  with  the  oaptdini 
made  him  repeat  the  same  details  he  had  given  to  the  officers  of  the  Bac« 
chus.    At  last  they  withdrew,  to  our^great  satisfaction. 

"  We  had  a  pretty  fortunate  paaaage,  light  and  fair  winds  carrying  us  on 
our  vfay.  The  Prince,  whose'  conversktion  had  a  constantly  inercosing 
attraction  for  me,  made  me  pass  very  pleasant  days,  rccitiiig  French  and 
Italian  poetry  equally  well,  hiA  memory  stored  with  numeroue  efllisions  of 
literature  in  both  languages.  -  Having  passed  five  y«an  of  my  early  yoiith 
in  Italy,  I  could  appreciate  his  perfect  pronunciation,  when  he  recited  tlie 
flight  of  Hermiaia,  and  other  stanaas  of  Taaao,  his  favorite  author.  The 
most  dramatic  pa«agea  of  Corneille'a  and  Racine'a  fine  trag  jdiea  vten  those 
which  he  preferred,  with  which  hia  voice  assumed  extraordinary  power 
With  so  IdSij  a  political  career,  what  ho  taugtit  us  of  men  and  things  waa 
also  very  remarkable.  The  captain  formed  a  high  opinion  without  knowing 
him;  and,  aft.er  our  arrival  in.New  York,  said  he  thought  it  was  Gengral 
Carnot,  or  at  least  a  personaga  of  as  great  importance.  Aft^r.  thirty-two 
days'  sail,  we  discovered  the  ahorea  df  the  United  States,  in.  Long  Island, 


vs. 


CARET  S   NARRATIVE. 


m 


(lie  moun  ihooo  on  our  cm* 

le  tide  being  fuvorablo,  ttte 

of  two  humlrod  tonn,  iianicd 

iiMirvey,*  iiian  of  about  turty 

( having  inhabited  the  United 

waa  to  return,  aftor  buving 

low  l)ie  iliuitriooa  ixiMi-ngur 

were  penoiia  of  the  Kinpc}- 

State*.    Tho  brig  hod  boen 

iDca;  Edward  Pelletreuu,  no 

put  on  hoard  aome  necewtary 

id  very  near  the  umjcMtic 

u,  taking  leave  of  u»,  went 

I.    In  the  course  of  tho  day 

be  an  Engliah  vewel-of<war, 

^e  backed  tail,  to  awnit  tlie 

:k,  but  paid  little  attention  to 

gathering  fronKtlie  captain 

on  board  the  Belleruphon. 

which  they  aeon  gave  us  the 

not  examined  <Hir  pawporto. 

'iglieri,  by  analogy. to  Survil- 

ime  of  an  eatate  he  owned, 

encounter  with  the  Engiish ; 

visit  of  tho  officers  was  more 

lere  tlie  captain  had  refresh^ 

cabin  and  in  bia  berth,  as  a 

imioed  our  paasporta,  without 

inveraatioa  with  the  capt^ini 

en  to  the  officera  of  the  Bac< 

tisfoction. 

ind  fair  winds  carrying  us  on 
had  a  conatantly  inercasing 
nt  days,  reciting  French  and 
Iwith  numeroua  efibsionaof 
five  y«ara  of  my  early  yoiith 
ciatioD,  when  he  recited  the 
■0,  hia  favorite  author.  The 
ne's  fine  tragedies  were  those 
snimed  estreordinary  power. 
It  us  of  men  and  things  waa 
ligh  opinion  without  knowing 
I  he  though't  jt  was  Genoral 
mportance.  After.  t)iirty-two 
aited  States,  in.  Long  Island, 


which,  for  about  sixty  leagues  in  extent,  prossea  up  agalnut  tho  continent 
by  an  nrm  of  the  sea,  which  has  taken  the  name  of  ttio  KsHt  Rivi>r,  and 
whiwo  south-wost  extrctnity  forms  ono  of  the  sidns  of  the  harbor  of  New 
York.  We  wero  about  thirty  leagues  (Vom  that  town,  and  ni|;ht  npproach- 
ing.  King  Joseph  asked  the  captain  to  land  ua  on  Long  iHlamI,  by  putting 
his  boat  to  sea.  It  would  have  boen  practicable,  but  the  captain  sniil  that 
he  would  find  only  fishorinon's  huta  there,  where  he  would  Iw  very  badly 
lodged,  and  find  great  difficulty  in  getting  a  carriage,  or  even  home*,  to 
take  him  to  the  town ;  that  the  weather  promised  to  be  fine,  and  we  would 
arrive  the  next  morning  at  New  York.  The  Prince,  for  a  long  timo, 
insisted  on  going  aahore,  as  if  he  had  some  secret  presentiment;  and  though 
at  laat  ho  gave  up  the  design,  continued  pensive,  and  retired  early.  Next 
morning,  thp  first  tiling  that  struck  ua  on  going  on  deck  was  tho  ttvci  .f 
Sand  '  ind  the  light-houso  of  the  harbor  of  Now  York;  ve\^r  i.it 
^nii  ml  d(^|iarting,  and,  further  off|  two  ships,  that  we  soon  r«>  D^uinod 

as  tv  tea.   taring  tho  English  flag.    We  were  mute  wii'   aaoninb- 

men'  lien  one  of  the  frigates,  descrying  ur,  set  sail,  itc>  as  ta  b:>r 

our  ig  Joseph's  just  apprehensions,  of  the  night  betcro,  wertf 

almoei  icaiized.  At  that  critical  moment  we  were  boarded  by  one  of  tlrose 
light  Bchoonen,  which  carry  pilots  to  all  the  vesaels  that  wish  to  .nter  the 
port  of  New  York.  A  young  American,  with  a  quick  eye,  and  neatly 
dressed,  jumped  lightly  on  board,  and  took  possession  of  the  helm.  The 
helm  waa  his  right ;  from  tliat  moment  the  command  of  the  vessel  belonged 
to  him.  *Do  you  see,'  said  he  to  the  captain,  'those  damned  English, 
hoping  to  atop  oui^  way.  But  let  me  alone :  the  breeze  is  in  our  fiivor,  and 
I  will  hug  the  land  so  close  that  you  will  see  them  soon  change  their 
course'  With  all  aail  spread  that  could  be,  our  brig,  aa  if  it  felt  the  danger, 
ploughed  the  waters  of  the  beautiful  entrance  with  anrprising  rapidity. 
We  were  soon  under  cover  of  fort*  Richmond  and  La  Riyette,  which  pro* 
tect  the  entrance  of  .the  aeoond  bay,  or  rather  of  the  vaat  port  of  the  first 
city  of  the  United  States.  The  frigate  aodn  tacked  about,  and  moved  ofiT 
from  us.  We  then  askod  the  pilot  why  the  English  cruised  about,  in  these 
latitudes,  in  tfme  of  peace  1  He  anawered,  that  they  had  only  been  there 
the  last  teii  days,  to  catch  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  who  waa  to  have  em- 
barked in  FVaiiee  Ibr  the  United  States,  and  had  resumed  the  right  of  search, 
which  prov«ked  ell  Americana.  Thus  the  active  enmity  of  the  English 
pucsHod  the  Emperor  even  after  hie  abdication.  If  they  had  caught  us, 
they  would  probably  have  taken  ua  to  Halifax,  to  j(^ebec,  or  perhaps  to 
England,  where  King  Joaepi)  would  soon  have  been  recognised,  and  then 
they  vtroold  have  tnnaported  him  to  Ruaaia,  Where  the  allied  sovereigns  had 
decided  that  he  ahoold  be'taken,  aa  vi^e  afterwards  learnt  We  landed  on 
the.  wharf  of  the  Eaat  River;  and,  aa  the  Prince  wished  still  to  preserve 
hia  incognito  tor  aome  time,  he  would  not  go  to  the  principal  hotels,  but  we 
inMttliea  ouraelvea  fin  a  modest  dwelling,  where  a  '.vidow  lady  took 
lodgera. 


>'ri.. 


878 


JOBRPH. 


••  It  waa  thiia  King  Joaoph  naopml  flroin  hif  enomiM,  and  enjnypd,  ihirinir 
many  ycarw,  all  tli«  indvptintlnnce  of  private  liie.  He  aoon  niiuU  liiimwlf 
boluvcd  and  roapected,  and  received,  at  liia  One  coiintry-aoat  on  the  bordera 
of  the  Delaware,  between  New  York  and  Philndelphio,  the  moat  coiitidef' 
able  peraona  of  the  Uiiitod  Htatea,  without  diatinction  of  party  or  opiniim. 
Hia  houao,  eiipccially  during  the  flrat  fbw  yeara,  waa  like  a  place  of  refuge, 
open  to  all  unfortunate  peraona  whom  Europe,  by  violoiit  convulaiona,  drove 
to  America.  The  French  exiled  by  the  decroea  of  liouia  X.VIII.,  military 
men  of  aeveral  nationa,  who  had  fought  glorioualy  under  the  French  flag, 
and  were  forced  to  ex|Mtriate  thomaulvea,  the  Prince  welcomed  with  kind- 
new,  anawerod  almoat  alwaya  with  hia  own  hand  the  '\'inta  that  were 
addrcaaed  to  him  in  writing,  eneloaing  drafla  or  notea  pay..  to  the  br-i  rer. 
Ilia  principle  waa  never  to  lend  money;  but  he  gave  willingly  all  that  ha 
could,  and  the  auma  that  he  diatributed,  during  the  flrat  aix  yeara,  amounted 
to  a  conaiderable  euro.  * 

"The  American  opinion  of  the  Emperor  and  hia  policy  waa  not  generally 
favorable.  The  Engliah  had  long  diatributed  their  pamphleta  and  journala 
among  them ;  and  one  party,  especially,  aeemed  to  ahqre  their  prejudioee 
and  animosity  againat  the  French.  In  the  apace  of  aome  yeara,  however, 
the  change  of  opinion,  even  among  them,  waa  remarkable,  which  may  be 
•ttributofi,  partly,  to  the  gradual  effect  produced  by  the  converaationa  and 
explanationa  which  Prince  Joaeph  never  failoil  to  give, 

"  He  waa  alao  the  benefactor  of  that  portion  of  the  8tn -^  of  New  Jeraey 
where  he  eatabliahed  himaolf ;  and  when  he  took  leave  of  the  United  SUtea, 
in  1832,  the  teatimoniala  of  univoraal  regret,  addreaeed  to  him  by  a  people 
not  naturally  demonatrative,  touched  him  deeply."  ^  - 

Joseph  passed  most  of  a  day  with  Napoleon  at  the  We 
d'Aix,  the  last  time  the  brothers  saw  each  other.  The  fallen 
Emperor  conducted  the  fallen  king  to  the  door,  when  Josoph 
took  his  leave.  Tenderly  embracing,  they  parted,  their 
attendants  and  nearly  all  bystanders  in  tears ;  the  Emperor 
looking;  extremely  sallow  and  ill,  having  taken  physic,  and 
beitig  much  indisposed :  trivial  but  actual  circumstances,  vhtch 
I  stato  on  authority  ii»op«  reliable  than  that  of  most  history  or 
biography.  The  Emperor  was  surrounded  by  incapable  and 
inefficient  courtiers,  gentlemen  and  ladies,  all  more  anxious 
for  themselves  than  for  him;  unable  to  render  him  any 
assistance  in  the  numberless  little  but  important  affairs  ©very 
moment  demanding  practical  transaction  and  management. 
General  Lallemand  was,  in  that  respect,  the  best  pf  hi» 
attendants;  though  not  as  a  man  of  probity  and  high-toned 
fidelity.     Las  Casas  and  Madame  Bertrand  were  earnest  in 


I  enomiea,  and  enjnypd,  iliirini; 
I  life,  lie  toon  iiiniln  liiini«>lf 
Ine  Gotintry-Miat  on  the  borilen 
iilnilt'lphin,  lh«  most  coiitiilnr- 
Jlitinclion  of  party  or  npinioit. 
in,  waa  like  a  placu  of  refuge, 
t,  by  violent  eonvulaioni,  drove 
roea  of  Ixiuia  X.VIII.,  military 
trioualy  under  the  French  tiag, 
e  Prince  welcomml  with  kind- 
1  hand  the  .  <  ^^nta  that  were 
or  notea  pay..  to  the  br<i  tor. 
1  he  gave  willingly  all  that  he 
ig  th«  firat  aix  yeara,  amounted 

• 
nd  hia  policy  waa  not  generally 
d  their  pamphleta  and  juurnala 
>med  lo  ehare  their  pri>judioee 
■pace  of  some  yearn,  however, 
vat  remarkable,  which  may  be 
luced  by  the  converaationa  and 
0(1  to  give, 

ion  of  the  8tn'>^  of  New  Jeraey 
took  leave  of  the  United  Sutea, 
>t,  addreaaed  to  him  by  a  people 
leply." 

ith  Napoleon  at  the  Isle 
r  each  other.  The  fallen 
to  the  door,  vrhen  Josnpb 
,cing,  they  parted,  their 
rs  in  tears ;  the  £mperor 
laving  taken  physic,  and 
otual  circumstances,  vhich 
an  that  of  most  history  or 
■onnded  by  incapable  and 
1  ladies,  all  more  anxiotu 
able  to  render  him  any 
»ut;important  affairs  every 
motion  and  management 
respect,  the  best  pf  hi» 
of  probity  and  high-toned 
Bertrand  were  earnest  in 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
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Canadian  InatUutt  for  HIatorieal  Mieroraprodiietiana  /  Inatftut  Canadian  4a  mleroraproduollona  Maloilquaa 


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u^M«i«9ME««lll<»^R1'>7 


JOSEPH  IN   AMERICA. 


379 


their  preference  of  surrender  to  England,  rather  than  flight  to 
America ;  and  Joseph  often  Warned  himself  for  having  contri- 
buted to  that  option,  by  the  opinion  of  the  English  which  his 
admiration  of  Lord  Comwallis  led  him  always  to  entertain  and 
impress  his  brother  with. 

At  length,  safely  landed  in  America,  as  the  Emperor  pro- 
bably might  have  been,  Joseph,  still  for  some  time  incognito, 
and  the  large  hotels  of  New  York  crowded,  took  lodgings  at 
an  obscure  house,  kept  by  Mrs.  Powell,  in  Park  Plaice,  where 
the  son  of  Commodore  Lewis  happened  to  be  boarding.     The 
Commodore,  calling  to  see  his  son,  and  discovering  the  former 
King  of  Spain,  whom  ho  had  knowU  in  Paris,  at  once  respect- 
fully recognised  him.     Till  then  Joseph  Bonaparte  had  been 
called  Count  Carnot,  taken  for  that  distinguished  Frenchman 
by  the  captain  of  the  American  vessel  which  brought  him  to 
America,  and  visited  as  such  by  the  mayor  and  other  inhabit- 
ants of  New  York,  who  were  led  by  Captain  Misservey  to 
believe,  as  he  did,  that  his  passenger,  from  whom  he  received 
the  large  freight,  of  which  he  publicly  boasted,  was  the  famous 
Carnot.    Joseph  told  the  mayor  that  he  was  not  Count  Carnot, 
but  had  reason  to  keep'his  real  name  secret.     As  Commodore 
Lewis  might  have  made  him  generally  known,  Joseph  accepted 
his  invitation  to  pass  a  few  days  at  hia  residence  in  Amboy, 
which  was  the  first  American  hospitality  he  received.    Return- 
ing to  New  York,  a  French  officer,  meeting  him  accidentally 
in  Broadway,  with  loud  and  loyal  exclamations  and  demonstra- 
tions  of  reverential  delight,  addressed  Joseph  as  prince,  king, 
&c.,  so  that  it  would  have  been  difficult,  if  necessary,  longer 
to  conceal  who  he  was.    Ignorant  of  American  institutions, 
opinion,  and  freedom,  he  was  not  confident,  at  first,  of  perfect 
safety  in  this  country.    In  conversation  with  Mr.  Clay,  at 
London,  not  lon^^  before,  Lord  Castlereagh,  expressing  his 
confidence  that  Napoleon  would  be  put  down,  added  his  appre- 
hension that  he  might  escape  to  the  United  States,  which  the 
British  premier  feared  might  raise  to  uncomfortable  question 
between  this  country  and  others,  as  to  the  delivery  or  safe- 
keeping of  that  formidable  fugitive  from  justice ;  to  which  Mr. 
Clay,  ia  pteaence  of  several  ministers  repUed:   "Bonaparte 


I    } 


ml 


m 


i;* 


:-^^: 


880 


JOSCPH  IN  AMERICA. 


trill  be  quite  harmless  among  US',  vrhere  individuality  is  anni- 
hilated, and  an  emperor  vill  be  a  more  individual  democrat, 
without  the  least  monarchical  or  alarming  personal  power." 
Supposing  it  right,  if  indeed  not  absolutely  necessary,  as  in 
Europe,  to  have  protection  from  government,  by  a  passport, 
to  reside  unmolested  in  this  country,  Joseph  Bonaparte,  soon 
after  his  arrival  at  New  ,York,  set  off  for  Washington,  to  pay 
his  respects  to  the  President,  and  get  a  passport,  or  whatever 
other  permission  would  be  proper.  Arriving  at  Philadelphia, 
he  found  much  of  the  Mansion  House  hotel,  irhere  he  stopped, 
preoccupied  by  Mr.  Clay,  who,  with,  characteristic  urbanity, 
insisted  on  G6unt  Survilliers  taking  possession  of  his  apart- 
ments at  the  hotel,  parlor  and  chambers,  in  which  the  ex-king 
was  comfortably  and  hospitably  lodged.  Proceeding  as  far 
as  the  tavern  twelve  miles  beyond  Baltimore,  where  he  stopped 
to  sleep,  a  person  met  him  there  from  Wasbmgton,  semi-cffi- 
cially,  to  explain  that  his  visit  to  the  seat  of  government  was 
not  only  unnecessary,  but  would  not  be  acceptable.  Mr. 
Monroe,  then  desiderating  the  presidency,  apprehended,  it 
was  said,  that  a  Bonaparte  or  his  followers  welcomed  at  Wash- 
ington, might  give  umbrage,  and,  pdrhaps,  prove  prejudicial 
to  a  candidate.  On  Marshall  Grouchy  and  one  or  two  more 
of  the  fugitives  from  that  French  convulsion  going  to  Mrs. 
Madison's  drawing-room,  Mr.  Monroe  instantly  left  it,  as  was 
said,  least  he  should  be  in^plicated  in  civilities  to  them,  of 
which  Marshal  Grouchy  complained  to  me,  as  what  he  called 
platitude  m^aruable,  despicable  meanness.  Turned  back  from 
his  contemplated  visit  to  Washington,  Jos<6ph  purchased' next 
year,  after  extensive  views  of  various  places  Stephen  Sayre's 
(onde  sheriff  of  London)  estate  on  the  Delaware,  near  Bor- 
dentown,  in  New  Jersey;  the  location  which  Napoleon  and 
Joseph  had  seleoted-at  Bochefort,  on  the  map,  for  their  Ame- 
rican residence.  There  Joseph  Bonaparte,  by  th^  assumed 
title  of,  Count  of  Survilliers,  in  inntation  of  royal  denomina<- 
tion,  taken  from  his  French  estate  near  Morfontaine,  n^ade  his 
home  during  five-and-twenty  years  of  American '  sojourn ; 
travelling  occasionally,  and,  after  hu  visit  4o  England,  spend- 
ing some  of  his  last  winters  in  one  of  the  Girard  houses, 


r* 


IICA. 

ere  individuality  is  anni- 
lere  individual  democrat, 
arming  personal  power." 
•solotelj  necessary,  as  in 
rernment,  by  a  passport, 
Joseph  Bonaparte,  soon 
F  for  Washington,  to  pay 
t  a  passport,  or  whatever 
Arriving  at  Philadelphia, 
hotel,  iihere  he  stopped, 
L  oharacteristio  urbanity, 
possession  of  his  apart- 
)er8,  in  which  the  ex-king 
ged.     Proceeding  as  far 
Itimore,  where  he  stopped 
om  Washington,  semi-cffi- 
e  seat  of  government  was 
lot  be  acceptable.     Mr. 
sidenoy,  apprehended,  it 
owers  welcomed  at  Wash- 
Idrhaps,  prove  prejudicial 
by  and  one  or  two  more 
convulsion  going  to  Mrs. 
«  instantly  left  it,  as  was 
in  civilities  to  them,  of 
to  me,  as  what  he  called 
iness.    Turned  back  from 
1,  Jo8|6ph  purchased' next 
i  places  Stephen  Sayre's 
the  Delaware,  n^ar  Bor- 
ion  which  Napoleon  and 
I  the  map,  for  their  Ame- 
naparte,  by  th^  assumed 
ation  of  royal  denomina^ 
ar  Morfontaine,  made  his 
of  American '  sojourn ; 
I  visit  ^0  England,  spend< 
B  of  the  Qirard  houses, 


JOSEPH   IN  AMERICA. 


881 


Chestnut  Street,  Philadelphia.  His  Point  Breeze  property 
was  enlarged,  by  successive  purchases,  to  comprise  two  thou- 
sand acres,  which  it  was  his  great  recreation  to  improve  by 
planting  and  embellishing  with  buildings,  waters,  and  roads,  so 
constructed  that  he  had  a  drive  of  ten  miles  on  his  own 
grounds.  After  the  original  mansion-house  was  destroyed  by 
fire,  in  January,  1820,  he  rebuilt  that  as  an  observatory  or 
Belvidere,  and  turned  the  former  coach-house  into  a  dwelling, 
adapted  to  the  purposes  of  habitation,  with  a  range  of 
kitchens  and  servants'  apartments  on  one  side,  and  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  front  lawn,  another  considerable  building, 
for  his  married  daughter  and  her  husband,  with  their  growing 
family.  Rising  always  early,  and  spending  nearly  all  of  almost 
every  day  abroad,  with  a  hatchet  in  his  side-pocket,  and  thirty, 
forty,  or  fifty  workmen,  trimming  and  planting  trees,  making 
roads  through  the  woods  and  along  the  Delaware,  which,  more 
than  a  mile  wide  there,  borders  a  finely  picturesque  park  of 
rolling  hill  and  dale,  the  Count,  as  he  was  generally  called,  or 
Mister  Bonaparte,  lived  in  quiet,  gentlemanly,  hospitable, 
beneficent,  and  philosophical  retirement,  rendering  himself 
acceptable  to  the  neighborhood  by  his  uniform  amenity,  sim- 
plicity, and  liberality,  entertaining  numerous  visiters,  and  en- 
hancing the  value  of  property  in  the  adjoining  village,  which 
doubled  its  inhabitants  under  his  auspices.  A  lake  was  arti- 
ficially formed  from  a  small  stream  emptying  into  the  Dela- 
ware, and  a  subterranean  passage  of  brick  and  mason-work 
built  from  the  original  mansion,  afterwards  the  Belvidere,  to 
the  river,  and  from  the  second-huilt  dwelling  to  the  wing  off 
the  lake.  Underground  commonioations  were  made  with  both 
his  houses  at  Point  Breeie ;  i^th  that  which  was,  after  the  fire, 
turned  into  an  observatory,  called  Belvidere,  from  the  river ; 
and  with,  the  coach-house  made  into  a  dwelling,  with  the  lateral 
lake-house,  built  for  his  eldest  daughter  and  her  family.  Joseph 
had  a  similar  subterranean  at  Morfontaine,  his  French  resi-< 
dence,  and  such  contrivances,  I  believe^  are  not  uncommon  in 
England.  They  afford  private  entrance  for  the  baker,  butcher, 
and  others,  who  supply  families,  without  being  seen  in  the 
upper  and  better  part  of  the  house ;  and  allow  gentlemen  to 


ii 


882 


FBENCII   EXILES. 


•tl 


go  down  into  them,  when  sometimes  they  do  not  choose  to  bo 
importuned  by  visiters ;  in  which  way,  but  none  other,  Joseph 
Bonaparte  may  have  concealed  himself  in  his.     The  subter- 
ranean passage  gave  occasion  for  some  of  the  absurdities  with 
which  public  opinion  was  misled  concerning  the  ex-king,  bis 
residence   and  deportment.     The  subterranean,  constructed 
merely  to  afford  a  passage,  without  being  exposed  to  the 
weather,  was   reported  to  be  for  escape  underground   from 
pursuit;  which,  it  is  hardly  necessary  to  say,  was  a  foolish 
notion.     In  1817,  the  Legislature  of  New  Jersey,  by  a  special 
act,  authorized  Joseph  Bonaparte  to  hold  and  transmit  real 
property  in  that  State ;  and,  in  1825,  the  Legislature  of  New 
York  made  a  similar  provision  in  his  favor.  ,  In  1821  and  1823, 
his  two  daughters,  from  Europe,  with  the  elder's  husband, 
Charles  Bonaparte,  visited  their  father.    In  1824,  the  younger 
unmarried  one,  Charlotte,  returned  to  her  mother,  then  at 
Brussels,  leaving  many  of  the  chambers  in  her  father's  house 
covered  with  her  drawings.    In  1827,  the  elder  daughter,  with 
her  husband  and  children,  returned  to  Europe,  by  President 
John  Quincy  Adams'  permission,  on  board  the  American  ship- 
of-the4ine  Delaware.    Marshal  Grouchy,  (general  Clausel,  Ge- 
neral Bernard,  Generals  Charles  and  Henry  Lallemand,  General 
Lefebvre  Denoueftes,  General  Yandamme,  Colonel  Combes, 
ColQnel  Amable  de  Girardin,  Colonel  Latapie,  Colonel  and 
Captain  Grouchy,  the  two  sons  of  the  marshal,  all  officers  of 
the  French  army,  exiled  to  this  country,  frequented  the  Count 
of  Survilliers'  hospitable  residence ;  also  Regnaud  de  St.  Jean 
d' Angely ;  Count  ^al,  the  prefect  of  police ;  Count  Miot  de 
Melito,  an  old  friend  bf  Joseph  and  one  of  his  ministers  in 
SpAin ;  M.  Lacanalle,  a  member  of  the  National  Institute  in 
France;   Count  Qainette,  ex-prefect;  the  present  Duke  of 
Montebello,  son  of  Marshal  Lannes ;  Eugene  Ney,  third  son 
of  the  marshal;  two  sons  of  Fou6h^,  welUeducated  and  intel- 
ligent young  men;   nearly  all  of  whom  I  have  met  there. 
Other  less  conspicuous, French,  besides  Americans,  Englisli, 
and  persons  of  other  nations,  were  welcomed  to  the  constant 
but  unostentatious  hospitality  of  Point  Breeze ;  where  personal 
or  political  attaobment,  curiosity,  necessity,  and  various  other 


I"' 


POINT  BREEZE. 


888 


\ey  do  not  choose  to  be 

but  none  other,  Joseph 

in  his.     The  subter- 

of  the  absurdities  with 

erning  the  ex-king,  his 

>terranean,  constructed 

being  exposed  to  the 

ape  underground  from 

to  say,  was  a  foolish 

ew  Jersey,  by  a  special 

hold  and  transmit  real 

the  Legislature  of  New 

or.  ,  In  1821  and  1828, 

h  the  elder's  husband, 

In  1824,  the  younger 

0  her  mother,  then  at 

irs  in  her  father's  house 

the  elder  daughter,  with 

;o  Europe,  by  President 

>ard  the  American  ship- 

|iy,  (general  Clausel,  Ge- 

enry  Lallemand,  General 

imme,  Colonel  Oombes, 

)1  Latapie,  Colonel  and 

i  marshal,  all  officers  of 

y,  frequented  the  Count 

so  Regnaud  de  St.  Jean 

'  police;  Count  Miot  de 

one  of  his  ministers  in 

e  National  Institute  in 

;  the  present  Duke  of 

Eugene  Ney,  third  son 

irelUednoated  and  intel- 

lom  I  have  met  there. 

es  Americans,  Englisli, 

loomed  to  the  constant 

Breeze ;  where  personal 

Bsity,  and  various  other 


motives  attracted  many  persons.     A  cup  of  coffee,  or  tea,  as 
you  chose,  brought  by  a  servant  before  you  were  out  of  bed 
in  the  morning ;  a  meat  breakfast,  between  ten   and  eleven 
o'clock ;  a  good  library ;  the  host's  prolonged  and  unceasing 
historical  and  biographical  narrative ;  horses   and  carriages, 
for  excursions  in  the  vicinity ;  shooting,  fishing,  or  whatever 
pastime  you  desired,  till  evening ;  dinner  between  six  and 
seven ;  a  drive  round  the  grounds,  a  game  of  billiards,  or  some 
other  amusement,  after  dinner,  till  an  early  bed-time,  seldom, 
if  ever,  later  than  ten  o'clock,  were  commonly  the  day's  rou- 
tine.   On  Sunday,  or  any  day  when  crowds  of  persons,  by 
steamboat^  from  Philadelphia,  visited  the  house  and  grounds, 
pictures,  busts,  and  whatever  else  was  remarkable,  all  thrown 
open  to  all,  the  French  inmates  were  as  much  gratified  by  the 
invariable  decorum  and  orderly  conduct  of  theur  guests,  as 
they  were,  by  the  French  furniture,  ornaments  and  arrango- 
ment  of  the  ex-king's  residence.    The  Legislature  of  New 
Jersey,  sometimes  in  a  body,  visited  there,  and  were  gladly 
entertained,  their  host  boasting,  as  I  have  heard  him,  with 
evident  gratification,  how  many  bottles   of  wine  they  had 
drunk.     His  domestic  service  consisted  of  a  secretary  and  his 
very  handsome  wife,  a  confidential  attendant,  four  or  five  men- 
servants,  and  a  coachman,  with  the  cook  who  went  with  the 
Count  from  France,  and  on  his  first  voyage  to  England,  all 
of  whom  grew  rich  (for  them)  on  his  bounty.    The  Fourth  of 
July  was  celebrated  at  Point  Breeze  by  all  the  immediate 
vicinage,  with  the  household.    I  have  heard  it  said  that  the 
deportment  of  the  ex-king  and  his  household  affected  royalty, 
which  certainly  I  never  saw,  as  well  as  one  ignorant  of  royal 
forms  may  judge.    A*gentlemah  who  had  been  eight  years  a 
king,  brother  of  the  greatest  monarch  of  modem  times,  and 
not  without  recollections  of  recent  elevation,  was  accustomed, 
from  his  dependants,  to  that  respect  which  is  hardly  ever  with- 
held from  age  alone  in  Europe,  though  mveh  less  practised  in 
this  country  of  domestic  and  personal,  political,  and,  some- 
times, peremptory  independence.    But  the  Count  of  Survil- 
liers  was,  in  his  manners  and  behavior,  unassuming  and  polite, 
studious  to  please,  and  careful  to  avoid  annoyance  or  offence ; 


-j^l-1  \  "■ 


884 


JOSEPH   DONAPARTK. 


as  simple,  unpretending,  and  direct,  as  any  farmer  in  his 
neighborhood.  From  early  life  accustomed  to  good  society,  in 
the  chief  places  of  France  and  Italy,  and  habituated  to  social 
refinements,  his  behavior  was  the  polished  suavity  and  forbear- 
ance of  the  best  good-breeding :  in  mixed  company,  reserved, 
though  unaffected ;  free  and  loquaciously  communicative  with 
those  from  whom  he  apprehended  no  misrepresentation.  Con- 
tinually, and  with  unfeigned  pleasure,  he  recalled  the  humble 
life  of  the  well-born,  but  indigent  family,  who,  from  total 
obscurity,  shone  forth  with  so  many  kings,  queens,  and  princes, 
upon  plebeian  thrones.  Like  all  those  retired  from  the  stage 
of  action,  with  a  long  past  and  short  future,  Joseph  delighted 
to  tell  of  the  wonderful  scenes  and  performers  he  had  wit- 
nessed ;  and  never  was  conversation  more  rationally  fascinating 
than  his  in  that  respect.  When  I  first  heard  him  chat,  as  he 
would  for  hours  together,  personally  familiar  with  nearly  all 
the  imperial,  royalj  princely,  and  eminent  personages  he 
described ;  all  of  them,  like  the  subjects  of  an  absolute  mo- 
narch, whatever  their  rank  or  title,  from  Joseph's  lofty  position, 
individuated^  levelled  and  estimated  with  perfect  freedom  and 
candor  —  it  was  reading  history,  biography,  politics,  and  phi-i 
losophy  in  their  most  attractive  pages.  Of  the  Emperor,  he 
always  spoke  with  affection  and  admiration ;  of  the  Bourbons, 
always  with  aversion;  of  the  banishment,  j^onfiscations,  and 
other  wrongs  which  they  inflicted  on  the  Bonapartes,  with 
indignation ;  Ixit,  always  mild,  thovgh  animated,  he  seldom 
used  harsh  or  vituperative  language.  He  could  not,  and  sel- 
dom, if  ever,  attempted  to  speak  English.  His  secretaries 
and  servants  conversed  with  him  with  more  freedom  than  is 
common,  in  this  country  or  England,  between  menials  and 
their  employers.  Recollections  of  former  grandeur,  and  a 
feeling  that  he  was  entitled  to  the  respect  due  to  past  or  fallen 
royalty,  sometimes  appeared  in  Joseph  Bonaparte's  eonVerBft>- 
iioii.  His  French  visitors  and  correspondents  mostly  addressed 
him  as  prince ;  and  probably  tfaitt  title  was  no  more  unwelcome 
than  that  of  emperor  to  his  brother.  He  seldom  or  never,  as 
was  common  in  his  family,  spoke  of  Kitig  Louis,  King  Jerome, 
Queen  Hortensia,  Queen  Julia,  and  Queen  Caroline.    Titles, 


JOSEPH    BOKAPAKTE. 


885 


as   any  farmer  in  his 
nod  to  good  society,  in 
nd  habituated  to  social 
)d  suavity  and  forbcar- 
fcd  company,  reserved, 
ily  communicative  with 
sreprescntation.     Con- 
he  recalled  the  bumble 
imily,  who,  from  total 
1&,  queens,  and  princes, 
retired  from  the  stage 
iitur«,  Joseph  delighted 
lerformers  he  had'  wit- 
'6  rationally  fascinating 
heard  him  chat,  as  he 
amiliar  with  nearly  all 
minent  personages  he 
cts  of  an  absolute  mo- 
Joseph's  lofty  position, 
h  perfect  freedom  and 
fiphy,  politics,  and  phi- 
.    Of  the  Emperor,  he 
tion ;  of  the  Bourbons, 
lent,  ponfiscations,  and 
the  Bonapartes,  with 
1  animated,  he  seldom 
Se  could  not,  and  sel- 
glish.     His  secretaries 
more  freedom  than  is 
between  menials  and 
irmmr  grandeur,  and  a 
ict  due  to  past  or  fallen 
Bonaparte's  conVersa- 
tdeniB  mostly  addressed 
ras  no  more  unwelcome 
le  seldom  or  never,  as 
ig  Louis,  King.  Jerome, 
leen  Caroline.    Titles, 


everywhere  convenient,  are  much  affected  in  this  republican 
country,  although  constitutionally  forbid.  The  Society  of 
Friends,  who  reject  even  Esquire  and  Mister,  many  of  them, 
in  polite  conversation,  are  often  perplexed  for  words  to  sub- 
stitute as  conversational  terms  of  civility.  Vanity,  a  univerHal 
inclination  of  savages,  ^nd  even  beasts,  is  there  any  humanity 
without,  or  even  above  it  ?  Joseph  Bonaparte  declined  tin- 
crown  of  Mexico,  when  tendered  to  him  at  Point  Breeze  by  a 
Mexican  deputation.  Flattered  as  he  felt  by  that  proffer  from 
former  Spanish  subjects,  who  once  repudiated  his  reign,  he 
told  them  that,  after  having  worn  two  crowns,  he  had  no  Avish 
to  try  a  third ;  and  that,  moreover,  he  did  not  consider  Ame- 
rica the  soil  suited  to  thrones.  All  his  American  experience- 
convinced  him  that  free  institutions  are  best  for  this  hemi- 
sphere. In  fact,  his  attachment,  even  when  king,  to  the 
reforms  of  the  French  Revolution  of  1789,  remained  con- 
stantly the  same :  the  royal  parts  ho  was  called  on  to  perform, 
and  even  his  brother's  imperial  dictatorship,  Joseph  deemed 
corollaries  of  that  great  problem,  whose  meliorations  he  never 
for  a  moment  ceased  to  prefer  and  inculcate. 

Like  Napoleon,  however,  Joseph  was  inflexibly  conservative : 
dreaded  and  detested  such  demagogues  as  those  who  ruled  in 
the  Reign  of  Terror ;  and,  addicted  to  both  equality  and  liberty, 
was  invincibly  attached  to  law  and  order,  perhaps  to  royalty, 
but  constitutional  and,  like  that  of  England,  mixed  with  demo- 
cratic institutions.  He  told  me,  after  his  return  from  Eng^ 
land,  that  what  he  learned  thare,  by  comparison  between  that 
country  and  this,  had  i:hanged  some  of  his  former  American 
political  predileotionL .  ^'lough  while  there  he  was  uniformly 
the  vindicator  of  our  est  »blishments,  but  became  reconciled  to 
many  of  the  great  British  endowments  and  developments  of 
moderate,  conservative,  and  durable  freedom.'  What  the  Eng- 
lish stigmatized  as  American  repudiation  of  public  debts,  oc- 
curred while  he  was  in  Sjagland,  and  he  was  a  considerable 
loser  by  American  stock  investments.  The  tariff  controversy, 
too,  settled  in  1882-8,  alarmed  him  abroad  for  the  stability 
of  our  Union  ;  and  he  often  told  me  of,  I  forget  what  English 
bishop,  who  said  to  him,  "What  better  can  there  be,  or  should 

Vol.  m.— 25 


1-1 


M  :i 


•Mr 


S86  I'A  FAYETTE. 

WO  desire,  than  the  state  of  things  hero  ?"  Lucion  inclined  to 
the  Tories,  Joseph  said;  but  Joseph  to  the  Whig>,  if  not  tho 
radicals;  and  the  passage  of  tho  Reform  Bill  had  much  in- 
fluence in  inducing  him  to  change  his  residence  when  ho  did, 
from  America  to  England. 

La  Fayette's  misplaced  confidonoe  in  the  Bourbons  was 
soon  requited  by  aversion,  and  in  1824  he  made  his  well- 
known  visit  to  America     Ob  the  28d  of  September,  1824, 
with  the  Governor  of  New  Jersey,  he  paid  a  visit  at  Point 
Breeze  to  Joseph  Bonaparte,  negotiator  of  the  treaty  by  which 
La  Fayette  was  liberated  from  the  odious  Austrian  prison  of 
Olmutz.     The  Oenerars  secretary,  Levasseur,  says  that  tho 
ex-king  appeared  much  affected  by  that  visit  from  the  guest 
of  tho  nation,  whom  he  kept  to  dinner,  and  treated  with  a 
sensibility  and  cordiality  which  convinced  L»  Fayette  that 
time  had  not  enfeebled  the  sentiments  of  affection  formerly 
testified  by  Joseph.    Before  dinner  Joseph  took  La  Fayette 
into  his  study,  where  they  passed  an  hour  together  in  private, 
of  which  no  account  is  given  by  the  Generara  secretary.    The 
substance  of  that  conference,  as  often  sinoe  told  by  Joseph 
Bonaparte,  was  La  Fayette's  acknowledgment  of  his  regret  at 
what  he  had  then  done  to  reinstate  the  Bourbons.     "Their 
dynasty,"  he  said,  "could  not  last;  it  clashed  too  much  with 
French  national  sentiment.     We  are  all  now  persuaded  in 
France  that  the  Emperor's  son  will  be  the  best  representative 
of  the  reforms  of  the  revolution."    He  therefore  told  Joseph, 
that,  if  he  would  pttt  two  millions  of  francs  ($400,000)  at  the 
disposal  of  the  committee  La  Fayette  indicated,  with  that  lever, 
in  two  years  Napoleon  II.  would  be  on  the  Frtnch  throne. 
Joseph  declined  the  proposal,  not  deeming  the  meang  adequate 
to  the  end.     As  love  of  money  was  no  part  of  his  nature,  it 
was  not  the  magnitude  of  the  sum  that  deterred  him.    When 
it  was  suggested  that  by  means  of  a  large  sum  Napoleon  might 
bo  rescued  from  St.  Helena,  Joseph,  without  hesitation,  offered 
to  contribute  all  he  was  worth  in  the  world ;  and  sometimes 
regretted  that  his  expensive  mode  of  life  in  America,  parts  of 
which,  however,  were  liberal  donations  to  distressed  or  impo- 
verished followers  of  his  family,  diminished  his  power  to  afford, 


LA  FAYETTB. 


SIT 


■0?"  Luoien  inclined  to 
to  the  Whiga,  if  not  tho 
iform  Bill  had  niuuh  iii- 
1  rosideoce  when  ho  did, 

B  in  the  Bourbons  was 
1824  he  made  his  well- 
3d  of  September,  1824, 
be  paid  a  visit  at  Point 
or  of  the  treaty  by  which 
dious  Austrian  prison  of 
Levasseur,  says  that  the 
;hat  visit  from  the  guest 
kner,  and  treated  with  a 
vinoed  La  Fayette  that 
nts  of  aifection  formerly 
Joseph  took  La  Fayette 
hour  together  in  private, 
^leneral's  secretary.    The 
;en  since  told  by  Joseph 
lodgment  of  his  regret  at 
1  the  Bourbons.     "Their 
it  clashed  too  much  with 
re  all  now  persuaded  in 
be  the  best  representative 
He  therefore  told  Joseph, 
francs  ($400,000)  at  the 
indicated,  with  that  lever, 
e  on  the  Fi^enoh  throne, 
lining  the  means  adequate 
DO  part  of  his  nature,  it 
hat  deterred  him.    When 
large  sum  Napoleon  might 
without  hesitation,  offered 
;he  world ;  and  sometimes 
'  life  in  America,  parts  of 
ons  to  distressed  or  impo- 
inished  his  power  to  afford, 


if  needed,  larger  subscriptions  toward  the  expulsion  from 
Franco  of  the  dull  dynasty  that  mortified  oud  oppressed  the 
nation.  Joseph  and  La  Fayette  parted  on  the  kindest  terms, 
which  wore  never  interrupted,  although  six  years  afterwards 
they  differed  as  much  as  ever  on  La  Fayette's  last,  and  again 
unfortunate,  instrumentality  in  the  attempt  to  restore  a  Bour- 
bon monarch. 

M.  Levasseur's  work  mentions  the  rich  wainscots  of  the 
ox-king's  American  house,  the  display  of  royal  furniture,  fine 
paintings  of  the  Italian  and  French  schools  of  painting,  ex- 
quisite bronzes,  and  marble  in  elegant  profusion.    But  among 
them  all  be  thought  Joseph  did  not  look  happy,  because  he 
had  not  altogether  forgot  the  misfortune  he  had  of  being  king, 
when  the  peaceable  possession  of  so  large  and  fine  a  property 
seemed  to  M.  Levasseur,  who  probably  spoke  La  Fayette's 
sentiment  also,  preferable  to  that  of  tho  distracted  kingdom 
of  Spain.    On  the  expulsion  of  Charles  X.  from  the  French 
throne,  mainly  by  La  Fayette's  instrumentality,  correspond- 
ence took  place  between  him  and  Joseph  Bonaparte,  kind  and 
friendly,  yet  explicit  and  controversial,  as  to  the  once  noble 
republican  general's  frequent,  bdeed  constant,  preferences  of 
Bourbon  monarohs  to  Napoleon.    Joseph  always  held  that,  on 
several  great  conjunctures.  La  Payette  misjudged  French  in- 
terest, welfare,  and  glory :  once  by  his  flight  from  the  head 
of  the  French  army,  in  1792 ;  again,  by  his  acquiescence  in 
jOie  Bourbon  restoration  of  1815 ;  and  a  third  time,  when  he 
helped  the  Duke  of  Orleans  to  the  throne ;  all  calamitous  for 
his  country.    Perhaps  the  vanity  and  self-esteem  inseparable 
from  humanity  rendered  General  La  Fuyette  jealous  of  Gene- 
ral Bonaparte.    Nor  will  it  be  nnjost  to  add,  that  La  Fayette, 
as  an  emigrant,  received,  if  I  am  not  mistaken,  oonsiderabl* 
sums  as  indemnity  for  confiscated  property,  voted  to  his  family 
by  the  French  chambers  under  the  Bourbon  government. 
Like  Napoleon,  never  moved  by  avaricious  or  sordid  consi- 
derations, La  Fayette's  sympathies  of  caste  were,  however, 
with  the  royalists;  and,  if  not  incapable  of  jealousy,  that  feel- 
ing, as  general,  may  have  be«n  excited  by  the  immense  supe- 
riority 6f  another  general. 


;/#* 


888 


RBVOLnTIOK  OF  1880. 


11 


J  ii 


), 


Bj  expelling  that  extremely  weak  prince  and  one  of  the  fow 
remaining  adherents  of  Bourbon  royalty,  Gharlei  X.,  the 
French  revolution  of  1880,  with  its  prodigious  agitation  of  all 
the  elements  of  representative  government,  not  only  in  Franco, 
but  in  Belgium,  Italy,  England,  and  elsewhere,  anticipated 
the  Bonaparte  hope  of  restoration,  at  least  to  France,  and 
poradvcnturo  to  power.  Two  days  after  intelligence  of  that 
event  reached  this  country,  on  the  5th  of  September,  I  visited 
Joboph  at  Point  Breeee,  on  the  occasion ;  where  I  found  Gene- 
ral Charles  Lallemand  (Henry  Lallemand  died  sometime  before) 
and  a  French  deputy,  Beslaj,  just  from  France,  ftU  in  much 
excitement.  A  letter  from  Joseph,  in  answer  to  ono  from 
Lallemand,  proposing  to  accompany  him  to  France,  Switzer- 
land, or  England,  in  order  to  be  at  hand  for  eventualities,  and 
announcing  the  principles  by  which  Joseph  wonld  be  governed, 
was  prepared  for  publication,  with  strong  hopes  that  no  Bour- 
bon would  be  enthroned,  and  that  the  resulting  question  be- 
tween a  republio  and  Napoleori  II.  would  be  decided  by  his 
choice  by  the  nation.  Joseph's-  doctrine  was,  that  the  nation 
had  the  sole  right  to  ohoos*  a«d  legitimate ;  but  that  Napo- 
leoti's  son  had  the  fight  of  succession,  without  further  action, 
as  proclaimed  by  the  deputies  in  1815,  anless  the  nation  made 
some  other  choice.  France  he  did  not  deem  ripe  for  a  re- 
public ;  and,  any  Bourbon  king  being  out  of  the  question,  the 
only  alternative  was  the  yonng  Napoleon;  which  postulates 
were  argued  by  Joseph's  letter  to  Lallemand.  Soon  after, 
Lallemand  sailed  for  France,  with  Joseph's  letters  and  several 
thousand  dollars  advanced  to  him.  The  money  he  never  ac- 
counted for ;  the  letters  he  delivered  to  lUng  Louis  Philippe, 
who  told  him,  as  I  have  understood,  to  bum  them ;  that  nothing 
by  or  for  the  Bonsfparte  family  could  be  done ;  but  that  the 
Orleanists  and  Bonttpartes  had  the  isame  interest  in  France, 
and  that  he  would  employ  them,  as  he  did  Lallemand,  against 
the  old  Bourbons. 

On  the  19th  of  September,  Joseph  came  again  to  Philadel- 
phia, and  sent  for  me  to  th&  United  States  Hotel,  where,  after 
dining  at  seven  o'clock  in  the  evening,  he  read  to  me  his  seve- 
ral letters  to  the  Empress  Maria  Louisa,  to  her  father,  to 


f^. 


80. 

inoe  and  one  of  the  few 

^nlty,  Charles  X.,  the 

odigious  agitation  of  all 

lent,  not  only  in  Franco, 

elsewhere,  anticipated 

least  to  France,  and 

fter  intolligenoe  of  that 

of  September,  I  visited 

;  where  I  found  Oene- 

nd  died  sometime  before) 

om  France,  all  in  much 

in  answer  to  one  from 

him  to  France,  Switzer- 

md  for  eventualities,  and 

)Boph  wonld  be  governed, 

rang  hopes  that  no  Bour- 

le  resulting  question  bc- 

irould  be  decided  by  his 

rine  was,  that  the  nation 

itimate ;  but  that  Napo- 

I,  without  further  action, 

5,  unless  the  nation  made 

not  deem  ripe  for  a  re> 

g  out  of  the  question,  the 

poleon;  which  postulates 

Lallemand.    Soon  after, 

iseph's  letters  and  several 

The  money  he  never  ao*. 

I  to  King  Louis  Philippic, 

> bum  them;  that  nothing 

d  be  done;  but  that  the 

Isame  interest  in  France, 

le  did  Lallemand,  against 

I  came  again  to  Philadel* 
States  Hotel,  where,  after 
g,  he  read  to  me  his  seve- 
Louisa,  to  her  father,  to 


EBVOLUTION  OF  1880. 


889 


Prince  Mottcrnioh,  and  to  the  French  Chamber  of  Deputies ; 
all  ttHMcrting  the  Duke  of  Roicbstmlt's  rightful  succeHHion, 
and  propoHing,  as  his  father's  nearest  male  rcktivo,  tu  accom- 
pany  hid  restoration.  As  I  suggested  the  propriety  of  con- 
sulting with  Mr.  Duponocau,  whoso  counsel  as  a  lawyer  and 
services  as  notary  public  Joseph  had  often  used,  wo  went  tu 
his  office,  and  remained  there  in  conference  till  cloven  o'clock 
that  night.  After  considering  the  several  letters,  it  wuh 
settled  that  I  should  translate  and  publish  Joseph's  answer  to 
General  Lallemand,  as  announcement  of  JosephV:  intention, 
motives,  and  principles.  But  next  morning,  the  20th  of  Sep- 
tember, came  tidings  from  Europe  of  the  proolamation  of  the 
Duke  of  Orleans,  as  Louis  Philippe,  King  of  the  Frcncli,  in- 
ducirg  me  to  withhold  the  intended  publication ;  of  which  I 
immediately  informed  Joseph,  who  had  gone  to  Point  Breeze, 
and  received  his  letter  in  answer  to  mine,  approving  of  it. 
There  were  publications  in  noT'^^'apers;  but  the  only  one  ac- 
knowledged was  Joseph's  letter  to  the  Chamber  of  Deputies, 
dated  New  York,  the  18th  of  September,  1880.  Informa- 
tion that  the  French  had  chosen  a  Bourbon  monarch,  with 
La  Fayette's  entire  approbation,  and  with  great  promise  of 
liberal  government,  sustained  by  many  if  not  most  of  tho 
distinguished  Bonapartists,  and  their  general  employment, 
induced  Joseph,  under  such  ourcumstances,  merely  to  verify 
his  letter  to  the  deputies,  and  make  notarial  registry  of  it, 
as  a  protest.  That  was  not  done  till  the  80th  of  May, 
1881,  when  Judgo  Ilopkinson  and  I  testified  before  Mr. 
Duponceau  that  we  had  seen  the  letter  toward*  the  middle 
of  September,  1830.  Judge  Hopkinson  having  no  memo- 
randum, a6  I  had,  to  fix  the  time  precisely,  totoards  the 
middle  of  the.  month  was  the  phrase  used  for. his  sake. 
Joseph  attended  at  Mr.  Puponcean's  office,  and  made  arrange- 
ments for  the  official  aet  on  the  24th  of  May,  1881 ;  from  which 
tim^  till  the  80th  of  that  month  Mr.  Duponceau  was  employed 
drawing  the  papers  in  form.  Between  the  24th  and  ^Oth  of 
May„1881,  advices  reached  heife  that  the  Chamber  of  Depu- 
ties was  dissolved  to  whom  the  letter  in  September,  1880,  was 
addressed ;  wherettpen  Joseph  required  the  official   act  to 


■mh- 


890 


RBVOLDTION  OP  1830. 


bear  date  the  24th  of  May,  when  he  attended  at  Mr.  Dupon- 
ceau's  and  arranged  it,  instead  of  the  30th  of  May,  when 
the  registry  was  actually  completed  and  made.  These  contra- 
ventions of  the  ^Oth  September,  1830,  and  May,  1831,  fore- 
shadowed the  ill  luck  which,  by  the  death  of  the  Duke  of 
Reiohstadt,  totally  marred  Joseph's  voyage  to  England,  in 
1832. 

Joseph  wrote  on  that  occasion,  probably,  to  several  confiden- 
tial persons  in  France  for  information,  to  determine  whether 
he  should  venture  there,  or  anywhere  in  Europe ;  anxious  lo 
return  to  his  country,  and  hoping  that  it  might  be  as  uncle  of 
a  new  young  iQonarch,  to  supersede  the  Bourbon  family.  The 
question  between  monarchy  by  divine  right  and  sovereignty  of 
the  people  was  fully  presented  by  the  French  election  of  the 
Duke  of  Orleans ;  notwithstanding  whose  election  and  support 
also  by  the  English  nation,  the  Bonapartes  flattered  themselves 
that  they  would  be  recalled  from  banishment,  and  perhaps  to 
the  throne.  Among  those  Joseph  wrote  to  in  September,  1830, 
was  Count  Flahaut,  a  nobleman  of  the  imperial  creation,  reputed 
son  of  Talleyrand  by  Madame  de  Sousa,  wife  of  the  Portuguese 
minister  in  France  during  the  Consulate  and  part  of  the  Em- 
pire. Talleyrand,  a  lover  of  Madame  de  Stael,  who  was  not 
handsome,  and  Madame  de  Sousa,  who  was,  in  a  boat  with 
Madame  de  Stael,  on  Lake  Geneva,  being  asked  by  her,  "  If 
Madame  de  Sousa  and  I  were  both  in  thi^  boat,  and  it  should 
upset,  which  would  you  save?"  wittily  replied,  "You  can 
Bwim,  I  believe?"  Count  Flahaut,  distbguished  at  the  battle 
of  Waterloo  by  the  bravery  so  common  there,  and  still  more 
by  honorable  adherence  tO^  the  Emperor  till  he  abdicated,  mar- 
ried an  Engliah  lady  of  fortune. 

On  the  26th  of  May,  1831,  Joseph  read  to  me  his:  answer, 
dated  London  the  10th  of  March,  to  Joseph's  letter  of  inquiry 
whether  he  might  safely  go  to  England.  Count  Flahaut  in- 
formed hjm  that  he  would  be  perfectly  safe  in  England,  but 
'  unwelcome,  inasmnoh  as  the  British  government  and  nation 
sided  with  Louis  Philippe,  as  king  of  the  French. 
,  Joseph's  first  act,  after  the  news  of  the  French  revolution, 
was  to  write  to  La  Fayette,  <m  the  7th  of  September,  1830,  a 


■rli»^- 


30. 

ttended  at  Mr.  Dupon- 
e  30th  of  May,  when 
made.  These  contra- 
,  and  May,  1831,  fore- 
death  of  the  Duke  of 
royage  to  England,  in 

>ly,  to  several  confiden- 
to  determine  whether 
in  Europe;  anxious  to 
it  might  be  as  uncle  of 
)  Bourbon  family.  The 
ight  and  sovereignty  of 
French  election  of  the 
ose  election  and  support 
rtes  flattered  themselves 
ishmmit,  and  perhaps  to 
e  to  in  September,  1830, 
nperial  creation,  reputed 
1,  wife  of  the  Portuguese 
te  and  part  of  the  Em- 
I  de  Stael,  who  was  not 
ho  was,  in  a  boat  with 
eing  asked  by  her,  "  If 
this  boat,  and  it  should 
tily  replied,  "You  can 
stinguished  at  the  battle 
on  there,  and  still  more 
ir  till  he  abdicated,  mar- 
read  to  me  his  ^swer, 
oseph's  letter  of  inquiry 
nd.  Count  Flahaut  in- 
ly safe  in  England,  but 
gov«rnBient  and  nation 
he  French, 
the  French  revolution, 
I  of  September,  1830,  a 


REVOLUTION   OF   1830. 


8di 


letter,  to  be  carried  by  General  Lallemand;  but,  he  being 
detained  a  few  days  by  an  accident,  it  was  carried  by  Victor 
Beslay,  son  of  the  liberal  deputy  of  the  French  house  of  repre- 
sentatives, whom  I  met  at  Joseph's  residence.  Protesting 
against  any  Bourbon  as  ruler  of  France,  and  laying  down  his 
favorite  positions,  that  individual  families  have  duties  to  per- 
form, in  their  relations  to  nations,  but  nations  alone  have 
rights  to  exercise,  and  among  them  that  of  choosing  their  own 
rulers,  Joseph  assured  Jja  Fayette  that,  but  for  perceiving  the 
name  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans  among  those  at  the  head  of 
affairs,  he  would  go  at  once  to  France — not  forgetting  that  his 
nephew  had  been  called  to  the  throne  by  the  deputies,  in 
1815,  dispersed  by  foreign  bayonets.  On  the  26th  of  No- 
vember, 1830,  La  Fayette  answered,-  as  his  letter  begins, 
"  with  all  the  affection  and  respect  for  the  kindnesses  of  which 
you  have  at  all  times  g?.ven  me  proofs,  and  for  which  my  gra- 
titude and  attachment  could  not  but  be  fortified  by  our  last 
conversation,  when  we  spoke  confidentially  of  the  past,  the 
present,  and  the  future."  His  letter  then  explains  at  large 
why  he  preferred  Louis  Philippe  to  Napoleon  —  "  your  im- 
mense and  incomparable  brother,  but  whose  system,  imbued 
with  despotism,  aristocracy,  servility,  and  War,  would,  with 
glory,  restore  those  scourges."  L»  Fayette's  reasons  for  per- 
sonally preferring  Louis  Philippe  are  also  stated^  completely 
reversed  as  that  judgment  soon  came  to  be.  Oo  the  Idth  of 
January,  1831,  Joseph  replied  by  a  letter  (which,  having  been 
mislaid,  did  not  go  till  again  dated,  on  the  1st  of  April,  with  a 
postscript),  defending  the  Emperor,  "forced  by  the  English 
to  war,  and  by  war  to  dictatorship ;  which  four  words  contain 
the  whole  history  of  tiie  Empire,  whose  aristocracy  was  but 
the  method  of  reconciling  Europe  to  it."  After  Joseph's  ar- 
rival in  England,  La  Fayette  wrote  to  him  again,  the  13th  of 
October,.  1832,  in  terms  of  grateful  and  affectionate  attach- 
ment; to  which,  on  the  10th  of  November,  1832,  Josepli 
replied,  with  similar  regard. 

Joseph  .received  many  letters,  from  various  persons  in 
France,  encouraging  his  return,  by  assurances  6f  the  favorable 
state  of  public  opinion  to  the  imperial  family,  and  to  its  junc- 


892 


REVOLUTION  OF  1830. 


I       i 


tion  with  the  republicans,  to  constitute  a  national  party  against 
the  royojista.     Victor  Beslay,  whom,  I  met  at  Point  Breeze 
the  preceding  September,  wrote  to  that  effect,  as  did  also  Co- 
lonel Coombes  (afterwards  killed  before  Constantino,  in  Al- 
giers), whose  lettprs  Joseph  read  to  me  the  4th  of  April,  1831. 
At  the  same  time,  he  read  to  me  a  letter  from  ono  of  the  two 
sons  of  Fouch^,  who  came  to  this  country,  each  with  the  title 
of  Count  Otrante,  according  to  the  French,  unlike  the  English, 
method  or  license  of  distributing  a  father's  title  in  parcels 
among  all  his  sons,  instead  of  leaving  it  exclusively  to  the 
eldest.    As  before  mentioned,  Fouch^  died  at  Eliza  Bonaparte, 
Princess  of  Bacohiocci's  residence,  near  Trieste,  completely  dis- 
graced by  the  Bourbonp  he  helped  to  restore,  and  repentant 
for  the  injury  he  had  done  ta  the  Bonapartes:  rich  enough 
to  make  his  several  sons  rich;  two  pfwhom,  tifter  having 
been  kindly  received  by  Bernadotte,  as  King  of  Sweden, 
came  to  this  country.    Joseph  Bonaparte,  with  his  constant 
benevolence,  having  made  them  welcome  at  his  residence, 
where  I  met  one  of  them,  on  the  occasion  of  the  revolution 
of  1830,  employed  him  to  take  his  letters  to  the  Empress 
Maria  Louisa,  to  her  father,  and  to  Prince  Metternich.    On 
the  4th  of  April,  1881,  Joseph  read  to  me  Count  Otrante's 
answer,  dated,  I  forget  where,  in  Prussia,  stating  that  he 
had  delivered  all  the  letters  to  Metternich,  who  promised  an 
answer.    The  Count  Otrante  added,  that  he  had  frequently 
seen  the  Duke  of  Reichstadt.    I  do  not  remember  whether 
he  stated  that  he  had  conversed  with  him.    No  answer  to 
any  of  these  ,  letters  was  ever  received.     The  impression 
in  Joseph's,  family  was,   that  Metternich   never  delivered 
them.  '" 

Besides  the  many  letters  and  messages  received  by.Count 
Survilliers,  in  1831,  came  M.  G6ubard»  a  portrait  painter, 
and  M.  Orsi,  son  of  a  Leghorn  buikor,  in  December  of 
that,  year,,  sent  by  Hortensia,  ihe  wife  of  Louis  Bonaparte, 
and  her  son  Louis,  urging  Joseph  to^o,  assuring  him  that  the 
movement  was  propitious  for  overooming  Louis  Philippe; 
who,  though  they  did  not  prevail  on,  him  to  go,  yet  their 


^1 


330. 

a  national  party  against 
,  I  met  at  Point  Breeze 
at  effect,  as  did  also  Co- 
ore  Conatantine,  in  Al- 

5  the  4th  of  April,  1831, 
ter  from  one  of  the  tvro 
ntry,  each  with  the  title 
ench,  unlike  the  English, 
father's  title  in  parcels 
Qg  it  exclusively  to  the 
died  at  Eliza  Bonaparte, 
r  Trieste,  completely  dis- 

6  restore,  and  repentant 
toniapartes:  rich  enough 

pfifhom,  after  having 

e,  as  King  of  Sweden, 

^parte,  with  his  constant 

Icome  at  his  residence, 

icbsion  of- the  revolution 

letters  to  the  Empress 

Prince  Metternich.     On 

to  me  Count  Otrante's 

Prussia,  stating  that  he 

lernich,  who  promised  &fi 

that  he  had  frequently 

>  not  remember  whether 

\%h  him.    No  answer  to 

leived.     The  impression 

ternich   never  delivered 

tsages  received  by.Count 
!>ard,  a  portrait  painter, 
)uikor,  in  December  of 
rife  of  Louis  Bonaparte, 
go,  assuring  him  that  the 
coming  Louis  Philippe ; 
on,  him  to  go,  yet  their 


DUKE  OF  REICH8TADT. 


898 


coming  impressed  hinrwith  strong  hopes,  and  tended  toward 
the  resolution  which  ho  finally  took.  -   ,     *     -i 

The  centre  of  Bonaparte  attraction  and  hope  of  the  family, 
on  the  expulsion  of  the  elder  Bourbon  branch,  was  the  Duke 
of  Reichstadt,  then  a  fine,  handsome,  intelligent  youth,  twenty 
years  of  age.     Proclaimed  successively  King  of  Rome,  Em- 
peror of  the  French,  Duke  of  Parma,  and  Austrian  Prince,  by 
the  title  of  Duke  of  Reichstadt,  the  birth,  life,  and  death 
of  that  offspring  of  Napoleon's  rash  antbition,  and,  as  was  be- 
lieved, completion  of  his  utmost  hopes,  were  among  the  most 
romantic  occurrences  of  the  imperial  reverse,  the  lamentable 
catastrophe  of  which  began  with  the  marvellous  consummation 
of  that  child's  being  torn,  apparently  dead,  from  his  mother, 
and,  for  several  minutes,  without  sign  of  life,  ushered  into  the 
world.    Brought  up  in  the  close  but  kind  seclusion  of  the 
Austrian  imperial  family,  and  there  deprived  of  his  first  name, 
'  Napoleon  IL  lived  to  man's  estate,  without  knowing  whose 
son  he  was,  or  ever  hearing  of  his  father's  exploits,  filling  the 
whole  globe,  except  the  son's  otherwise  well-informed  and  m- 
quiflitive  linderstanding.    Instructed  by  those  who  destroyed 
and  ruined  his  father,  the  Duke  of  Reichstadt  was  at  last  ap- 
prised, by  Marmont,  of  hifl  marvellous  paternity  and  all  its 
prodigies.    Such  disclosures  were  enough  to  unhinge  any  mind, 
and  in  that  of  a  ybuth'so  deeply  interested,  full  of  intelligence, 
distracted  between  admiration  for  his  hero-father  and  habitual 
veneration  for  his  affectionate  imperial  grandfather,  excited  a 
Storm  of  confiicting  emotions,  which  the  French  revolution 
raised  to  intolerable  perplexity.    The  immediate  author  of 
his  father's  min  was  the  son's  informer.    The  father  s  Bour- 
bon  supplanters  had  banished  the  eon  and  all  his  family  from 
'    France,  on  pain  of  death.    At  an  English  ambassador's  young 
Napoleon  became  acqjoainted  with  Marmont.     Another  of 
his  father's  generahs  Maison,  wa#.  the  ambassador  at  Vienna 
of  Louis  PhiUppe,  who,  with  jealous  rigor,  continued  the  law 
of  banishment  against  the  BonapartfS.    Revolution  threat- 
ened, war  appeared  inevitable.     The  Duke  of  Reichstadt 
was,  like  most  other.princef,  bred  to  arms.    Not  to  use  them 
in  case  of  war  would  be  disrepatable ;  to  bear  them  against 


'M 


% 


II 
1^1 


s 


894 


DUKE   OF   REICHSTADT. 


either  France  or  Austria  would  be  unnatural.     Vienna  was 
thronged  by  emissaries  from  France  and  for  France,  and  from 
the  Bonapartes,  from  various  places  of  their  dispersion,  in 
Europe  and  America.     Montbel,  one  of  the  ministers  expelled 
■with  Charles  X.,  a  refugee  at  Vienna,  whose  position  and  as- 
sociations gave  him  the  best  opportunities  of  indubitable  infor- 
mation, says,  that  a  personage,  whose  name  was  celebrated  in 
the  fasts  of  the  Revolution  and  the  Empire,  and  mixed  with 
every  epoch  of  their  revolutionary  convulsions,  always  famed 
for  talents  by  the  various  parties  he  served,  Fouch^  visited  the 
Austrian  capital,  with  positive  proposals  for  the  Duke  of  Reich- 
Btadt,  under  the  veil  of  a  quite  different  mission,  whose  proposal 
was  listened  to  with  such  chilling  coldness  that  he  soon  went 
away.     Numerous  other  attempts  were  made  to  get  the  young 
duke  to  show  himself  either  in  France  or  Italy ;   carefully 
developed  by  circumstantial  expositions,  explaining  the  state 
of  parties  and  resources,  their  means  and  objects,  and  the 
danger  to  all  the  rest  of  Europe  of  leaving  France  without  a 
settled  government.     ♦'  What  do  you  want,"  said  Metternich, 
"  and  what  do  you  expect  from  us  ?"     "  That  you  will  let  the 
young  Duke  of  Reichstadt  be  taken  to  the  frontiers  of  France, 
whei^e  the  magic  of  Napoleon's  name  will,  in  an  instant,  over- 
turn the  frail,  tottering  edifice,  weighing  down  our  country 
and  metiacing  yours  with  ruin.    We  want  monarchy  by  inbe- 
<  ritance,  but  with  the  will  of  the  people  declared  by  universal 
suffrage."     *'  What  guarantee  would  the  Duke  of  Reichstadt 
have  for  his  future  ?"     *'  The  ramparts  that  would  surround 
him  of  French  love  and  courage."    Metternich  rejected  a\\ 
these  instances,  until  young  Napoleon,  not  long  after,  expired, 
under  the  agitation,  distress,  and  disaippointment  of  his  pre- 
dicament.   Perhaps  the  bravest,  certaiidy  the  most  adven- 
turous, of  his  Bonaparte  rescuers,  like  the  Duchess  of  Angou- 
l£me,  whom  Napoleon  called  the  only  man  0f  her  family,  was 
Eliza's  only  child,  married  to  the  Italian  Oount  Camarata, 
who  boldly  undertook,  by  herself,  to  snatch  heir  cousin,  the 
young  Napoleon,  from  Austrian  thiiildom,  and  display  him 
before  the  French  nation.    What  the  result  of  her  tuccesB 
would  have  been  cannot  be  said;  bat  that  it'wctdd  have  driven 


DT. 

nnatnral.     Vienna  was 
id  for  France,  and  from 
of  their  dispersion,  in 
f  the  ministers  expelled 
whose  position  and  as- 
ies  of  indubitable  infor- 
name  was  celebrated  in 
mpire,  and  mixed  with 
vulsions,  always  famed 
ved,  Fouch^  visited  the 
J  for  the  Duke  of  Reich- 
missiob,  whose  proposal 
Iness  that  he  soon  went 
made  to  get  the  young 
ice  or  Italy;   carefully 
18,  explaining  the  state 
s  and  objects,  and  thd 
aving  France  without  a. 
want,"  said  Metternich, 
•'  That  you  will  let  the 
the  frontiers  of  France, 
irill,  in  an  instant,  over- 
ling down  our  country 
vant  monarchy  by  inhe- 
le  declared  by  universal 
the  Duke  of  Reichstadt 
rts  that  would  surround 
Metternich  rejected  sill, 
not  long  after,  expired, 
ppointment  of  his  pre- 
ninly  the  most  adven- 
the  Duchess  of  Angou- 
main  of  her  family,  was 
ftlian  Count  Camarata, 
snatch  he;  cousin,  the 
Idom,  and  display  him 
}  result  of  her  success 
lat  it  would  have  driven 


THE   CAMARATA. 


805 


ip^iip-" 


Louis  Philippe  from  France,  as  triumphantly  lis  Napoleon 
drove  Louis  XVIIL,  is  as  certain  as  the  excitability  of  French 
enthusiasm  and  the  romantic  spirit  of  French  adventure. 
One  evening,  as  the  Duke  of  Reichstadt  was  mounting  the 
staircase  of  the  palace,  a  young  woman,  «rrapped  in  a  Scotch 
plaid  cloak,  rapidly  approached  him,  seized  his  hand,  which, 
in  mute  fervour,  she  kissed,  with  a  look  of  extreme  tenderness. 
"  What  are  yon  doing  there  ?"  cried  the  prince's  attendant, 
both  of  them  astoni&hed.  "What  do  you  mean?"  "Who 
shall  refuse,"  said  she,  with  exalted  animation,  "my  kissing 
the  hand  of  my  sovereign's  son  ?"  and  then  disappeared.  A 
full-length  likeness  of  that  extraordinary  woman,  when  a  young 
girl,  was  among  the  statues  at  Point  Breeze:  remarkable 
always  for  her  strong  resemblance  to  Napoleon  in  face,  mind, 
and  disposition.  With  the  most  active  imagination  and  daunt- 
less resolution,  she  excels  in  riding  on  horseback,  handling 
fire-arms,  and  other  attributes  of  masculine  spirit.  Leaving 
her  Italian  refsidence,  she  repaired  to  Vienna,  i^ithout  any  dis- 
guise or  male  protector,  established  herself  at  thd  Swan  Hotel, 
in  the  much  fbequented  street  Carynthia,  rode  in  the  Prater 
and  about  the  environs  of  Vienna,  wherever  there  was  any 
chance  of  meeting  the  Duke  of  Reichstadt,  and  for  a  long  time 
sought  in  vain  opportunities  of  personal  communication  with 
him.  Accosting  him,  as  before,  described^  one  evening  i^he  at 
length  contrived  to  have  a  letter  laid  on  his  table,  which  it 
took  a  whole  week,  after  it  was  written  to  get  there,  dated  the 
17  th,  bat  not  received  by  him  till  the  24th  of  November,  1881^ 
signed  with  her  name,  Napoleone  Gaimarata,  stating  that  the 
man  who  delivered  it  would  take  charge  of  the  prince's  answer, 
and  that,  if  he  was  a  man  of  honor,  he  wonld  not  refuse  her 
one.  "  It  is  th«  third  time  I  have  written  to  yon.  Let  me 
know  if  yoa  have  received  my  letters,  and  whether  you.  mean 
to  act  as  an  Anstirian  archduke  or  a  French  prince.  If  the 
f(l>rmer,  give  me  back  my  letters.  Destroying  me,  will  elevate 
yoTu:  condition ;  bat,  if  you  take  my  advice,  and  act  like  a  man, 
yon  will  see  how  obstacles  give  way  to  a  strong,  calm  will. 
Yon  will  find'  a  thoasand  ways  of  speaking  with  me,  which  I 
cannot  take  alone.    You  can  have  no  hope,  but  in  yourself. 


396 


DUKE  OF  BBICHSTADT. 


."'■*! 


Let  not  the  idea  present  itself  to  you  of  cofafiding  in  any  one. 
Know  that  if  I  asked  to  speak  with  you  before  a  hundred  wit- 
nesses, my  request  would  be  refused.    Know  that  you  are 
dead  for  whatever  is  French —for  your  family.    In  the  name 
of  the  horrible  torments  to  which  the  kings  of  Europe  have 
condemned  your  father ;  think  of  that  agony  of  the  banished 
by  which  they  made  him  expiate  the  crime  of  having  been  too 
generous  to  them ;  think  that  you  are  his  son  — that  his  dying 
eyes  were  fixed  on  your  image.    Penetrate  yourself  with  so 
many  horrors,  and  impose  on  their  authors  no  other  punish- 
ment  than  seeing  you  seated  on  the  throne  of  France.     Take 
advantage  of  the  moment,  Prince.     I  have,  perhaps,  said  too 
much.     My  fate  is  in  your  hands ;  and  I  can  tell  you  that,  if 
you  use  my  letters  to  destroy  me,  the  idea  of  your  baseness  will 
cause  me  more  pain  than  all  that  others  can  make  me  suffer." 
The  Camarata's  romantic  adventure  came  to  nothing.    Her 
cousin,  grandson  of  Maria  Theresa  and  son  of  Napoleon,  had 
been  too  well  schooled  in  Austrian  pupillage,  to  countenance 
her.     Handing  her  letters  and  telling  her  adventure  to  his 
tutor,  th6  young  duke  gave  her  no  answer.    She  was  left,  un- 
molested, and  he  continued  perplexed  till  he  died.    His  illness 
increased  so  rapidly  that  Metteniioh,  in  tho.Emperdr's  absence, 
granted  the  physician's  desire,  that  the  moribund  youth  should 
iry  a  change  of  air :  permitting  him  to  traivel  anywhere,  except 
iii  France.    DeU^hted  with  that,  his  first  and  last  Uberty,  the 
prince  was  preparing  to  visit  Naples.    But  his  symptoms  grew 
much  worse;  and,  on  the  22d  of  July,  1881,  he  Expired,  in 
the  room  where  his  father  slept,  whe»  hedictated  to  his  future 
Bon'fr  grandfather  the  peace,  of  which  the  dearest  trophy  was 
the  Austrian  wife  he  there  conqueted,  in  whose  arms  to  dream 
of  perpetuating  their  dynasty,  but  who,  from  the  corpse^  of  her 
imperial  orphan  son*  retmrned  to  her  one-eyed  paramour  and 
bastards  in  Parma.  '  ■  /  ■" 

On  the  9th  of  April,  1831,  Joseph  read  to  me  a  letter  from 
Baron  Mofeeval  (his  former  secretary,  and  th6  Emperor's,  and 
who  attended  the  Empress  when  she  returned  from  France  to 
Germany),  and  a  letter  from  Count  Comwro,  who  had  been,  an 
aid-de-camp  of  Eugene  Beauh«nioi#,  both  letters  dated  in 


\DT. 


JOSEPH   BONAPARTE. 


897 


of  cohfiding  in  any  one. 
>o  before  a  hundred  vit- 
Know  that  you  are 
ir  family.     In  the  name 
kings  of  Europe  have 
agony  of  the  banished 
irime  of  having  been  too 
lis  son  —  that  his  dying 
letrate  yourself  Mrith  so 
uthors  no  other  punish- 
irone  of  France.     Take 
[  have,  perhaps,  said  too 
id  I  can  tell  you  that,  if 
idea  of  your  baseness  will 
ers  can  make  me  suffer." 
came  to  nothing.    Her 
nd  son  of  Napoleon,  had 
>upillage,  to  countenance 
ng  her  adventure  to  his 
iswer.    She  was  left,  un- 
til! he  died.    His  illness 
in  the.Emperdr's  absence, 
le  moribund  youth  should 
0  tTKrel  anywhere,  except 
first  and  last  liberty,  the 
But  his  symptoms  grew 
Illy,  1881,  he  Expired,  in 
.  he-dictated  to  his  future 
h  the  dearest  trophy  was 
,  in  whose  arms  to  dream 

0,  from  the  corpse^  of  her 
r  one-e^ed  paramour  and 

../■'■■ 

read  to  me  a  letter  from 

,  and  the  Emperor's,  and 

returned  from  France  to 

omaro,  who  had  been,  an 

1,  both  letters  dated  in 


Paris,  and  abounding  with  particulars  unfavorable  to  Louis 
Philippe  and  promising  for  the  Bonapartes.  Cornaro'a  letter, 
addressed  to  Joseph  as  "your  majesty,"  stated  that  cither 
Lucicn  Bonaparte,  or  Louis,  the  son  of  Louis,  married  to 
Joseph's  younger  daughter,  Charlotte,  would  be  chosen  king 
of  Italy.  Many  other  accounts,  irom  appointed  agents  as  well 
as  friendly  correspondents  in  France  and  EAgland,  encouraged 
Joseph's  return,  and  recommended  certain  expenditures,  which, 
to  no  great  amount  and  to  no  good  end,  he  incurred  for  agents 
and  presses  to  advance  his  family :  one,  I  remember,  for  the 
Globe  newspaper. 

In  November,  1881,  Mr.  Poinsett,  since  minister  to  Mexico 
and  Secretary  of  War,  returned  from  Europe,  strongly  im- 
pressed with  the  belief  that  the  Duke  of  Reichstadt  would  be 
called  to  the  French  throne,  if  his  uncle  Joseph  put  himself  at 
the  head  of  the  movement;  to  whom,  at  Mr.  Poinsett's  in- 
stance, I  made  it  known.  Joseph  then  read  to  me  a  letter 
from  Victor  Hugo,  confirming  Mr.  Poinsett's  impression ;  also 
a  letter  from  Dr.  iStockoe  (who  had  been  with  the  Emperor  at 
St.  Helena),  enclosing  a  copy  of  a  note  from  Lord  Grey  to 
Sir  Robert  Wilson,  Conceding  Joseph's  right  to  visit  England 
tmmolestod,  but  denying  its  propriety.  On  the  21st  of  De- 
cember, 1881,  Joseph  read  to  me  letters  from  Count  Comaro 
and  Madame  de  St.  Jean  d'Angely,  dated  Paris,  from  Achilles 
Murat,  in  Brussels,  and  from  M.  Peugnet,  at  New  York,  just 
arrived  from  France,  all  strongly  urging  Joseph  to  place  him- 
self in  England  or  Switzerland,  at  hand  to  sustam  a  movement 
for  the  overthrow  of  Louis  Philippe  and  restoration  of  th^  Bo- 
napartes, which  these  letters  represented  as  highly  probable. 
The  republicans  were  laid  to  be  ready  to  join  the  Bonapartists, 
for,  whom,  in  tlie  Chamber  of  Deputies,  Mauguin,  Salverte, 
Lamarque,  D'Argenson,  and  other  members,  were  mentioned 
as  favorable  to  Napoleon  II.  Neither  money  nor  any  kind  of 
clandestine  contrivance  was  deemed  necessary  or  advisable, 
according  to  those  accounts,  or  would  hie  of  any  avail,  but 
events  wotild  develope  themstilves,  and  all  that  need  be  done 
was  to  be  at  hand  to  second  them.  Joseph  came  to  PhiUdel- 
phia  on  the  24th  of  December,  1881,  to  get  Stephen  Girard 


m 


umMgMs^S^ft^W^^l 


898 


FRKX'Jll    ?N    AMERICA. 


to  buy  tho  Black  River  lands  he  had  purchased  of  Loray  do 
Chaumont;  to  be  sold,  he  told  me,  at  almost  any  price,  in 
order  to  raise  funds  for  his  voyage,  resolved  to  be  undertaken 
next  spring,  should  the  Reform  Bill  become  an  English  Aot  of 
Parliament ;  for  in  that  reform  he  appeared  to  place  much  hope 
of  French  movement  to  produce  imperial  restoration.  Within 
forty-eight  hours  of  his  visiting  Philadelphia  to  bargain  with 
Stephen  Girard,  that  aged  French  republican  died  of  an  attack 
of  influenza,  his  demise  being  one  of  the  several  untoward  cir- 
cumstances which,  with  his  nephew's  unexpected  death  encoun- 
tering Joseph,  Bonaparte  on  his  landing  in  England,  continually 
counteracted  all  his  plans,  until  at  last,  with  his  nephew  Louis 
Napoleon's  frustrated  attempt  forcibly  to  overthrow  Louis 
Philippe,  disappointment  broke  down  Joseph's  health  and 
hastened  his  dissolution. 

Early  in  June,  1881, 1  had  the  pleasure  to  meet  my  former 
Bonapartist  friend  M.  Serrurier  (the  Emperor's  minister  in  this 
country  at  his  downfal)  and  his  charming  wife.  Degraded  for 
hia  unluckily  hasty,  hearty  adhesion  to  the  Emperor  during  his 
last  hundred  days,  and  reduced  thereby  to  insignificance,  M.  Ser- 
rurier lived  fifteen  years  in  retirement  and  poverty.  One  of 
Louis  Philippe's  early  acts  was  to  reappoint  him  to  the  American 
mission,  in  which  he  officiated  till  soon  after  that  pacific  but 
able  king's  seeming  controversy  with  .President  Jackson,  for 
the  French  indemnity  stipulated  by  treaty  to  be  piud  by  France 
to  the  United  States,  drove  M.  Serrurier  home  from  this  coun- 
try, where  he  had  no  intercourse  with  the  brother  of  his  former 
monarch.  In  1881,  M.  de  Tocqueville  oad  M.  Beaumont, 
commissioned  by  the  French  king  to  report  on  the  subject  of 
American  prisons,  and  recommended  personally  by  letters  of 
introduction  from  Levett  Harris,  American  chargd  d'affaires  in 
Paris,  came  to  the  United  States,  also,  I  belieye,  without  see- 
ing Joseph  Bonaparte.  This  country,  full  of  imperial  French 
fugitives  in  1815,  as  ten  years  before  it  was  of  royal  emigrants, 
including  Louis  Philippe,  by  his  election  in  1830  as  king,  re- 
turned them  all  but  the  Bonaparte  family  to  their  own  country. 
Throughout  the  winter  of  1831-2,  the  following  spring  and 
summer,  Josej^  still  lingered  here,  but  bent  on  bis  European 


*af.>»v"w'\'t«$*Wt«^ii^i*'5'«"«»^'5»»^'*  5^r»f»aBl 


JOSEPH  S  DEPARTURE. 


irchasod  of  Leray  do 

almost  any  price,  in 

ved  to  bo  undertaken 

no  an  Engliah  Avl  of 

od  to  place  much  hope 

restoration.     Within 

phia  to  bargain  with 

ican  died  of  an  attack 

several  untoward  cir- 

cpoctcd  death  encoun- 

England,  continually 

nth  hifi  nephew  Louis 

to  overthrow  Louis 

Joseph's  health  and 


f 


ire  to  meet  my  former 
eror's  minister  in  this 
I  wife.  Degraded  for 
le  Emperor  during  his 
insignificance,  M.  Ser- 
»nd  poverty.  One  of 
It  him  to  the  American 
after  that  pacific  but 
'resident  Jackson,  for 
jr  to  be  paid  by  France 
home  from  this  coun- 
I  brother  of  his  former 
e  and  M.  Beaumont, 
port  on  the  subject  of 
jrsonally  by  letters  of 
ftn  charge  d'affaires  in 
[  believe,  without  see- 
ill  of  imperial  French 
ras  of  royal  emigrants, 
I  in  1830  as  king,  re- 
r  to  their  own  country. 
)  following  spring  and 
bent  on  his  European 


voyngo.  His  argument  was,  that,  as  oldest  of  the  Emperor's 
fiiinity,  it  was  his  duty  to  afford  his  adherents  the  opportunity, 
wliioh  they  nearly  all  assured  him  was  good,  fur  restoring  the 
Bonaparto  authority.  Peter,  ono  of  the  sons  of  Lucion,  a 
wild,  handsome  youth,  sent  by  Joseph  to  serve  under  General 
Santandov,  in  South  America,  was  with  him  at  Point  Brcezo 
in  May,  1882.  On  the  5th  of  that  month,  Joseph  told  mo 
that,  although  he  considered  things  unpromising  for  the  Duko 
of  Rcichstadt,  yet  his  agent  in  Vienna  wrote  that  they  were 
favorable,  and  that  Prince  Metternich  desired  him  to  stay 
there.  On  the  7th  of  July,  1832,  Colonel  Collins  arrived 
from  Vienna,  and  by  his  accounts  determined  Joseph  to  go. 
Colonel  Collins  had  been  an  aid-de-comp  of  General  Excels- 
mans,  was  Flemish  born,  hod  a  brother  employed  in  the  Aus* 
trian  court,  and  assured  Joseph  that  things  were  ripe  for  the 
plans  by  which  Napoleon.  II.  was  to  be  enthroned  in  France. 
Colonel  CoUius  remained,  I  believe,  at  Point  Breeze  till  his 
departure  with  Joseph  for  England.  On  the  7th  of  July,  1832, 
I  met  him  there,  together  with  M.  Lacoste,  now  consul-general 
of  the  French  Republic  in  this  country,  who  was  &  frequent 
guest  and  constant  adherent  of  Joseph  Bonaparte.  On  the 
19th  of  July,  1832,  he  called  to  take  leave  of  me  *  Alarming 
accounts  were  in  the  public  journals  of  the  extreme  illness  and 
probable  ^eath  of  the  Duke  of  Reichstadt,  which  I  was  about 
mentioning  to  his  uncle ;  but,  perceiving  that  any  such  intima- 
tion would  prove  extremely  unwelcome,  as  every  thing  was 
fixed  for  his  sailing  Jiext  day,  I  checked  myself,  without  allu' 
sion  to  them.  He  was  in  excellent  spirits  and  health,  hopeful, 
though  not  sanguine,  of  a  prosperous  voyage.  Next  day,  the 
20th  of  July,  1832,  he  embarked  from  Philadelphia,  in  the 
ship  Alexander,  Captain  Brown,  witb  Colonel  Collius ;  Joseph's 
secretary,  Captain  Sari,  his  wife  and  three  children ;  M.  Louis 
Maillard,  Joseph's  most  confidential  attendant  during  many 
years,  now  his  testamentary  executor ;  Parrot,  the  cook  who 
came  with  Joseph  to  America ;  three  other  men-servants,  and 
one  female.  General  Thomas  Cadwalader,  going  to  Eui'ope 
for  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  concerning  the  five  per 
cent,  stocks,  as  mentioned  in  my  Chapter  12,  Vol.  ii.,  pagQ 


» 


MM 


400 


JOSEPn   IN   ENGLAND. 


,l--4 


^  1 


278,  went  fellow-pasBcnger  in  the  «nme  vessol.  On  tlio  10th 
of  August,  1882,  they  rcnchod  Liverpool ;  whore  the  pilot  who 
boarded  their  vessel  gave  Joseph  his  first  intelligence  of  the 
Duke  of  Reichstadt's  donth.  Encouraged,  by  the  enactment 
of  the  English  Reform  Bill,  to  believe  that  establishing  popu« 
lar  sovereignty  in  England  would  help  to  overthrow  divine 
right  royalty  in  France,  urged  by  several  of  his  own  family 
and  many  of  their  advocates,  and  considering  that  his  position 
and  his  duty  required  him  to  afford,  by  his  personal  presence, 
an  opportunity  to  the  imperialists  to  try  their  strength  with 
tbe  nation,  the  senior  male  member  of  the  Bonaparte  family 
ventured  to  place  himself  in  England,  at  hand  for  any  French 
movement.  His  mother's  extreme  old  age,  and  his  wife's  feeble 
health,  were  ostensible  motives  for  the  voyage,  tlis  mother's 
plain  gdod  sense  and  strong  affection  for  the  son  who,  after 
raising  hor  humble  family  to  the  pinnacle  of  grandeur,  had 
been  tortured  to  death  in  English  imprisonment,  revolted  at 
the  residence  of  any  of  her  children  in  England,  and  disap* 
proved  of  Joseph's  going  there ;  but  his  brothers,  Lncien  and 
Jerome,  both  needy  and  extravagant ;  his  brother  Louis's  son, 
Louis  Napoleon,  now  President  qf  the  French  Republic ;  Eu- 
gene BeatAarnois's  son,  the  Duke  of  Leuchtenburg ;  Joseph's 
younger  daughter,  Charlotte,  widow  of  Louis's  eldest  son,  and 
many  of  the  French,  discontented  with  Bourbon  government, 
visited  Joseph  in  England.  An  effort  was  made  there  to  unite 
th«  republican  with  the  imperial  party,  on  which  errand 
Messrs.  Bastide,  Ronen,  Thibodeaux,  and  Thomas,  all  repub- 
licans,  visited  Joseph,  and  held  long  confidential  fionsul- 
tations  with  him,  in  London.  Some  of  the  French  military 
men,  unable  to  go  there,  met,  by  appointment,  at  Ostend, 
Loius  Napoleon,  the  present  President  of  the  republic,  who 
reported,  on  his  return  to  his  uncle,  encouraging  accounts  fVom 
La  Fayette  and  Lafitte.  Lotiis  Napoleon,  young,  ardent,  and 
sanguine,  went  so  far  in  the  projected  fusion  of  the  imperial 
and  republican  parties  as  to  ask  in  marriage  one  of  La  Fay- 
ette's granddaughters.  But  the. attempted  union  of  parties 
failed,  as  Joseph  believed,  by  reason  of  Louis  Philippe's  suc- 
ceeding to  get  the  republicans  to  req,uire  conditions  to  which 


JOSEPH   IX   RXiiLAND. 


401 


ve88ol.     On  tlio  ICth 
;  whore  the  pilot  who 
rat  intelligence  of  the 
0(1,  by  the  enactment 
hat  establishing  popu- 
to  overthrow  divino 
ral  of  hiB  own  family 
ering  that  his  position 
iiis  personal  presence, 
ry  their  strength  with 
the  Bonaparte  family 
t  hand  for  any  French 
;e,  and  hia  wife's  feeble 
voyage,    tlis  mother's 
for  the  B(m  who,  after 
acle  of  grandeur,  had 
ffisonment,  revolted  at 
a  England,  and  disap- 
8  brothers,  Lucien  and 
bis  brother  Louis's  son, 
French  Republic ;  Eu- 
leuohtenburg ;  Joseph's 
Louis's  eldest  son,  and 
I  Bourbon  government, 
iras  made  there  to  unite 
urty,  on  which  errand 
ind  Thomas,  all  repub- 
ng  coi^dential  consul- 
of  the  French  military 
ppointment,  at  Ostend, 
at  of  the  republic,  who 
couraging  accounts  fVom 
eon,  young,  ardent,  and 
1  fusion  of  the  imperial 
aarriage  one  of  La  Fay- 
mpted  union  of  parties 
af  Louis  Philippe's  suc- 
|uire  conditions  to  which 


Joseph  would  not  subscribe.  Lucien  und  Jerome  were  not 
parties  to  that  projected  allinncc.  Louis's  son,  Louis  Napo- 
leon, ngrcod  with  Joseph  in  all  but  one  thing :  the  senior  was 
invariably  opposed  to  all  rash,  precipitate  movement ;  whereas 
the  young  man,  more  enterprising,  insisted  on  immediate 
action. 

On  thn  12th  of  October,  1882,  Joseph,  by  a  kind  letter, 
opened  a  correspondence  with  which  he  condescended  to  honor 
me,  "though  he  had  no  news  to  give,  always  waiting  for  answers 
to  demands,  to  enable  him  to  see  what  was  to  be  his  future,  of 
which  he  knew  no  more  than  the  first  day  of  his  arrivulT 
Still  he  wrote,  firmly  convinced  that  I  was  one  of  his  Ameri- 
can friends  who  most  regretted  the  fatal  tidings  which  met  his 
landing  at  Liverpool.  His  reception  by  the  population  at 
Liverpool  and  London,  and  that  which  he  received  from  all 
classes,  astonished  him,  and  very  agreeably.  Opinion  was 
quite  changed ;  and,  by  the  good  will  he  experienced,  he  might 
think  himself  in  the  United  States.  It  had  been  out  of  his 
power  to  visit  Italy,  notwithstanding  pressing  instances  of  his 
mother  and  his  wife,  both  very  ill  there.  All  that  had  been 
published  of  his  mother's  will  was  mere  invention,  for  what 
purpose  he  did  not  know.  He  knew  no  more  in  London  about 
peace  or  war  than  was  known  in  Philadelphia.  He  found  the 
public  mind  in  Europe  much  Americanised.  I  must  not  doubt 
l\ow  hap{>y  he  was  to  say  what  he  could  of  our  happy  country ; 
which  satisfied  a  sentiment  of  gratitude  by  performing  the  duty 
of  a  man  of  truth."  On  the  18th  of  January,  1888,  he  wrote 
that  he  "  hoped  to  so©  me  in  the  United  States  before  the  «lo«e 
of  that  year,  hoping  that  I  knew  him  well  enough  to  think 
that  nothing  but  a  sentiment  of  duty  would  detain  him  in  Eu- 
rope. He  was  not  yet  able  to  go  to  Italy.  His  youngest 
daughter  had  joined  him  in  London ;  and  in  the  spring  they 
would  see  about  it."  On  the  11th  of  February,  1833,  he  wrote 
that  "he  had  heard  With  great  pleasure  of  the  settlemjjDiloft]^  S^-.^th 
controversy  between  the  United  States  and  jparoITna;  desiring 
me,  if  I  saw  Mr.  Clay,  to  recall  him  to  that  gentleman's  recod-, 
lection,  by  w:hose  reception  at  Washington,  on  the  point  of  his 
departure,  he  had  been  mnoh  gratified.    Nothing  should  be 

Vol.111.— 26 


W-"'-^ 


402 


JOBIPH  8   LKTTBR8. 


.     M 


omitted  to  prosorve  the  union  of  tbo  Statoc,  which  aoinn  modi- 
fications of  the  tariff  ought  not  to  affect.  Union  could  not  lo 
purchased  at  too  high  a  price.  Its  iigury  would  give  free 
koupo  to  the  calumnious  outbreaks  of  the  puffers  of  the  doc- 
trines of  the  middle  ages.  Europe  is  far  from  being  at  case. 
Thu  principles  of  the  two  ages  are  at  issue.  The  majority  aru 
everywhere  agreed  to  march  with  the  age ;  organiiod  minorities 
aro  invested  with  all  the  influences  and  all  the  powers  conferred 
by  existing  politioal  organisations.  Great  riches  are  also  coa- 
lesced among  themselves  to  remafai  what  they  are,  and  even, 
Qod  helping,  to  become  what  they  were  in  the  good  M  times. 
The  issue  will  be  foiTorable  to  the  progreM  of  human  reason : 
but  it  is  possible  that  this  foreseen  suooeH  may  not  be  the 
impromptu  you  desire.  It  is  not  improbable  that  I  shall  be 
with  you  before  the  end  of  the  year.  The  misery  is  extreme 
here.  He  did  not  think  that  at  any  epoch  of  history  a  nation 
has  been  so  oppressed  with  the  weight  of  fiscal  duties,  ren- 
dering the  existence  of  every  bdividual  a  problem.  Parlia* 
ment  is  assembled,  and  much  expected  from  its  deliberations. 
But  you  get  the  English  papers,  and  know  as  much  as  I  do  of 
the  country." 

lie  continued  to  write  thence  throughout  188&,  '84,  and 
part  of  1885,  much  in  the,  same  way.  "  No  individual,"  be 
said,  "  was  of  any  avail ;  movements  must  be  the  acts  of  mul- 
titudes." Disappobted  in  expeetationa,  never  sanguine,  he 
looked  anxioosly  to  permanent  return  to  this  coantry.  In  a 
letter  of  the  8d  of  May,  1884,  he  wrote  — 

••  What  is  pawinf  in  Europe  jtMtiHes  the  spprehemiofM  you  had  three 
yean  hdc*.  England  k  the  only  shelter  flrom  tlie  Holy  Allianee;  and  not 
■p  good  as  America.  You  are  very  happy  tbtie.  Try  to  be  eoovlnced  «f 
it,  and  to  preserve  your,  happineaa" 

On  the  19tk  of  Jidy,  1884,  he  wrote  — 

"In  France  a  emel  and  sanguinary  despotiani  has  sapplanted  the  reign 
of  order  and  liberty,  with  which  good  people  flattered  theinaelves,  and  the 
rogues  who  raised  to  the  thrMe  the  son  of  Philip  Egallt^  They  have 
gathered  the  grain  they  planted.  The  nation  was  violated,  after  three  daya, 
by  cerUin  deputies,  either  sold  or  duped.  Itis  poor  constjatjoa  totytmnai 
oe  to  have  predicted  what  has  happened;  and  I  should  be  with  yen  as 


JOflKPU'S   LETTIRS. 


408 


et,  wkioh  Bomo  modi* 
Union  could  not  bo 
ury  would  give  free 
B  puffers  of  the  doo- 
•  from  being  at  case. 
e.     The  majority  are 
;  organised  minorities 
the  powers  conferred 
A  riches  are  also  coa- 
(  they  are,  and  oven, 
in  the  good  dd  times, 
jss  of  human  reason : 
3oess  may  not  be  the 
abable  that  I  shall  be 
l?he  misery  is  extreme 
ch  of  history  a  nation 
;  of  fisoal  duties,  ren- 
A  a  problem.    Parlia- 
from  its  deliberations. 
}W  as  much  as  I  do  of 

ghout  1888,  '84,  and 
"No  individual,"  be 
ist  be  the  acts  of  mul- 
a,  never  sanguine,  he 
0  this  country.    In  a 

B  — 

preheiwiofu  yoo  had  three 
the  H0I7  Alliance;  and  not 
I.    Try  to  be  ooBvinced  of 


D  has  nppknted  the  reign 
ittered  themaelvent  and  the 
•hilip  Egalit^.  They  have 
as  violatad,  after  diree  daya, 
poor  eooaolation  fcr  yoa  and 
d  I  ahould  be  with  yeu  as 


I  a«  !hii  l)'fter,  if  not  doUined  by  dutiM  purely  dotneatic,  and  the  abao* 
Into  will  uf  tiiy  inDther  and  wife,  whom  I  have  proniiaed  to  wait  h«r«  atill 
aiiotiK  -  year,  in  the  hop*  that,  botwoon  now  and  then,  there  will  be  a  mo- 
ment ut'  li(^ht  in  politica,  to  allow  me  to  (;o  and  aay  a  laat  fkrewell  to  an 
octogetwria;i  mother  And  a  aick  wife,  both  women  of  the  moat  angelio  virtue 
and  Kublimo  roiiolulion.  1  am  more  than  evtr  diaguated  with  Europe,  and 
it'  I  conid  hope  to  anatch  iVom  it  my  mother  and  Wife,  without  fearing  to  loae 
them  both  on  (ho  way,  you  would  not  be  deUyed  in  aeeing  ua  all  on  your 
happy  ahorea.  But,  apprehending  the  fkte  of  the  Trojan,  I  give  one  more 
year  to  filial  piety  and  conjugal  love.  Politica  have  nothing  to  do  with  the 
prolongation  of  my  atay  in  Europe.  I  beKove  that  time  haa  accompltahod, 
and  that  the  time  haa  already  come,  which  we  predicted  three  ycara  ago, 
when  thoM  who  made  1680  are  themaelvea  unable  aafbly  to  conduct  the 
bark  for  thoae  who  will  take  charge  of  it  after  them.  See  what  haa  bofkllen 
your  hera  Nothing  good,  in  the  end,  came  of  a  bad  principle.  The 
uaurpation  of  national  power  by  eerUin  individnala,  whatever  may  be  their 
good  qualitiea,  cannot  have  the  aaaent  of  the  popular  maaaea.  Fever  ia  in 
their  blood;  who  ia  the  man  of  force  to  appeaae  it  and  reatrain  them? 
America  oflbra  a  better  deatiny.  I  aend  you  a  work  leaa  irrational  than  ao 
many  others  with  which  the  factiona  inundate  the  public  on  Napoleon,  to 
which  I  have  added  aome  marginal  notea." 

^hat  book  and  letter  were  brought  to  me  from  England  by 
the  Count  of  Survilliers'  cook,  before  married  in  this  country, 
and  anxious  to  return  to  it,  being  succeeded  in  England  by 
Chandeleur,  the  Emperor's  cook  at  St.  Helena.  In  a  letter  of 
the  27th  of  August,  1884,  ho  wrote  — 

•'The  miafbrtune  in,  that  you  and  I  were  right  fbor  yean  ago.  Would 
to  God  we  had  been  miafaken,  and  that  the  three  days'  revolution,  ending 
by  a  great  political  crime,  the  uaurpation,  by  a  ibw  individuals,  of  the 
popular  power,  raising  to  the  throne  an  individual  not  voted  by  the  people, 
had  not  borne  ita  fruits.  But  injoatice  produces  only  injustice  and  public 
miafortane.  Try  to  live  quietly,  in  order  to  eaeape  the  grave  which  encloses 
Europe,  and  from  which  no  one  ia  able  to  emerge.  Or  rather  preaerve, 
where  you  are,  that  spirit  of  equality,  which  is  individual  jnatiee,  which  I 
will  come  to  enjoy,  and  we  will  make  vows  that  Europe  may  enjoy  too, 
when  tired  of  the  system  of  deception,  of  venality,  of  aordid  interest,  of 
envenomed  hatreds  among  all  classes  of  society,  who  are  tl«emaelves 
kbored  by  the  demon  of  avarice  to  such  a  degree  diat,  in  order  to  reach 
wealth,  they  will  have  only  large  budgets,  of  which  the  proceeds  arc  dis- 
puted at  the  expense  of  the  people,  kept  under  by  the  billion  of  soldiers  that 
cover  Europe." 

On  the  18th  of  October,  1885,  he  returned  to  Philadelphia 
in  the  ship  Monongahela,  Captain  Brown,  after  three  years' 


■Ri 


,jjif. 


404 


JOSEPH'S  RETURN  TO  AMERICA. 


»;« 


"^.|i 


IP 


residence  in  England,  where  the  social  tone,  the  climate,  the 
facilities  for  personal  intercourse  with  his  brothers  and  other 
members  of  his  family,  all  pleased  him.     But  the  expense  of 
living  as  he  deemed  it  proper,  was  very  great  —  one  year,  I 
believe,  as  much  as  a  hundred  thousand  dollars.     Still  he  was 
gratified  on  the  whole  ;  and,  on  the  Slst  of  December,  1835, 
told  me  that  actual  practical  comparison  between  England  and 
America  had  changed  some  of  his  opinions  in  fp,vor  of  that 
country  against  this.     In  April,  1836,  he  told  me  that  Lucien^ 
in  and  from  England,  urged  Joseph  to  establish  himself  in 
England,  in  order  to  be  at  hand  for  any  favorable  opportunity. 
Lucien  was  poor  and  expensive,  and,  I  believe,  found  Joseph 
accommodating  for  his  wants.     He  asked  me  what  I  thought 
of  his  returning  to  Europe,  where  his  visit,  he  said,  had  been 
very  expensive,  as  he  had  to  live  beyond  his  means,  among  the 
very  opulent,  whose  style  of  living  was  very  ostentatious. 
The  death  of  his  mother,  however,  added  a  hundred  thousand 
dollars  to  his  funds  (he  told  me,  sometime  afterwards,  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  thousand).    The  impression  had  been,  he  said, 
that  he  was  an  inferior  man,  and  he  believed  that  personal 
intercourse  with  him  in  Europe  had  tended,  and  would  still 
further  tend  to  remove  that  impression;    As  his  hopes  were  in 
popular  elevation,  he  relied  mu^  on  O'Connell  and  reform. 
With  all  those  impressions,  and  additional  means  of  living  at 
least  another  year  in  England,  he  suddenly  made  up  hia  mind 
to  go  there  again.    On  the  28th  of  June,  1836,  he  wrote  to 
me  from  New  York,  that  he  was  there  to  embark  on  the  first 
of  July,  as  he  did  in  the  ship  Philadelphia,  Captain  Morgan, 
for  London ;  whence  he  wrote  to  me,  oh  the  16th  of  August, 
1836,  that  he  was  not  then  allowed  to  go  to  Italy,  but  in  per- 
fect health,  and  begged  me  to  believe  he  stated  nothing  but 
the  truth,  when  declaring  that  he  hoped  to  see  me  one  day  on 
the  banks  of  the  Delaware.     Next  spring,  on  the  27th  of 
April,  1837,  he  wrote,  complaining  of  the  detestable  climate, 
where  the  sun  was  seldom  visible ;  all  his  household  had  had 
the  influenza,  and  had  found  the  first  three  years  of  his 
London  residence  much  more  agreeable  in  temperature  than 
the  lA8t> 


.^rft,.  u^^S^ 


IRICA. 

one,  the  climate,  the 
is  brothers  and  other 

But  the  expense  of 
great  —  one  year,  I 
loUars.  Still  he  was 
;  of  December,  1835, 
between  England  and 
ions  in  fjivor  of  that 
I  told  me  that  Lucicn^ 

establish  himself  in 
'avorable  opportunity, 
believe,  found  Joseph 
id  me  what  I  thought 
isit,  he  said,  had  been 
his  means,  among  the 
as  very  ostentatious, 
id  a  hundred  thousand 
5  afterwards,  one  hun- 
on  had  been,  he  said, 
lelieved  that  personal 
ended,  and  would  still 

As  his  hopes  were  in 
)'Connell  and  reform, 
lal  means  of  livicig  at 
nly  made  up  his  mind 
me,  1836,  he  wrote  to 
to  embark  on  the  first 
phia,  Captain  Morgan, 
a  the  16th  of  August, 
50  to  Italy,  but  in  per- 
he  stated  ^othing  but 
I  to  see  me  one  day  on 
ring,  on  the  27th  of 
;he  detestable  climate, 
his  household  had  had 
st  three  years  of  his 
e  in  temperature  than 


JOSEPH  IN  AMERICA. 


405 


His  nephew's  attempt  at  Strasbourg,  in  October,  1836,  to 
overthrow  the  government  of  King  Louis  Philippe,  was  made 
not  only  without  Joseph's  knowledge,  but  extremely  against 
his  Settled  and  pronounced  judgment  of  what  was  best.  He 
was  inflexibly  opposed  to  all  conspiracy,  insurrection,  and  vio- 
lence of  any  sort;  firmly  convinced  that  all  any  Bonaparte 
could  or  should  do  was  to  follow  spontaneous  popular  move- 
ments, not  lead  or  force  them.  I  have  understood  (but  not 
from  Joseph,  whom  I  never  heard  mention  the  subject)  that 
the  Strasbourg  revolt  was  better  planned,  more  formidable, 
and  more  likely  to  succeed  than  its  immediate  and  apparently 
easy  defeat  indicated.  Louis  Napoleon,  arrested,  tried,  con- 
demned, pardoned,  banished,  and  transported  to  South  Ame- 
rica, came  to  the  United  States,  spent  a  month  or  two  in  New 
York,  and  hastened  to  Switzerland,  where  his  mother  was 
very  ill. 

On  the  80th  of  September,  1838,  Joseph  landed,  from  Eng- 
land, in  America,  with  M.  Thiebaut,  as  secretary,  in  place  of 
Captain  Sari,  and  M.  Thiebaut's  daughter,  instead  of  Madame 
Sari,  as  the  lady  of  his  household.  In  April,  1839,  his  family 
was  distressed  by  tidings  of  the  death  of  his  daughter  Char- 
lotte, widow  of  Napoleon  Louis,  eldest  son  of  Louis  Bonaparte, 
who  died  in  1830.  By  the  will  of  his  uncle.  Cardinal  Fesoh, 
dated  the  4th  of  January,  1839,  and  who  died  in  that  year, 
a  large  collection  of  paintings  at  Rome,  valued  at  much  more 
than  they  sold  for,  were  bequeathed  to  Joseph.  Thus  induced, 
and  by  accession  of  means  enabled  to  return  to  England  again, 
on  the  25th  of  October,  1839,  he  called  to  tell  me  that  he  was 
to  embark  at  New  York  the  first  of  November.  I  spent  the 
evening  with  him,  at  his  town  residence,  in  Girard  Row,  Chest- 
nut street,  Philadelphia,  During  his  last  visit  to  this  country, 
hid  health,  though  still  good,  was  not  so  invariable  as  it  had 
been,  and  he  wished  to  be  i»  town  during  winter,  near  Dr. 
Chapman.  With  the  feverish  feelings,  hopes,  and  fears  kept 
up  by  visits  to  Europe,  dreams  of  restoration  to  France,  perhaps 
to  high  station  there,  the  quieS  residence  on  the  banks  of  the 
Delaware  lost  part  of  its  philosophical  attractions,  and  Joseph's 
calm  mind  underwent  great  changes  of  views.   After  his  return 


imm 


it 


406 


J08BPH  IN  AMERICA. 


from  England,  in  September,  1838,  he  told  me,  in  a  long  dis- 
cursive confidential  talk,  at  his  town  residence,  Christmas  of 
that  year,  that   he  had  no  hopes.      The  powers  of  Europe, 
he  said,  were  all  against  the  Bonapartes,  who  had  nothing  left 
for  them  but  the  chapter  of  accidents.     They  were  as  much, 
he  thought,  opposed  to  the  Bourbons.    Eugene  Beauharriois 
bad  some  chance,  because  Russia  and  Austria  might  support 
him ;  and  all  European  monarchies  were  opposed  to  a  French 
republic.    In  order  to  get  up  some  provisional  or  republican 
movement,  Ms  nephew,  Louis  Napoleon,  had  proposed  to  marry 
a  Lasteyrie,  granddaughter  of  La  Fayette,  afad  so  umte  with 
him.     Talleyrand,  Joseph  said,  used  to  represent  La  Fayette 
to  the  Emperor  as  a  knave,  false  and  hypocritical,  pretendmg 
to  simplicity;  and  Talleyrand  always  strove,  from  his  per- 
Bonal  American  experience,  to  prejudice  the  Emperor  against 
thia  country.    In  that  conversation,  Joseph  mentioned  the  de- 
sign  to  marry  his  eldest  daughter  (Charles  Bon^iparte's  wife) 
to  the  Emperor  of  Austria;  for  which,  he  said,  she  was  edu- 
cated, one  of  the  emperor's  four  wives  having  beeii  sister  of 
the  wife  of  Eugene  Beauharnois.    Between  that  conversation, 
in  December,  1838,  and  his  sudden  return  to  England,  in  No- 
vember, 1839,  Joseph's  mind  seemed  to  bo  quite  changed  from 
despondency  to  confidence.     On  thq  25th  of  October,  1839, 
when  he  called  to  take  leave  of  me  and  announce  his  departure 
from  New  York  the  first  of  November,  he  was  in  good  hopes 
and  spirits.    Captain  Morgan,  of  the  packet-ship  Phitedelphia, 
with  his  family,  had  paid  a  visit -to  Point  Breeze,  and  assured 
Joseph  of  a  short,  pleasant  passage  from  New  York  to  Liver- 
pool, which  encouraged  his  going  when  he  did,  sooner  than 
before  intended.    Although  by  Cardinal  Fesch'a  will  nearly 
a^  his  property,  and  the  testamentary  disposition  of  it,  were 
bequeathed  to  Joseph,  yet  there, were  small  legacies  to  other 
members  of  his  family,  i»ho  were  extremely  urgent  that  he 
should  be  in  Europe  to  expedite  their  interests.    That  business 
and  his  wife's  ibfirm  health  were  ostensible  motives  for  his  de- 
parture from  New  York,  in  the  ship  Phikdelphia,  Captain 
Morgan,  the  first  of  November,  1839,  who  landed  him  in  Eng- 
land, after  a  short  passage.    Hiring  a  pleasant  house,  in  Re- 


JOSEPH   IN  ENGL.*1!TD. 


407 


told  me,  in  a  long  dis- 
isidenoe,  Chriatmas  of 
Che  powers  of  Europe, 
,  who  had  nothing  left 
They  were  as  much, 
Eugene  Beauharriois 
Austria  might  support 
■e  opposed  to  a  French 
ovisional  or  republican 
had  proposed  to  marry 
itte,  ahd  so  unite  with 
)  represent  La  Fayette 
lypocritioal,  pretending 
strove,  from  his  per- 
ue  the  Emperor  against 
seph  mentioned  the  de- 
larles  Bon^iparte's  wife) 
,  he  said,  rfie  was  edu- 
is  having  been  sister  of 
ween  that  conversation, 
turn  to  England,  in  No- 
>  bo  quite  changed  from 
25th  of  October,  1889, 
I  announce  his  departure 
r,  he  was  in  good  hopes 
)acket-ship  Philadelphia, 
>int  Breeze,  and  assured 
■om  New  York  to  Liver- 
len  he  did,  sooner  than 
inal  Fesch'a  will  nearly 
y  disposition  of  it,  were 
)  small  legacies  to  other 
itremely  urgent  that  he 
interesta.    That  business 
isible  motives  for  his  de- 
p  Philadelphia,  Captain 
who  landed  him  in  Eng- 
B  pleasant  house,  in  Re- 


gent's Park,  London,  he  passed  the  winter  there,  seeing  his 
nephew,  Louis  Napoleon,  constantly,  and  inclined  to  believe 
that   their  authorized  restoration    to  France  was   at  hand. 
French  and  English  public  journals  coincided  in  predicting 
important  events  soon  to  take  place  in  France,  where  M. 
Thiers  was  bringing  Louis  Philippe's  administration  nearer 
than  it  ever  had  been  to  Bonapartist  and  anti-Englisb.  senti- 
ments.   Joseph  was  led  to  consider  his  return  to  Europe  ne- 
cessary and  beneficial  to  his  family  and  their  cause.    His  recep- 
tion in  England,  by  all  classes,  was  flattering;  government 
gave  orders,  sttch  as  are  awarded  only  for  princes  and  foreign 
ministers,  that  his  effects  should  pass  the  (ustom-housea  with- 
out examination;   his  health  was  excellent,  and  his  hopes 
higher  than  they  ever  had  been.    A  letter  from  a  member  of 
his  household  to  me,  dated  June  1st,  1840,  predicted  great 
results,  if  not  a  new  order  of  things,  from  the  resolution  of 
the  French  Chamber  of  Deputies  to  transport  the  Emperor's 
remains  from  St.  Helena,  with  great  funeral  pomp,  to  Paris. 
"  M.  Thiers  h^s  Oi>ened  the  barrier.    Will  he  be  able  to  turn 
it  to  Louis  Philippe'd  advantage  ?    All  the  world  is  occupied 
with  the  reparatory  ceremony.    All  the  young  and  generous 
want  to  go  to  St.  Helena.     The  affai*  must  bring  about  great 
changes.    If  the  ministry  expect  to  do  things  by  halves  and 
only  popularize  Louis  Philippe,  they  may  mistake;  for  the 
masses  in  France  clearly  pronounce  themselvies  in  favor  of  the 
great  man  and  his  family." 

Just  then,  and  foir  nearly  the  last  time,  Joseph  Bonaparte 
appeared  before  the  world  to  vindicate  his  brother's  rights 
concerning  the  Emperor's  sword,  which  King  Louis  Philippe 
took  from  its  depository,  General  Bertrand,  by  unworthy  royal 
coercion,  placing  Bertrand  in  a  very  false  position.  When  he 
visited  this  country,  in  1844,  where  he  waa  welcomed  and  fSted 
with  universal  respect  and  admiration,  as  the  most  faithful  of 
the  followers  of  the  fallen  Emperor,  General  Bertrand  appeared 
to  be  a  mild,  modest  old  gentleman,  little  like  the  warrior  who 
followed  Napoleon  over  so  many  bloody  fields.  Whether  gen- 
tleness of  spirit,  or  the  almost  universal  proneness  of  men  to 
obsequiousfaess  to  monarchs,  induced  Bertrand  to  surrender 


^  t 


408 


NAPOLEON  S   SWORD. 


1-5 


Napoleon's  sword  to  a  Bourbon  who,  in  Spain,  asked  leave  to 
draw  his  own  against  him,  und  was  the  most  jealous  and  un- 
compromising of  the  three  Bourbon  kings,  to  keep  the  Bona- 
parte family  out  of  France,  certain  it  is  that  the  Emperor's 
glorious  weapon  was  given  up  by  Bertrand  to  Louis  Philippe 
with  unmanly  subservience,  when  the  grand-marshal  of  his 
palace  should  and  might  have  much  enhanced  his  high  histo- 
rical character  for  fidelity  and  constancy,  by  preferring  his  old 
master's  sword  to  his  new  master's  favor. 

By  Napoleon's  will,  his  arms  were  left  to  his  son,  to  be  de- 
livered to  him  at  sixteen  years  of  age ;  which  bequest  his  grand- 
father, the  Emperor  of  Austria,  took  care  should  not  be  fulfilled 
at  that  or  any  other  period  of  young  Napoleon's  life,  whose 
death,  at  twenty-two  years  of  age,  devolved  the  arms  upon  the 
other  members  of  his  father's  family.     By  the  will,  Bertrand 
was  charged  to  take  care  of  and  keep  "  the  sword  which  I  wore 
at  Austerlitz,"  together  with  several  other  articles  mentioned 
in  the  same  clause  with  it,  "and  to  deliver  them  to  my  son, 
when  ho  shall  be  sixteen  years  old."     Bertrand  put  the  sword 
away  in  a  place  of  safe  concealment,  and  kept  it  eighteen 
years  or  more,  without  endeavoring  to  deliver  it,  as  young 
Napoleon  was  always  under  strict  Austrian  tutelage ;  nor  was 
it  till  1831  that  the  fugitive  Marmont  was  allowed  by  the  Aus- 
trian grandfather,  and  his  mentor,  Metternich,  to  let  the  once 
King  of  Rome  know  who  his  father  was,  or  open  the  son's 
mind  to  that  father's  marvellous  life,  death,  and  history.     By 
that  time,  the  Empress  Maria  Louisa  had  become  the  mother 
of  several  illegitimate  children;  a  di^ughter,  who  married  the 
son  of  Count  San  Viteli,  her  chamberlain  of  Parma ;  a  son, 
called  Count  Montenuovo,  commissioned  in  an  Austrian  regi- 
ment; s^ni  a  second  daughter,  who  died  a  child.     It  is  not 
certain  whether  that  degraded  princess  waited  her  husband 
Napoleon's  death  before  she  suffered  an  Austrian  officer,  born 
in  France,  named  Niepperg,  whom  she  finally  married,  to  be-, 
come  the  father  of  those  children.     It  is  said  that  her  dis- 
gusting sensuality  sought  gratification,  at  last,  with  her  stable^ 
boy.     That  unworthy  relict  claimed  Napoleon's  arms,  and 
other  things,  on  the  death  of  their  aon.    Joseph,  in  Londop, 


itJt  W£4aiM>^ .  *•»' 


NAPOLEON  S  SWORD. 


409 


Spain,  asked  leave  to 
most  jealuua  aud  un- 
igs,  to  keep  the  Bona- 
ig  that  tbo  Emperor's 
rand  to  Louis  Philippe 
grand-marshal  of  his 
hanced  his  high  histo- 
r,  by  preferring  his  old 

*t  to  his  son,  to  be  de- 
hich  bequest  his  grand- 
e  should  not  be  fulfilled 
Napoleon's  life,  whose 
ved  the  arms  upon  the 

By  the  will,  Bertrand 
the  sword  which  I  wore 
her  articles  mentioned 
liver  them  to  my  son, 
iertrand  put  the  sword 

and  kept  it  eighteen 
)  deliver  it,  as  young 
■ian  tutelage ;  nor  was 
'as  allowed  by  the  Aus- 
ternich,  to  let  the  once 
vas,  or  open  the  son's 
eath,  and  history.  By 
ad  become  the  mother 
ghter,  who  married  the 
lain  of  Parma;  a  son, 
d  in  an  Austrian  regi- 
ied  a  child.  It  is  not 
ss  waited  her  husband 
a  Austrian  officer,  born 

finally  married,  to  be-< 
'.i  is  said  that  her  dis- 
at  last,  with  her  stable* 
Napoleon's  arms,  and 
a.     Joseph,  in  Londop, 


in  1832,  hearing  of  that  profanation,  immediately  took  the 
legal  opinion  of  Odilon  Barrot,  which  resumed  an  elaborate 
view  of  the  whole  subject  by  the  conclusion  that,  by  the  civil 
law,  the  arms,  &c.,  devolved  on  the  paternal  family  of  Napo- 
leon's son;  by  the  political  law,  they  are  the  property  of 
France,  and  should  be  delivered  to  the  French  government ; 
by  which  delivery,  Napoleon's  trustees  would  satisfy,  at  the 
same  time,  the  principles  of  right,  the  presumed  will  of  the 
testator,  and  the  honor  of  France.  Eighteen  more  of  the 
eminent  lawyers  of  France,  among  them  Philip  Dupin  and 
Cremieux,  who  drew  Joseph  Bonaparte's  will,  confirmed  Bar- 
rot's  opinion.  On  the  28th  of  August,  1833,  from  London, 
Joseph  wrote  to  those  legal  advisers,  that,  pursuant  to  their 
opinion,  Napoleon's  arms  should  be,  without  any  intervention, 
appended  by  General  Bertrand  to  the  national  column,  and 
confided  to  the  charge  of  the  people  of  Paris.  The  French 
government,  under  Louis  Philippe,  endeavored'  to  possess 
itself  of  those  effects  of  Napoleon.  But  Joseph's  letter,  with 
natural  feelings  of  both  affection  and  aversion,  declared  that 
he  who  received  them  from  Napoleon's  hands,  with  his  last 
sigh,  would  not  betray  his  vow  by  confiding  them  to  enemies' 
hands,  of  whatever  country  they  might  be.  After  Bertrand's 
return  from  America  to  France,  when  King  Louis  Philippe  was 
prevailed  upon,  by  his  minister,  Thiers,  to  ask  England  to 
allow  Napoleon's  remains  to  be  transported  from  their  burial- 
place  in  St.  Helena  to  France,  for  that  purpose  the  king's 
naval  son,  the  Prince  of  Joinville,  was  sent  with  a  frigate,  and 
General  Bertrand  accompanied  him,  to  fetch  the  remains. 
Before  going,  Bertrand,  being  pressed  by  the  government  to 
deliver  the  Emperor's  sword  to  the  king,  published  that,  to  his 
inquiry  of  Napoleon  what  Bertrand  shoidd  do  with  the  arms 
bequeathed,  in  case  of  the  son's  premature  death  preventing 
their  delivery  to  him,  the  Emperor  said,  "  Then  you  will  keep 
them;  you  may  as  well  have  them  as  another."  As  soon  as 
this  tardy  revelation  wag  thus  published,  Joseph  opened  a  cor- 
respondence with  Bertrand,  who  finally  wrote  that  he  had  no 
right  to  the  arms,  and  would  deposit  them,  as  Joseph  pre- 
scribed, at  the  Hotel  of  Invalides.     On  the  9th  of  May,  1840, 


i 


410 


napoleon's  sword. 


i!0 


Bertrand,  from  Paris,  wrote  to  Joseph,  in  London,  that  "  the 
Emperor's  last  wish  had  become  that  of  all  France,  which  ho 
considered  it  his  duty  to  accomplish.     Even  though  the  result 
should  not  be  as  favorable  as  we  must  desire,  the  arms  of  Na- 
poleon shall  be  delivered  to  the  government  of  the  Invalides, 
and  you  will  recognise,  in  what  remains  for  me  to  do,  all  my 
desire  to  be  agreeable."    Misled  by  the  equivocal  terms  of  that 
"  promise,  Joseph,  on  the  20th  of  May,  1840,  wrote  from  Lon- 
don to  Marshal  Moncey,  then  governor  of  the  Invalides,  that 
the  Emperor's  sword  would  be  taken  by  his  grand-marshal, 
whom  Joseph  had  charged  to  deliver  it  to  Moncey,  as  governor 
of  the  Invalides,  where  his  ashes  were  about  to  be  deposited. 
But,  on  the  4th  of  June,  1840,  the  sword  was  handed,  at  a 
public  presentation,  by  Bertrand  to  the  king,  previous  to  Ber- 
trand's  departure  for  St.  Helena,  to  fetch  the  ashes.     "I 
depose,"  said  he  to  the  king,  "in  your  majesty's  hand*,  these 
glorious  arihs,  which  I  have  been  so  long  obliged  to  hide,  and 
which  I  hope  soon  to  place  on  the  coffin  of  the  great  captain, 
at  the  illustrious  tomb  destined  to  fix  the  regards  of  the  uni- 
verse."    The  king  acknowledged  the  deposit,  but  refused  to 
accept  it  from  the  Emperor's  family,  resisting,  as  Bertand 
wrote  to  Joseph,  his  most  pressing  instances  for  that  purpose. 
Bertrand,  confessing  to  Joseph  his  pain  at  being  thus  over- 
ruled, i^evertheless  sufferod  the  king  to  keep  the  sword  in  his 
palace,  till  the  general's  return  from  St.  Helena  with  the  Em- 
peror's remains.      On  the  6th  of  June,  1840,  Joseph,  from 
London,  replied  to  Bertrand's  letters  with  dignity  and  pro- 
priety, protesting  against  his  subserviency.     The  Emperor's 
nephew,  Louis  Napoleon,  also,'  and  with  more  pungency  than 
Joseph,  published  his  protest,  in  the  newspapws,  against  be- 
traying the  trust  "by  surrendering  to  one  of  the  lucky  byWo' 
terloo,  the  sword  of  the  conquered  there." 

The  treaty  of  Fontainebleau,  of  the  11th  of  April,  1814, 
was  broke  in  all  its  stipulations  by  the  Bourbon  government, 
to  the  wrong  of  the  Bonapartes.  Refusing  to  pay  them  the 
sums  it  stipulated  for  their  support,  those  royal  faith-breakers, 
insolently  apt  to  1  ;!''  themselves  above  contracts,  provoked  and 
justified  Napokc.a'3  return  from  Elba  to  France,  not  only  by 


>■■'.'.   .'^%i,!»^S}i 


IRD. 

,  in  London,  that  "  the 
r  all  France,  which  he 
Sven  though  the  result 
esire,  the  arms  of  Na- 
ment  of  the  Invalides, 
}  for  me  to  do,  all  my 
equivocal  terms  of  that 
L 840,  wrote  from  Lon- 
'  of  the  Invalides,  that 
by  his  grand-marshal, 
to  Moncey,  as  governor 

about  to  be  deposited, 
rord  was  handed,  at  a 
I  king,  previous  to  Ber- 

fetch  the  ashes.     "I 

majesty's  handd,  these 
ng  obliged  to  hide,  and 
n  of  the  great  captain, 
;he  regards  of  the  uni- 
deposit,  but  refused  to 

resisting,  as  Bertand 
ranees  for  that  purpose, 
in  at  being  thus  over- 
)  beep  the  sword  in  bis 
t.  Helena  with  the  Em- 
ae,  1840,  Joseph,  from 

with  dignity  and  pro- 
iency.  The  Emperor's 
;h  more  pungency  than 
lewspapws,  against  be- 
ane  of  the  lucky  by  Wa- 
•e." 

e  11th  of  April,  1814, 
e  Bourbon  government, 
fusing  to  pay  them  the 
)6e  royal  faith-breakef s, 
contracts,  provoked  and 

to  France,  n<rt;  only  by 


JOSEPH'S   DONATIO». 


411 


withholding  the  means  stipulated  for  his  support,  but  by  con- 
trivances to  get  rid  of  him,  either  by  assassination  or  trans- 
portation to  the  distant  and  baleful  rock,  where,  under  color 
of  imprisonment,  his  lingering  dissolution  was  perpetrated. 
Bertrand's  surrender  of  the  sword  which,  at  Austerlitz,  dazzled 
and  confounded  the  brilliant  autocrat  of  Russia,  terrified  and 
vanquished  the  mighty  Emperor  of  Germany,  and  struck  the 
greatest  of  British  premier's  death-blow,  was  one  of  the  innu- 
merable proofs  that  the  brave-ennobled  creatures  of  Napoleon's 
Empire  were  almost  all  no  better  than  followers  of  his  fortune, 
constant  to  that  only,  faithless  to  him,  to  themselves,  to  honor, 
and  truth.  What  a  contrast  Macdonald's  even  relative  fideUty 
is  to  the  despicable  time-serving  of  nearly  all  the  rest! 

The  last  of  the  vexations  and  mortifications  Joseph  under- 
went in  England  preceded  so  shortly  his  prostration  there  by 
palsy,  in  June,  1840,  that  it  was  supposed  to  have  partly  caused 
that  misfortune.     At  Rochefort,  in  July,  1815,  when  about  to 
embark  for  America,  Napoleon  made  a  sort  of  testamentary 
disposition  of  certain  bonds  or  exchequer  bills,  payable  to  order, 
secured  on  the  national  forests  of  France,  amounting  to  six 
millions  of  francs,  which  he  told  Joseph,  if  it  so  happenerl  that 
they  never  met  again,  to  use  as  he  might  deem  that  Napoleon 
would  desire.     On  the  8d  of  May,  1815,  the  Emperor  was 
about  reimbursing  himself  and  his  family  twelve  miHions  six 
hundred  thousand  francs,  arrears  of  their  pension,  stipulated 
by  the  treaty  of  Fontainebleau,  which  the  Bourbon  govern- 
ment, in  violation  of  that  treaty,  had  not  paid.     The  Emperor 
would  have  ordered  payment  in  coin,  but  that  Carnot,  his 
Secretary  of  War,  complained  of  the  scarcity  of  cash  to  pay 
the  recruits  every  day  marching  to  the  army,  and  Joseph  sug- 
gested that  in  similar  straits,  in  Spain,  he  had  issued  paper- 
obligations,  payable  for  public  dues  at  the  treasury.    Instead 
of  taking  payment  in  gold,  the  Emperor  therefore  caused 
bonds  or  exchequer  bills,  payable  to  bearer,  to  be  issued,  se- 
cured on  the  national  forests.     One  of  Louis  XVIII. 's  unge- 
nerous acts  of  wanton  and  spiteful  jaower,  within  four  days 
after  the  battle  ht  Waterloo,  was  to  annul  those  exchequer 
bills  or  bonds.    The  whole  twelve  millions  six  hundred  thou- 


\V\ 


412 


J08EPU  S  DONATION. 


II 


;^ 


sand  francs,  appropriated  to  pay  the  Bonaparte  family  the 
pensions  due  to  them  by  the  treaty  of  Fontaincbleau,  were 
declared  void.  In  1840,  Marshal  Clausel,  as  chairman  of  a 
committee,  reported  to  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  a  resolution 
appropriating  one  million  of  francs,  to  pay  the  charges  of 
convoying  Napoleon's  remains  from  St.  Helena  to  France; 
when  a  motion,  by  another  member,  proposing  to  add  another 
million,  being  rejected  by  vote  of  the  chamber,  Joseph,  on 
the  26th  of  May,  1840,  wrote  from  London  to  Marshal 
Clausel,  offering  to  subscribe  the  additional  million,  but 
payable  out  of  the  annulled  six  millions  of  exchequer  bills, 
which  had  been  buried  in  a  strong  box,  by  M.  Clary, 
Joseph's  brother-in-law,  and  restored  to  him  when  he  first 
visited  London,  in  1882.  Two  millions  of  the  six  Joseph 
there  let  his  brother  Jerome  have;  two  more  he  proposed, 
in  1840,  to  give,  of  which  one  million  was  to  pay  for  trans- 
porting the  Emperor's  remains,  and  another  million  to  be  dis> 
tributed  among  the  survivors  of  the  Emperor's  old  guard.  But 
the  whole  twelve  millions  six  hundred  thousand  francs  issued 
by  the  Emperor  in  exchequer  bills,  of  which  the  six  millions 
were  a  part,  having  been  annulled,  Joseph's  gift  of  the  two 
millions  was  therefore  not  only  repudiated  by  the  French  go- 
vernment as  worthless,  but  charged  as  a  cunning  contrivance 
to  realize  an  extinguished  and  unfounded  claim.  The  public 
journals,  and,  what  was  most  annoying  to  Joseph,  among  them 
the  republican,  contradicted  and  censured  his  attempt,  as  they 
said,  not  only  to  bestow  what  he  had  not,  bat  to  keep  for  him- 
self the  balance  of  two  millions,  which  would  remain  and  be  his 
property,  if  allowed  to  dispose  of  the  other  two  millions  which 
he  affected  to  give  away.  Accused  of  an  unworthy  attempt  to 
realize  what  had  no  value,  &nd  make  a  shoir  of  patriotic  muni- 
ficence by  a  fictitious,  if  not  fraudulent,  donation,  that  was,  I 
believe,  the  first  time  when  Joseph  was  ever  charged  with  the 
duplicity  often  imputed  to  Napoleon  as  one  of  his  Italian  charac- 
teristics. Joseph's  reputation  had  been  that  of  an  honest,  but 
weak  and  subservient  man.  In-  this  affair,  the  double  dealing, 
in  which  Napoleon's  enemies  said  he  dealt,  -was  published  as 
also  part  of  Joseph's  character.    Instead  of  any  credit  for  the 


JOBEI'll'S  ILT.XESS. 


418 


Jonapnrte  family  the 
'  Fontainebleau,  were 
kel,  as  chairman  of  a 
Deputies  a  resolution 

pay  the  charges  of 
.  Helena  to  France; 
posing  to  add  another 

chamber,  Joseph,  on 

London  to  Marshal 
Iditional  million,  but 
IS  of  exchequer  bills, 

box,  by  M.  Cbry, 
to  him  vhen  he  first 
QS  of  the  six  Joseph 
JO  more  ho  proposed, 
was  to  pay  for  trans- 
)ther  million  to  be  dis- 
teror's  old  guard.  But 
thousand  francs  issued 

which  the  six  millions 
ieph's  gift  of  the  two 
ited  by  the  French  go- 

a  cunning  contrivance 
led  claim.  The  public 
to  Joseph,  among  them 
sd  his  attempt,  as  they 
)t,  but  to  keep  for  him- 
rould  remain  and  be  his 
her  two  millions  which 
n  unworthy  attempt  to 
shoV  of  patriotic  muni- 
;,  donation,  that  was,  I 

ever  charged  with  the 
no  of  his  Italian  charac- 
1  that  of  an  honest,  but 
air,  the  double  dealing, 
lealt,  "was  published  as 
id  of  any  credit  for  the 


gift  ho  seemed  to  make,  the  Frci.jii  government  press  ira- 
l»enclicd  him  for  a  fraud,  and  the  republican  press,  the  French 
rcpublicun  party,  by  which  he  sought  restoration  to  Franco 
and  to  power,  joined  in  the  impeachment.  In  1815,  at  Roche* 
fort,  when  Joseph  asked  Napoleon  what  he  should  do  with  the 
six  millions  of  francs  in  bonds  which  he  handed  to  him,  Napo* 
leon  told  him  that  they  would  be  annulled  by  the  royal  govern- 
ment ;  so  that  it  was  in  fact  a  mere  demonstration  against  King 
Louis  Philippe  and  his  ministry  that  Joseph  attempted,  in 
1840,  by  means  of  that  confiscated  fund. 

About  the  *ime  of  that  occurrence,  Joseph  sent  to  Paris  for 
M.  Cremieux,  to  go  to  London,  for  the  purpose  of  drawing  his 
last  will  and  testament.  M.  Cremieux,  an  eminent  lawyer 
and  member  of  the  French  Chamber  of  Deputies,  largely  in- 
strumental in  the  revolution  of  February,  1848,  which  de- 
throned Louis  Philippe,  accompanied  by  his  wife,  went  from 
Paris  to  London,  and  there  drew  the  will,  on  the  14th  of  June, 
1840,  which  was  not  signed  and  executed  tiil  the  17th  of  that 
month.  Meantime  Joseph  was  struck  with  the  palsy,  from 
which,  though  much  relieved  at  first  ^y  copious  bleeding,  and 
afterwards  still  more  by  the  tepid  baths  of  Wildbad,  in  Ger- 
many, he  never  entirely  recovered.  His  right  hand  and  leg 
and  all  that  side  were  rendered  extremely  feeble,  sometimes 
useless. 

Then  seventy-two  years  old,  disappointed  in  most  men,  dis- 
gusted, mortified,  harassed,  and  tried  beyond  endurance,  struck 
down  by  the  paralytic  attack,  which  nearly  deprived  him  of  the 
use  of  half  of  his  body,  he  languished  four  years,  till  relieved 
by  death.  A  hearty  feeder,  and  so  extremely  abstemious  of 
drink  that  it  seeiped  to  me  his  health  would  have  been  better 
for  eating  less  and  drinking  more,  in  addition  to  the  vexations 
of  his  life  in  London,  deprived  ther6  of  .he  robust  exerciso 
which  at  Point  Breeze  was  his  daily  enjoyment,  out  of  doors 
from  sunrise  to  sunset,  perhaps  in  this  country  Joseph  might 
have  lived  longer.  Shortly  before  he  first  went  to  England, 
excellent  in  health  and  buoyant  in  spirits,  he  spoke  to  mo 
cheerfully,  almost  merrily,  of  living  as  long  as  his  mother,  who 
survived  till  eighty-four  years  old.    But  from  the  time  he  left 


,!i 


414 


J08RI II  6    DISTltEHH. 


Is 


America,  cxorciicd  by  alternato  hopes  and  fears,  till  nt  length 
highly  excited  to  encourogeinent  by  the  translation  of  the  Km- 
pcrur's  reiuaini  to  France,  still  torinentod  by  exclusion  from 
his  country,  provoked  by  King  Louis  Philippe's  spoliation  of 
the  Emperor's  talisman  sword,  and  mortified  by  tho  recoil  of 
bis  unlucky  proflfer  of  additional  funda  to  oommemorato  the 
Emperor's  glory,  his  brother  Joseph  sunk. 

From  his  landing  in  England,  in  August,  1H82,  when  the 
fatal  death  of  the  Duke  of  Keichstadt  enoountered  him, 
throughout  his  eight  years  of  fitful,  equivocal  abiding  in  Eng- 
land, six  times  crossing  the  Atlantic  for  it,  in  all  that  period 
nothing  wont  well.  Joseph's  last  years,  not  indeed  as  disastrous 
as  Napoleon's,  were  distrevsingly  portentous  of  the  end  of  any 
Bonaparte  dynast}  In  the  last  letter  he  could  write  to  me,  on 
the  11th  of  June,  1840,  he  said :  "  My  position  is  very  singu- 
lar. The  more  favorable  French  opinion  is  to  us,  the  moro  do 
the  unjust  laws  whIcU  remove  us  from  our  country  acquire 
force  as  to  those  for  whom  they  are  made,  and  who  seek  to 
deceive  the  public  by  deceitful  testimonials  of  interest  they 
affect  for  the  Emperor  and  for  the  fifty  persons  who  are  out 
of  France  only  because  the  people  wi^h  them  in  France.  I 
have  written  to  Paris  for  a  newspaper,  to  be  sent  to  you,  by 
whioh  yon  may  have  the  penetration  to  judge  whether  we  shall 
remain  abroad  or  return  to  France."  The  suspense  and  con- 
flict proved  too  much  for  him.  On  the  22d  of  July,  1840,  a 
letter  from  a  member  of  his  family  apprised  me  of  bis  danger- 
ous attack,  three  weeks  befwe.  Though  constantly  getting 
better,  his  physicinus,  deeming  the  jinglish  climate  unfavora- 
ble to  him,  advised  the  warm  baths  of  Wildbad,  in  Wirtemburg, 
and  then  repose  in  the  mild  climate  at  Florence,  with  his 
family.  '  .    < 

Lucien  Bonaparte,  a  man  almost  as  remarkable  for  his  strong 
peculiar  characteristics  as  Napoleon,  intended  to  make  a  long 
stay  in  London,  where  he  enjoyed  the  hospitalities  returned 
extensively  for  those  whioh,  in  the  days  of  his  prosperity,  he 
had  bestowed  on  the  English. ,  Poor,  but  intelleotoal,  engaging, 
and  distinguished,  Lucien,  more  brilliant  than  Joseph,  like  him 
a  constant  supporter  of  Napoleon  in  misfortune,  died  at  Vi- 


i 


J08IPU   AT   FLORENC'R. 


41& 


nd  fcara,  till  nt  length 
translation  of  tho  Kin> 
ted  by  exclusion  from 
hilippe'i  spoliation  of 
rtified  by  tho  recoil  of 
to  oommcmorato  tho 
ik. 

uguat,  1882,  when  tho 
adt  enoountered  bim, 
uvooal  abiding  in  Eng- 
6r  it,  in  all  that  period 
not  indeed  aa  dianstrons 
itous  of  the  end  of  any 
ie  ooold  write  to  mo,  on 
'  position  is  Tory  singu* 
>n  is  to  ua,  the  more  do 
n  our  country  acquire 
made,  and  who  seek  to 
Dniala  of  interest  they 
iy  persona  who  are  out 
ih  them  in  France.  I 
to  be  sent  to  you,  by 
judge  whether  we  shall 
The  Bunpense  and  con- 
le  22d  of  July,  1840,  a 
»riMd  me  of  bis  danger- 
)ugh  QODStantly  getting 
glish  climate  unfavora- 
iTildbad,  in  Wirtemburg, 
at  Florence,  with  his 

emarkable  for  his  strong 
ktended  to  make  a  long 
le  hoapitalities  returned 
ya  of  his  prosperity,  he 
It  intellectual,  engaging. 
It  than  Joseph,  like  him 
misfortune,  died  at  Vi- 


tcrbo,  on  a  visit  to  Italy,  when  JuHeph  wns  too  ill  i.       iKrlnutl 
to  hear  tho  emotion  of  being  informed  of  his  brother  s  deuih. 

LouiH  Napoleon's  second  attempt,  that  at  Boulogne,  occurrivl 
in  August,  1840.  On  tho  17th  of  September,  1840,  Joseph 
returned  from  Germany  to  England.  "  Tlie  King  of  Naples 
liiul  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany,"  said  my  letter  from  his  house- 
hold, dated  the  27th  of  that  month,  "aro  afraid  that  his 
sojourn  at  Florence  might  injure  them.  The  warm  baths  at 
Wildbad  were  beginning  to  do  bim  good,  when  the  affair  at 
Boulogne,  the  death  of  his  brother  Lucien,  and  this  last  cry- 
ing injustice,  have  again  deranged  his  health,  which  nee<Is  the 
utmost  care  and  management.  How  we  regret  the  quiet  of 
Point  Breoio  and  excellent  Dr.  Chapman,  to  establish  his  pre- 
cious health.  By  leaving  the  United  States,  there  are  proofs 
at  hand  to  show,  that  he  sacrificed  himself  for  his  relations. 
Ho  cannot  write,  but  charges  me  with  his  friendship  for  you." 
A  postscript,  of  the  28th  September,  1840,  adds :  "  This  is 
the  day  when  the  trial  of  the  accused  at  Boulogne  begins." 
On  the  27th  of  February,  1841,  another  letter,  from  the  same 
correspondent,  informed  me  that  Joseph  had  hired  Lord  Den- 
bigh's country-seat,  Lutterworth,  ninety  miles  from  London  by 
the  Birmingham  railroad,  the  London  atmoq>here  being  deemed 
unwholesome  for  him ;  and  that  Count  Demidoff,  a  rich  Russian 
nobleman,  had  married  Jerome  Bonaparte's  daughter  Matilda. 
Joseph's  name  in  bis  own  writing,  much  deteriorated,  w»* 
signed  to  a  kind  letter  dictated  by  him  to  me,  from  Florence, 
the  28th  of  September,  1841,  where  he  was  at  last  settled  in 
the  midst  of  his  family :  his  wife,  their  eldest  daughter  and  her 
husband,  with  eight  or  nine  children,  his  brothers,  Louis  and 
Jerome  Bonaparte,  with  Jerome's  two  sons.  Other  letters  of  the 
same  kind  followed.  One,  dated  Florence,  the  14th  of  March, 
1848,  says :  "  I  can  not  but  approve  your  project  of  writmg 
in  English  my  brother's  life,  taking  the  time  necessary  to  col- 
lect all  the  information  you  will  need ;  and  I  do  not  doubt  its 
success.  I  regret  muoh  that  my  health  does  not  permit  my 
helping  you;  but  I  have  written  to  Mr.  Prdsle,  my  former 
secretary  and  agent  at  Paris,  to  send  you  the  note  you  desire 
of  the  best  works  to  consult,  and  to  add  to  them  all  the  infor- 


1.  i 


iiiiiiiauMi  a  tfjJ'im'^v^ffS?^,  i***," 


411 


josepii'a  death. 


■i      ■/■  i  IJ 


mation  ho  cnn  afford.  IIo  Huh  written  to  mo  that  ho  will  em- 
ploy hiinHclf  and  write  to  you  on  the  Bnhjoct.  Abel  Hugo's 
abridgment  of  the  Emporor'n  history,  which  I  gnvo  yon,  w  ill 
be  very  UHofuI.  It  in  written  in  a  good  Honse."  On  the  1  uh 
of  Juno,  1848,  M.  Pr«^»lo  wrote  to  mo  from  Paris  that,  con- 
formably to  Count  Survillicrs's  recommendation,  he  had  con- 
ferred with  some  friends  there,  who  agreed  with  him  in  recom- 
mending to  me  M.  Gallois'B  work,  and  that  of  M.  Thibondcau, 
in  ten  volumes,  entitled  '*  Uiitory  of  ths  Consulate  and  the  Em- 
pire," remarkable  for  the  talents  and  impartiality  of  the  author, 
who  was  in  a  position  to  see  well  and  judge  well.  "  Those 
works,  added  to  information  you  have  from  conversations  with 
Count  Survilliers,  will  enable  you  to  compose  the  biography." 
A  letter,  dated  Florence,  the  7th  of  Angnst,  1844,  informed 
mo  of  Joseph  Bonaparte's  death  there,  the  28th  of  July  of 
that  year.  His  last  moments  were  without  suffering,  and  he 
expired  surrounded  by  his  family,  solaced  by  the  truest  devo- 
tion and  the  deepest  respect.  Great  part  of  the  people  of 
Florence  assisted  at  his  funeral.  The  Grand  Duke's  troops 
escorted  his  remains  to  the  chapel  where,  according  to  his  last 
will,  they  are  to  remain  till  the  gates  of  France  are  opened 
for  their  interment  there,  as  it  directs. 

Joseph,  a  mild  and  amiable,  was  not,  however,  an  effeminate 
man.  At  school,  he  excelled  in  belles-lettres,  while  mathe- 
matics were  Napoleon's  favorite  study.  Joseph  helped  Napo- 
leon with  his  Latin  and  French  learning;  Napoleon  helped 
Joseph  with  his  algebra  and  Euclid.  Joseph  was  born  for 
peace  and  quiet ;  Nupoleon  for  war  and  tumult.  Joseph  wrote 
verses  and  recited  those  of  the  great  masters ;  Napoleon  pre- 
ferred Plutarch.  Yet  Joseph  behaved  with  courage  in  battle ; 
with  fortitude  and  good  sense  on  all  occasions.  As  deputy, 
diplomatist,  soldier,  king,  and  exile,  he  was  uniformly  liberal, 
well  informed  and  disposed,  respectable,  benevolent,  and  just. 
From  the  principles  of  '89  he  never  swerved ;  would  have  in- 
corporated them  with  the  institutions  of  «very  country ;  and, 
after  long,  calm,  clear,  practical  compriehension  of  them  in 
their  American  development,  was  convinced  that  they  might 
be  carried  further  than  they  ever  had  heen  elsewhere.    Like 


JO^IPII'B  OnAIlAOrER. 


41T 


I  to  mo  that  ho  will  om- 
Btihjcct.  Abel  Hugo's 
which  I  gave  yon.  will 
I  Bonso."  On  tho  li'th 
B  from  Paris  that,  con- 
tnondntion,  ho  had  con* 
reed  with  him  in  rocom- 
that  of  M.  Thibondcau, 
)  Consulate  and  the  Em- 
ipartiality  of  the  author, 
id  judge  well.  "  Those 
from  conversations  with 
lompose  tho  biography." 
August,  1844,  informed 
e,  the  28th  of  July  of 
ithout  Buffering,  and  he 
iCed  by  the  truest  devo- 
part  of  the  people  of 
e  Grand  Duke's  troops 
ire,  according  to  his  last 
I  of  France  we  opened 


-■-■f  ifi 


,  however,  an  effeminate 
es-Iettres,  while  mathe- 

Joseph  helped  Napo- 
ning;  Napoleon  helped 

Joseph  was  born  for 
d  tamult.  Joseph  wrote 
masters ;  Napoleon  pre- 
,  'with  courage  in  battle ; 
occasions.  As  deputy, 
e  was  uniformly  liberal, 
le,  benevolent,  and  just, 
werved ;  would  have  in- 
of  every  country ;  and, 
ipriehension  of  them  in 
vinoed  that  they  might 
1  been  elsewhere.    Like 


Napoleon,  vain  as  an  Italian  or  Frenchman,  more  vain  thun 
an  Englishman  or  American,  though  a  better  republican,  as  rC" 
gnrded  equality,  than  either  the  English  or  Americans,  he  wos 
less  republicon  in  his  ideas  of  personal  liberty.    In  England, 
ho  would  have  been  a  Whig,  in  this  country,  a  disciple  of 
Washington.    He  abhorred  tho  excesses  of  the  French  reign 
of  terror,  yet  vindicated  Kobespierre,  whom  he  well  know,  an 
honest,  incorruptible  enthusiast,  no  sans  culotte,  but  alwayn 
well  dressed  and  behaved,  crushed,  said  Joseph,  under  tho  iron 
wheels  of  the  revolutionary  car,  as  he  in  vain  endeavored  to 
chock  its  sanguinary  course.  Robespierre's  brother,  who  served 
in  a  civil  capacity  in  the  army  with  Napoleon  and  Joseph,  who 
were  both  intimate  with  him,  was  remarkably  amiable,  honest* 
virtuous,  and  disinterested.     Eclipsed  by  Napoleon,  .Joseph 
looked  small  beside  that  giant.     Joseph's  love  of  case  fur- 
thermore disparaged  him,  compared  with   his  indefatigabh 
brother.  Without  the  energetic  conceptions  that  produce  uaring 
courage,  war  did  not  electrify  Joseph's  faculties  like  Napo- 
leon's, nor  battle  rouse  him  to  heroism ;  tranquil  in  victory, 
resigned  in  defeat.    When  he  offered  Napoleon  to  take  his 
place  in  bed,  at  Rochefort,  feign  illness,  then  embark  as  the 
Emperor,  be  probably  captured  by  the  English,  and,  from  the 
strong  likeness  of  the  two  brothers,  risk  all  the  Emperor's 
perils  of  captivity  or  death,  while  Napoleon,  as  Joseph,  might 
escape  to  America,  the  man  of  peace  displayed  courage  as 
greot  as   ever  signalized   tho   man  of  war.     Without  Na- 
poleon's genius,  Joseph  was  quite  as  fearless.     On  the  28th 
of  Germinal,  year  XII.,  Bonaparte,  First  Consul  of  the  Re- 
public, by  special  message,   nominated  to  the  conservative 
senate  the  senator  Joseph  Bonaparte,  as  having  testified  the 
desire  to  share  the  perils  of  the  army  encamped  on  the  shores 
of  Boulogne.     "  The  Senate  will  see  with  satisfaction  that, 
after  having  rendered  to  the  Republjic  important  services  by 
the  solidity  of  his  counsel  in  the  weightiest  circumstances,  by 
the  knowledge,  skill,  and  wisdom  displayed  in  several  negotia- 
tions, by  the  treaty  of  Morfontaine,  which  terminated  our  dif- 
ferences with  the  United  States  of  America,  by  that  of  Lun^- 
ville,  which  pacified  the  Continent,  and  latterly  by  that  of 
Vol.  in.— 27 


1^; 


418 


JOSBPUS  WILL. 


AmienB,  which  made  peace  between  France  and  England,  the 
Senator  Joseph  Bonaparte  should  be  put  in  a  condition  to  con- 
tribute to  the  vengeance  which  the  people  of  France  promise 
themselves  for  the  violation  of  the  last-mentioned  treaty,  and 
to  acquire  further  claims  to  the  esteem  of  the  nation.  Having 
served  under  my  eyes  in  the  first  campaign  of  the  war,  and 
given  proofs  of  his  courage  and  good  qualifications  for  the 
calling  of  arms  in  the  grade  of  major,  I  have  nominated  him 
as  colonel,  commandant  of  the  fourth  regiment  of  the  line, 
one  of  the  most  distinguished  corps  of  the  army,  counted 
among  those  who,  always  placed  in  the  most  perilous  posts, 
have  never  lost  their  colors,  and  have  very  often  restored  or 
decided  victory.  I  therefore  ask  leave  of  absence  for  him 
from  the  Senate  while  serving  with  the  army." 

His  last  will,  drawn  by  M.  Cremieux,  who  went  from  Paris 
to  London  for  that  purpose,  was  executed  in  London  on  the 
18th  of  June,  1840 ;  Dr.  Granville,  one  of  the  witnesses,  cer- 
tifying that  he  guided  the  testator's  hand,  enfeebled  by  remains 
of  palsy.  Most  of  his  American  real  estate  is  devised  to  his 
eldest  grandson,  Joseph,  entitled  Prince  of  Mnsignano.  To- 
kens of  remembrance,  with  characteristic  kindness,  *re  be- 
queathed to  several  friends,  among  them  the  late  Judge  Joseph 
Hopkinson,  named  one  of  the  executors  of  the  will,  Dr.  Chap- 
man, Mr.  Short ;  and  to  me  the  small  bronze  statue  of  Napo- 
leon as  general,  in  the  beginning  of  his  career,  with  his  hair 
in  a  queue,  small  boots,  and  other  marks  of  the  costume  of 
that  period.  To  remove  all  doubt  that  might  be  caused  by  his 
inability  to  sign  without  help  the  will  made  in  London,  a 
codicil  to  it  was  added,  at  Florence,  the  17th  of  September, 
1841,  and  the  whole  there  registered  according  to  Tuscan  law. 
On  the  28d  of  June,  1845,  in  company  with  M.  Louis  Mailliard, 
the  surviving  testamentary  executor,  I  deposited  seven  large 
trunks  of  Joseph  Bonaparte's  manuscript  papers  at  the  United 
States  Mint,  in  Philadelphia.  These  papers,  consisting  of 
several  hundred  of  Napoleon's  letters,  written  by  him  at 
different  times  to  Joseph,  and  never  published,  part  of  a  life 
of  Joseph,  written  by  himself,  but  not  finished  or  published, 
and  unpublished  memoirs  of  Marshal  Jourdan,  were  kept  con- 


1111 


L. 

France  and  England,  the 
put  in  a  condition  to  con- 
people  of  France  promise 
,gt-mentioned  treaty,  and 
in  of  the  nation.  Having 
iampaign  of  the  war,  and 
lod  qualifications  for  the 
ar,  I  have  nominated  him 
th  regiment  of  the  line, 
13  of  the  army,  counted 
the  most  perilous  posts, 
ve  very  often  restored  or 
eave  of  ahsence  for  him 
he  army." 

(ux,  who  went  from  Paris 
ecuted  in  London  on  the 
me  of  the  witnesses,  cer- 
and,  enfeebled  by  remains 
ial  estate  is  devised  to  his 
ince  of  Musignano.  To- 
eristic  kindness,  i^re  be- 
lem  the  late  Judge  Joseph 
ors  of  the  will,  Dr.  Chap- 
,11  bronze  statue  of  Napo- 
r  his  career,  with  his  hair 
narks  of  the  costume  of 
lat  might  be  caused  by  his 
will  made  in  London,  a 
5,  the  17th  of  September, 
i  according  to  Tuscan  law. 
y  with  M.  Louis  Mailliard, 
',  I  deposited  seven  large 
cript  papers  at  the  United 
!se  papers,  consisting  of 
ters,  written  by  him  at 
published,  part  of  a  life 
not  finished  or  published, 
I  Jourdan,  were  kept  con- 


REPRESENTATIVE  OOVEBRMENT. 


419 


cenled  by  Joseph  in  Europe,  and  after  his  death  sent  by  stealth 
to  this  country,  by  his  grandson.  Apprehending  that  they 
might  be  safer  from  fire,  theft,  or  other  accident,  in  a  public 
than  a  private  place  of  deposit,  at  the  instance  of  the  executor 
and  grandson  to  whom  they  were  bequeathed,  I  procured  per- 
mission from  Mr.  Robert  J.  Walker,  Secretary  of  the  Trea- 
sury, to  put  the  seven  trunks  in  the  Mint ;  where  they  were 
accordingly  placed,  in  a  dry  vault,  by  Mr.  Robert  M.  Patter- 
son, the  president  of  that  institution;  remaining  there  till, 
conformably  to  Joseph's  will,  they  became  his  grandson's  pro- 
perty, on  his  attaining  twenty-five  years  of  age,  the  18th  of 
February,  1849.  By  virtue  of  his  powers  of  attorney,  they 
were  taken  from  the  Mint,  the  28d  of  October,  1849,  and  de- 
livered to  M.  Adolnhe  Malliard,  son  of  the  testamentary 
executor,  by  whom  they  have  been  sent  to  Europe.  These 
precious  documents  are  calculated  to  shed  much  light  on  the 
true  character  of  the  great  man  of  whom  more  has  been  writ- 
ten, and  with  more  misconception,  than  of  any  ether  person- 
age. It  is  to  be  anxiously  hoped  that  the  young  member  of 
his  family,  to  whom  the  trust  of  their  publication  is  assigned, 
may  prove  equal  to  the  task,  above  seduction  and  temptation. 
During  the  mxty  years  from  just  before  Napoleon  Bona- 
parte's first  appearance  to  his  death,  dreadful  revolutions  con- 
vulsed Europe.  On  his  return  to  Paris,  from  his  last  Italian 
campaign,  he  told  the  Directory  that  the  era  of  representative 
government  had  arrived.  On  his  way  a  prisoner  banished  to 
Elba,  he  said,  it  was  not  the  coalition,  but  liberal  ideas,  which 
-dethroned  him.  The  solace  of  his  incarceration  at  St.  Helena 
was  to  compose  a  democratic  constitution  for  the  French  Em- 
pire. Prophet  and  victim  of  that  advent,  was  he  not  likewise 
its  principal  architect?  Would  France  now  endure  another 
fifty  years  of  such  a  reign  by  divine  right  as  that  of  Louis 
XV.  ?  Stvipid  simplicity  of  Louis  XVI.,  crafty  concessions  of 
Loifis  XVIU.,  silly  reaction  of  Charles  X.,  wise  and  vigorous, 
but  unrepresentative  government  by  Louis  Philippe,  nothing 
withstood  popular  sovereignty,  which  all  Napoleon's  genius 
and  glory  did  not  enable  him  to  contradict.  His  catastrophe 
put  an  end  to  divine  vice-regency  for  monarcln.    In  1800,. 


M  ! 


1  i 


420 


FRENCH  REVOLUTIONS. 


^|:. 


thf  re  was  but  one  parliament  in  Europe.  In  1821,  when  Na- 
poleon expired,  France,  Spain,  Portugal,  Belgium,  Holland, 
Sardinia,  Saxony,  Wirtemburg,  and  Bavaria,  all  had  followed 
England  in  that  novelty.  Whether  melioration  or  detriment, 
it  was  a  fact  which  history  must  recognise. 

Several  millions  of  common  people,  and  so  many  eminent 
personages,  put  to  death  in  revolutionary  struggled,  induce 
most  who  write  of  such  events  to  deplore  and  disfigure  their 
occurrence  without  philosophical  explanation,  or  marking  their 
benefits.     The  number  of  noble  and  well-bom  sacrificed  in 
half  a  century  to  reform,  misleads  history.     Between  forty 
and  fifty  kings  and  queens,  emperors  and  princes,  dethroned, 
executed,  murdered,  poisoned,  suicided,  banished,  imprisoned, 
dying  of  grief,  are  commemorated  by  subjects  in  every  lan- 
guage, and  their  calamities  denounced  to  indignation.    Louis 
XVL,  his  queen  and  sister  beheaded,  his  son  poisoned  or  tor- 
tured to  death,  the  Duke  of  Orleans  executed,  his  son  Louis 
Philippe  and  Charles  X.  deposed,  the  Duke  of  Enghein  shot, 
the  Duke  of  Berry  assassinated,  the  Duke  of  Bourbon  suicided. 
Napoleon  dethroned  and  imprisoned  for  life,  Joseph,  Louis  and 
Jerome  Bonaparte,  Eliza  and  Caroline  dethroned,  Murat  de- 
throned and  shot,  Eugene  and  Hortensia  Bonaparte,  Em- 
presses Josephine  and  Maria  Louisa  dethroned,  other  Bourbons 
and  Bonapartes  banbhed,  together  with  numbers  of  illustrious 
put  to  death,  faintly  epitomise  French  revolutionary  regalia 
convulsing  all  Europe.    The  Emperor  Paul  of  Bussia  assassi- 
nated, the  Empress  Catharine,  Emperor  Alexander,  and  his 
brother  Constantino,  not  one  of  them  believed  to  have  died 
natural  deaths ;  two  Turkish  sultans,  Selim  TIL  and  Mustapha 
rV.,  massacred-;  three  Spanish  kings,  Charles,  Ferdinand,  and 
Joseph,  deposed  and  banished;  several  in  Portugal,  John, 
Pedro,  Michael,  and  Maria ;  two  emperors  of  Austria,  Joseph 
II.  and  Leopold  11.,  poisoned;  and  a  son  of  Eugene  Beau- 
hamois,  Duke  of  Leuchtenbarg,  consort  of  the  Queen  of  Por- 
tugal ;  the  Queens  of  Prussia  and  of  Naples  driven  from  their 
countries  and  dying  of  grief;  the  Kings  of  Sardinia  and  of 
Etruria,  the  Dukes  of  Modena  and  of  Parma,  and  legions  of 
petty  German  sovereigns  dethroned;   one  King  of  Sweden 


-'M  ■'■ 


rs. 


BONAPARTE. 


421 


In  1821,  when  Na- 
al,  Belgium,  Holland, 
iraria,  all  had  followed 
slioration  or  detriment, 


ise. 


and  86  many  eminent 
nary  struggled,  induce 
ore  and  disfigure  their 
lation,  or  marking  their 
well-born  sacrificed  in 
istory.     Between  forty 
and  princes,  dethroned, 
i,  banished,  imprisoned, 
subjects  in  every  lan- 
to  indignation.    Louis 
his  son  poisoned  or  tor- 
executed,  his  son  Louis 
Duke  of  Enghein  shot, 
uke  of  Bourbon  suicided, 
or  life,  Joseph,  Louis  and 
Le  dethroned,  Murat  de- 
trtensia  Bonaparte,  Em- 
ethroned,  other  Bourbons 
ith  numbers  of  illustrious 
ich  revolutionary  regalia 
r  Paul  of  Bussia  assassi- 
peror  Alexander,  and  his 
jm  believed  to  have  died 
Selim  III.  and  Mustapha 
I,  Charles,  Ferdinand,  and 
veral  in  Portugal,  John, 
perors  of  Austria,  Joseph 
1  a  son  of  Eugene  Beau- 
sort  of  the  Queen  of  Por- 
r  Naples  driven  from  their 
E^ings  of  Sardinia  and  of 
of  Panna,  and  legions  of 
i ;   one  King  of  Sweden 


assassinated,  another  deposed;  the  King  of  Great  Britain 
insane ;  popes  put  in  confinement ;  American  monarchs,  Chris- 
topho  imprisoned,  and  Iturbide  shot  —  such  are  some  of  the 
memorable  casualties  which  adorn  and  pervert  revolutionary 
history.  But  if  the  misfortunes  of  comparatively  few,  how- 
ever eminent,  open  an  era  beneficial  to  all  mankind,  was  too 
much  suffered  for  the  acquisition  ? 

During  twenty  years  of  this  vast  strife,  the  genius  or  de- 
mon was  Bonaparte.  Letters,  when  a  boy  at  school  in  France, 
to  his  parents  in  Oorsica  say,  one  of  them,  "  I  dress  but 
once  a  week ;"  another,  <*  I  eat  but  one  meal  a  day ;"  a  third 
''  Can't  you  spare  me  800  francs  ($80),  to  go  to  Paris  and 
seek  my  fortune  ?"  When,  by  wisdom,  labor,  and  promotion, 
superhuman,  his  fortune  was  made,  vanity,  weakness,  and 
error,  blasted  the  plans  of  the  prodigious  hero,  with  whom  no 
other  can  be  compared  for  intelligence  and  capacity. 

Washington,  by  virtuous  moderation,  surrounded  by  it  in  his 
countrymen,  founded  a  republic,  rather  doubting  its  stability. 
Another  American  contemporary,  Bolivar,  founded  another 
republic,  without  Washington's  advantages ;  for  Bolivar  had  to 
overcome  the  traditions  and  propensities  of  his  countrymen. 
Bonaparte,  vainest  man  of  the  vainest  nation,  failed  in  all  but 
what  it  preferred.  The  glacial,  plain  good  sense  of  the  justly- 
called  Iron  Duke,  who  alone  in  battle  vanquished  him,  stands 
erect  on  his  Doric  pedestal,  while  the  magnificent  Corinthian 
column  of  Bonaparte  lies  in  still  brilliant  fragments  at  the 
other's  feet.  Capable  of  intense  abstraction,  with  never  sur- 
passed reasoning  faculty,  imbued  with  mathematical  investiga- 
tion, Bonaparte  either  never  had,  or  lost  the  power  of  pa- 
tience; had  no  fortitude,  but  was  a  creature  of.  passion; 
worked,  raged,  ruled,  narrated,  and  expired  prematurely,  the 
most  perplexing  illustration  of  the  vanity  of  human  wishes. 

Posterity  will  account  weakness  what  contemporaries  impute 
as  wickedness.  Less  sanguinary,  not  more  rapacious  than 
most  of  them,  of  his  immensity  scarce  a  wreck  remains.  By 
unequalled  victories  enormously  aggrandized,  his  empire  sub- 
jugated, was  reduced  below  royal  or  repubUcan  France. 
Gigantic  despotism  provoked  universal  hostility;   and  of  all 


-M^aoMt' 


422 


REPRESENTATIVE   GOVERNMENT. 


his  achievements,  what  remains?  Not  founder,  but  chieS 
European  builder  of  popular  election,  the  permanent  result  of 
his  career  is  representative  government. 

Revolutionary  terrorism  and  imperial  despotism  enable  his- 
torians, mostly  royalists,  to  deny  beneficial  reform ;  some  deny 
that  representative  government  is  reform.  But  few  peasants 
any  longer  believe,  or  priests  teach,  that  kings  are  so  by  right 
divine.  Sovereignty  of  the  people,  in  many  parts  of  Europe, 
in  America  universally  and  unanimously,  is  recognized  as  their 
right ;  acknowledged  by  several  monarchical  governments  there 
and  here.  American  misapprehension  demands  democracy  an 
indispensable.  But  recent  English  exceeds  American  progress, 
political  and  economical.  Revolution,  in  1849,  retrograded, 
by  attempting  to  reconstruct  society,  in  addition  to  reforming 
government.  Still,  time,  the  great  innovator,  is  at  work. 
Religious  reform,  in  ^ee  centuries,  has  not  yet  accomplished 
general  toleration.  English,  American,  and  French  revoh  • 
tions  vindicate  profane  philosophy,  that  the  voice  of  the  peopie 
is  the  voice  of  God ;  monumental,  colossal,  and  erect,  among 
the  ruins  of  Napoleon's  immensity  and  downfal. 


BND    OF    VOL.    III. 


a^ 


\6oa 


HK225-78 


^: 


RNMENT. 

ot  founder,  but  ohi€;f 
the  permanent  result  of 
t. 

al  despotism  enable  his- 
icial  reform ;  some  deny 
9rm.  But  few  peasants 
at  kings  are  so  by  right 
many  parts  of  Europe, 
y,  is  recognized  as  their 
ihical  governments  there 
I  demands  democracy  m 
eeds  American  progress, 
,  in  1849,  retrograded, 
in  addition  to  reforming 
innovator,  is  at  work, 
as  not  yet  accomplished 
an,  and  French  revoh  ■ 
t  the  voice  of  the  peopie 
ioBsal,  and  erect,  among 
I  downfal. 


II. 


5-78 


^^marggmk 


